speeches · May 18, 1970
Regional President Speech
Monroe Kimbrel · President
DOES ANYONE WANT CONTROLS?
An Address before the
74th Annual Credit Congress
National Association of Credit Manage men
Miami Beach, Florida
May 19, 1970
t>y
Monroe Kimbrel, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
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Does Anyone Want Controls?
During extended periods of inflation one frequently hears anguished
pleas for direct controls on the econoray. Onl}7 direct controls, we are told,
can achieve the stability which appears to elude more conventional monetary
and fiscal policies. Only direct controls can stop inflation without severe
unemployment. In the present inflationary period, much the same cry has
been raised by several distinguished voices. John Kenneth Galbraith, Robert
V. Roosa, and Senator William Proxmire are some of the names you may have
seen advocate the use of controls on either prices and wages, or on credit.
Only last week the AFL-CIO Executive Council added its support for the use of
certain forms of controls. Indeed the May 1970 issue of Fortune magazine
contains an editorial statement reluctantly supporting the use of voluntary
wage-price guideposts. I cannot agree with those who call for compulsory,
direct controls. Today I am going to describe to you some of the reasons for
my opposition to these proposals. I should like to emphasize at this time
that, with the exception of some concluding remarks, most of my comments will
be concerned with compulsory controls.
Why am I against direct or selective controls? First, I oppose them
because they involve very high costs which are all too often forgotten.
Second, I do not believe that direct controls would achieve the objectives
which we desire. Finally, I do not believe that any additional anti-
inflationary measures are required at this time. Present restrictive monetary
and fiscal policies are now beginning to bring inflation under control. This
progress, I believe, will continue in the future. Admittedly, the desired
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results of these policies have been slower than I had hoped; but 'we should
remember that they have been employed against a long-lived and deep-seated
inflation. In the best of circumstances these measures work with dela}^.
We could not have expected instant results.
Let me explain my position. I think this can best be done if we con
sider what we might expect from the use of direct controls. More specifically*
let us ans\\rer the following questions:
(1) What controls have been suggested* and what objectives would
they supposedly achieve?
(2) What are some of the general problems associated with controls
of any sort?
(3) What types of controls have been used in the past and for what
purposes?
(4) What implications for present policy can we discern? Would any
of the methods of direct control be effective in achieving the
desired objectives?
Most suggestions stem from fear that restrictive monetary and fiscal
policies will result in intolerably high unemployment without having any
appreciable effect on price increases. It is contended that we will end up
with the worst of all possible worlds— inflation and recession. In a letter
to the Wall Street Journal published September 2* 1969, Professor Galbraith
contends that wage and price restraint should be imposed in the "organized
sector of the economy." Enforcement would be accomplished by sanctions
against unions and corporations that do not follow the guidelines. Others
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have suggested that'a^"wage-price-profit freeze” be considered (Roosa) *
Still others have suggested that the President impose selective credit
controls under the authority vested in him by legislation passed last December
(Proxmire and AFL-CIO)* Other reasons cited for these various controls are
the need to dispel the "inflationary psychosis" gripping the country and
concern over the depressed state of particular sectors of the economy,
especially the housing market.
While I do not wish to do battle with the distinguished persons wno
have proposed these solutions, I do wish to disagree. Few of us recall that,
when discussing controls for the Korean War in March 1951, Professor Galbraith
made much the same proposal as he nox^ supports. He believed that conventional
policies could not offset the wage-price spiral in the strongly unionized
sector of the economy. Yet, since 1951 x^e have had both price stability, and
low unemployment for sustained periods of time, indeed throughout much of
the 1960Ts. This was achieved without the limited controls deemed necessary.
I believe that we shall achieve it again in the future without them.
But suppose that we were to attempt some form of control. What results
might we reasonably expect? First, I should like to point out to you that
use of direct or selective controls would involve many problems regardless
of any success that they might have in fighting inflation. Indeed, in my
opinion, these problems are every bit as detrimental to our economy as are
the problems of inflation.
For example, who is to do the controlling? Vast organizations are
required for effective price and wage controls. It is highly questionable
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that these restrictions could possibly work in the absence of some decision
making and decision-enforcing body. This, of course, raises the question of
how much would such an organization cost to operate. Would not its own cost
add to inflationary pressures?
Even more important, what is to be controlled? It would make little
sense to control only wages and leave prices free to increase. If some persons
believe that controls would apply to others but not to themselves, then they
are quite wrong.. If the businessman believes that controls would keep his
costs steady but not apply to the prices he charges or to the profits he earns,
then I think he would be in for a surprise. By their very nature, price and
wage controls are manifold. They would spread throughout the entire fabric
of our economy. Similarly, suppose that we attempt to control prices and
wages in only the strongly unionized or the highly organized sector of the
economy. Can anyone tell me what industries are in that sector? Can anyone
give me a practical, workable definition of this sector? I doubt that even
our best experts could draw such a vague distinction.
But these administrative problems and costs are only one facet of a
much broader disadvantage of controls. Price and wage controls, or selective
credit controls, will inevitably lead to distortions in the economy. Re-
<
sources would be devoted to inefficient uses. Control of prices and wages
would prevent the price system from performing its most important function in
our free enterprise economy— that of allocating scarce resources among the
various* competing uses. When arbitrary ceilings are placed upon prices, the
producer and consumer are given no signal for increasing or decreasing their
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output or consumption. Tliey could not respond to conditions prevailing in
the economy as a whole. Let me give you a brief and simplified sketch of
what results when prices are controlled at improper levels, say below the
prices which prevail in a free market. Artifically low prices will encourage
consumers to buy more of the underpriced goods. But the low price does not
encourage producers to increase their output. Indeed it may be regarded by
producers as a signal to reduce their output. With rising demand and re
duced outputs, shortages develop which necessitates rationing. Rationing,
of course, is another Pandora’s box.
You may be thinking that I have said nothing about selective credit
controls. Indeed I have not, but they also give rise to similar problems.
Again it must be decided who will and who will not be granted credit. Again
there are problems of administration, although our existing institutions
are probably more capable of handling this type of control than they would
price and wage controls. Again the free market would not be functioning to
direct resources into the areas of greatest need and greatest demand.
Instead we would find that resources would be diverted into those areas
which someone in a decision-making position had concluded were more desirable.
I think there is one aspect of selective credit controls which is
often overlooked. I do not believe that selective controls of credit would
by itself accomplish anything. They would not necessarily ensure that re
sources flowed into whatever sectors are thought desirable. To be absolutely
certain, of this result would require that controls be placed on every sector
of the economy except the ones for which expansion is thought desirable. An
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alternative and, in my opinion, preferable method of achieving expansion
in limited areas would be the use of direct subsidies *
In addition I do not believe that selective credit controls would
be an effective device to control inflation. If credit controls were
imposed only on some purchases but not on all, then demand would be
diverted from the restricted areas into the uncontrolled areas. Prices
of goods in the uncontrolled areas would rise, and this in turn would
attract resources into production of these goods. The result would be
even higher prices, and the allocation of resources would have been
distorted. This merely illustrates a point that we have known for some
time. That is, inflation is reflected by rising prices on a very broad
front. It is not restricted to higher prices for only a few goods.
Selective credit controls are effective only in the areas to which they
apply— they are not effective in fighting a general inflation.
At this point some of you may be thinking that controls have been
used effectively in the past to control inflation and could be used now.
I think that if we look at the record you may change your mind. I recall,
and I suspect that most of you recall, the complex system of price and
wage controls imposed during World War II. There is no better example
of the problems associated with price and wage controls. Do you remember
the rationing books? Do you recall the gasoline stamps, the gasoline
boards, and the pleas to drive slowly in order to preserve your tires
(not to'mention your car)? I do not personally consider those as "the
good old days .11
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Inconvenience was not the only problem. The cost of controls them
selves was high. Sixty-four thousand persons were fully employed by the
government just to administer the program. This did not include the over
100s000 part-time volunteers. From the point of view of the businessman,
the costs were also high. Countless firms reported greatly increased
costs and wages which resulted entirely from their efforts to comply with
price and wage controls. Some estimated that up to 10 percent of manage
ment’s time was devoted to compliance with controls.
I do not question the use of controls at that time. They were
clearly necessary to the all-out war effort. I should like to emphasize,
however, that the}?' did not completely stop prices from rising. Between
1942 and 1946 the Consumer Price Index rose at an average annual rate of
six percent despite the use of controls. Wages rose at an even faster
pace. The price and wage controls imposed during the Korean War were
somewhat more successful. In 1952, consumer prices rose by about three
percent while factory wages rose by about six percent.
Let me now draw your attention to our experience with selective
credit controls. The Federal Pveserve does have considerable authority
to regulate credit. Some regulations are used routinely, in stable as
well as inflationary economic conditions. For example, margin requirements
are imposed on security transactions. Also, ceilings are imposed on the
rates which banks may pay their depositors. In the past there have been
other provisions. In World War II, the Board of Governors was granted
authority to restrict the use of consumer credit in an effort to reduce
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consumer purchases, fteal estate credit restrictions were added in the
Korean War. Initially these were imposed on only one- and two-family
houses5 but were later extended to other real estate transactions. Use
of these provisions presumably allowed credit to flow into other areas
of the economy which were deemed to have a higher priority in the war
effort *
Other nations too have used credit controls. After World War II*
several European countries employed selective credit controls in an
effort to direct credit into high priority areas for reconstruction and
to control inflation. The experiment failed and it was abandoned in the
early 1950Ts in favor of greater reliance on general monetary policies.
Many Latin American and Asian nations have also tried credit controls.
A variety of techniques has been used to direct the flow of credit into
one economic sector or another in order to promote economic development.
While it is not clear that these measures have had any significant impact
on the development of the countries, I believe that one thing is clear.
Most of these measures are designed to stimulate development of certain
sectors of the economy. They may at the same time be hazardous to
restrictive credit policies that are often required for stable economic
development. One simply cannot have a stimulative policy on the one
hand and a restrictive policy on the other hand. I do not think that we
would find them very useful for fighting inflation.
I should like to conclude by giving you my thoughts about how all
of tljis experience and advice applies to the present economic climate in
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our country. First, I do not believe that many businessmen or consumers
would be willing to undergo a full system of price and wage controls.
These techniques worked best under conditions of all-out war when patriotic
support was high. It should be abundantly clear that this crucial element
is missing. An attempt to impose such controls now would fail, just as
did the wartime system after the war was over. Price controls were not
only abandoned in 1946; they collapsed. I do not for one minute believe
that even the most elaborate, the most expensive, and the most thorough
system of controls and enforcement could work for long. The black markets,
the profiteers, the shortages would all reappear, and the system would
fail.
As for credit controls, I again do not believe they would be of much
assistance. Indeed, those policies which we have used in the past were
designed to slow down two sectors of the economy— -consumer purchases,
particularly automobile purchases, and real estate transactions, particu
larly residential transactions. I think that with a monent’s reflection
you will agree with me that these are two areas which definitely do not
require any additional slowing. If anything, they need stimulation.
Another area which needs no further restriction is state and local govern
ment expenditure. These governments have already postponed extraordinary
amounts of planned projects, to the detriment of us all. What then does
need restricting? One area stands out above all others. Business
expenditures on plant and equipment have made excessive demands on the
credit markets of the country. If curbs are to be selectively imposed,
then I should have to conclude that this is the area where they are most
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needed. I doubt that many businessmen would find this a pleasant prospect
I am sure there would be little support for such a restriction.
Even more important than my belief that these measures would not
works is my conviction that our present monetary and fiscal policies are-
working. The evidence is mounting that the economy is slowing. For
example, unemployment had risen in recent months to 4.8 percent. While
the specter of unemployment is distasteful to all of us, this level is
still lower than we experienced throughout much of the 1960's. I believe
that it will have the effect of retarding somewhat the demands for higher
wages in the months ahead. There is even better evidence— the Wholesale
Price Index remained steady last month. This follows four successive
months during which the index increased at progressively slower rates. I
hope that the progress on this front will continue. The Consumer Price
Index's performance has been less encouraging. But this index might be
expected to respond more slowly. In addition, it is burdened with in
adequacies and may not adequately reflect the cost of living in general.
For example, much of the increase for the month of March can be attributed
to the cost of medical treatment alone. This sector of the economy has
been under extraordinary pressure in recent years. The supply has simply
not expanded to meet the demand. Although numerous other signs are
beginning to indicate that progress is being made, I should caution you
that one should not expect that this inflation can be stopped instantly.
It developed over a number of years and for a number of reasons. It has
been* well entrenched and will not easily be defeated. One of the major
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causes of inflation is the belief of businessmen and consumers that it
will continue. It is also one of the most difficult aspects of inflation
to overcome. I think that we are beginning to convince them that our
present policies can work and are working.
So far I have said nothing about voluntary wage-price guidelines.
There have been suggestions that they might be valuable in fighting
inflation. I do not personally believe that they would have been
effective in eliminating the excess demand that was the basic cause of
the present inflation. They would have had no more effect than using a
mop to stop the ocean tide. They may, however, be somewhat more effective
in combating the cost-push elements that appear in the latter phases of
an inflation. They might restrain excessive demands for wage increases.
They might discourage excessive price increases which are undertaken in
anticipation of further inflation. Finally, they might be useful in
dampening any lingering "inflationary psychosis." To me this means that
they would at most be a supplement to present policies. They should not,
however, replace these policies.
Are direct controls on prices and wages, or on credit, the answer
to our inflationary problems? I do not think so. A solution which would
create as many problems as it would eliminate is, in my opinion, no
solution at all. An approach which is expensive and inefficient is at
best a misguided approach. To take additional anti-inflationary action
when the inflation shows signs of abating is surely unnecessary. A final
question we should ask ourselves is, "Wien would the controls be removed?"
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Governmental controls might not quickly disappear once they were imposed.
I doubt that many of us would welcome continuous controls.
What anti-inflationary weapons are left to us? I believe that we
may have great confidence in the very ones which we have been using—
general monetary and fiscal policies. Although they are not perfect, they
have worked well in the past when direct controls have failed. They would
still be necessary even if direct controls were employed. Most important
of all, they are working now. I believe they are our most reliable and
most effective instrument for economic control, and they are the only
methods of control which do not interfere with the individual freedom of
choice so necessary to a free enterprise economy.
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Cite this document
APA
Monroe Kimbrel (1970, May 18). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19700519_monroe_kimbrel
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19700519_monroe_kimbrel,
author = {Monroe Kimbrel},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1970},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19700519_monroe_kimbrel},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}