speeches · October 19, 1969
Regional President Speech
Monroe Kimbrel · President
QUESTIONS PEOPLE ASK ME
An Address Before the
Rotary Club of Atlanta
Atlanta, Georgia
October 20, 1969
by
Monroe Kimbrel, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
Some weeks ago when I accepted the flattering offer to talk before my
fellow Rotarians, I was given the privilege of choosing my own topic. At
the time, I thought that I would later decide on my topic as economic and
financial developments unfolded. Since then, of course, there have been a
great many economic and financial developments that have commanded our atten
tion and that are of great significance to our economy generally and to many
of us personally. For example, most recently there has been the international
financial strain imposed by the doubts over the future of the German mark,
and this followed closely the devaluation of the French franc. Thus, some
discussion of international financial problems would be of interest, I am
sure. However, international developments are occurring so fast that anything
I might say today could well be out of date tomorrow. I reviewed other develop
ments as possible topics for my talk, but it suddenly occurred to me that
unintentionally I have been conducting an audience interest survey. Over
and over again friends, associates, and other persons with whom I come in
contact repeatedly ask me certain questions. These questions will serve as
the framework of today's discussion.
Immediately when someone learns that I am associated with the Federal
Reserve System, they feel impelled to ask me, "Why are you always talking
about inflation?" I must admit that generally any public remarks I make
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inevitably touch upon our current inflationary problems. As I shall discuss
later, I believe that I have good reasons for doing so.
But, if people do not ask me about why I am concerned about inflation,
they will almost always ask me, "When are we going to get some relief from
high interest rates?" For example, the other day I made an appointment with
my doctor and was anticipating cataloging my major and minor aches and pains
in answer to his expected, "How do you feel today?" What happened was that
instead of asking me how I was feeling he started with, "Why are interest
rates so high?" I felt as if I should be charging him a fee when the appoint
ment was over.
Before I left I explained in the clearest language possible the reasons
for present high interest rates. He then asked me, "When will rates go down?"
Lately another question has become very popular. Generally the indivi
dual starts the questioning saying, "Isn’t it true that. . .?" The questioner
will say, "Isn’t it true that you have been exercising monetary and fiscal
restraint for some time now and prices are still going up? Isn’t it true,"
he will continue, "that rising costs are the true source of inflation? Isn’t
it true you ought to admit defeat and should adopt some kind of direct wage
and price controls?"
To summarize, these are the questions people ask me:
1. Why are you always talking about inflation?
2. Why don’t you give us some relief from high interest rates?
3. When will interest rates go down?
4. Why don’t you substitute wage and price controls for monetary and
fiscal restraint?
I shall touch on each of these in turn.
There was a time not so long ago when you would not have found me always
talking about inflation. The nation was enjoying a period of relative price
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stability. Wholesale-prices, on average, had changed little for several
years prior to 1965 and consumer prices had been rising at an annual rate of
only about 1 percent, The dollar was retaining its purchasing power.
But, beginning with 1965, price trends changed from stability to steady
increases and these increases have continued almost without interruption
since then. Since 1964 wholesale prices have risen about 13 percent.
Compared with what it would buy in 1964, the dollar today is worth only 88
cents measured in terms of wholesale prices. The consumer has fared even
worse with respect to loss in his purchasing power. The rise in consumer
prices, as measured by the consumer price index, from 1964 to date, has been
over 19 percent. The consumer dollar today is worth only 84 cents in terms
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of what it would buy in 1964 before the accelerated rise in consumer prices
began.
Now the function of the Federal Reserve System is "to foster a flow of
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credit and money that will facilitate orderly economic growth, a stable
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dollar, and a long-run balance in our international payments. Price increases
in the past four years, therefore, cannot help but be of primary concern to
any official in the Federal Reserve System who has even a modest part in
policy determination. Such price rises over the long run also are not
,bnly harmful in themselves but history has shown that inflation prevents
orderly economic growth and achieving a balance in our international payments.
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Do you wonder why I am always talking about inflation?
Despite the claims of both our friends and critics, the Federal Reserve
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System does not pretend that its policies are the sole or even the principal
force influencing the direction of the economy. Its powers are largely
limited to influencing the availability of credit through its control over
the amount of reserves it makes available to the banking system.
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Nevertheless, the Federal Reserve System has an obligation to use whatever
powers it has in making a contribution to creating the conditions that will
produce greater price stability.
I have no doubt that there are many persons, perhaps in this group, who
are not impressed by the figures I have just cited on the loss of the purchas
ing power of the dollar. I can imagine that some of them will be saying, "So
what? What is so wrong about inflation?" Some of them might say we need
inflation to provide for economic growth. Inflation, they say, causes more
demand, more jobs, and general prosperity. I am afraid that many persons
believe this. Otherwise, we could expect a more enthusiastic support in
efforts to curb inflation.
To some extent this attitude of tolerating, if not supporting, inflation
results from inflation being such a great deceiver. We Americans like to show
progress and we generally measure this progress in terms of dollars. Corporate
executives, for example, like to show that their earnings per share are greater
year after year. Labor union officials like to be able to show their members
how much the union has improved the average wages of its members through its
bargaining. And there are many Others who desperately want to show larger
dollar figures at the end of any period. Although there in the back of our
minds we may realize that the dollar is not a consistent unit of measurement
so long as prices are rising, we very frequently forget this. Inflatio-n- means
bigger and bigger dollar figures. These inflated dollar figures thus create
a feeling of euphoria. To this extent, we really enjoy inflation.
My friends, as pleasant as this feeling may be, it cannot continue for-
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ever. Past experience, not only in our own country, but in other countries
throughout the world demonstrates that the public cannot be deceived by infla
tion forever. Eventually, continued inflation is recognized as the great
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deceiver that it is. Eventually, the public realizes that it destroys the
value of our savings, that it distorts the pattern of investment, that it
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LJ>upsets the international value of our money, and that it imposes injustices
upon a large part of our population. Indeed, as we have seen lately, infla
tion may topple seemingly strong governments.
There are, of course, some persons who manage to come out on top in an
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inflationary period. These may be astute speculators or they may be persons
who always seem to profit from the misfortunes of others. But for the vast
majority, continued inflation is a great misfortune. This applies especially
to the poor, but it may also apply to the rich as well.
In mid-1969, the average welfare payment in Georgia to families with
dependent children was $24.55 per month. This figure is indeed low but
ostensibly it was some improvement over the $22.09 figure for 1964 before
prices began to rise sharply. But let us see what happened to the purchasing
power of that $2.46 increase. In 1969, $24.55 will buy only what $20.62
would buy in 1964. The recipient has lost $1.33 in purchasing power, not
gained $2.46.
Let me give another example. Most of us are happy that it has been
possible to raise the social security benefits to retired workers. In 1964,
I am told, the average monthly payment was $77.57. Today it is $99.47. But
here again inflation has been a great deceiver. Today’s payment will buy
what $83.55 would buy in 1964. Thus, the increase was only $5.98 in 1964
consumer dollars, not $21.90.
Inflation has robbed the manufacturing worker of a major part of his
higher earnings. Average weekly earnings in manufacturing for the United
States were about $130 in mid-1969. In 1964, they were $103. Thus, the
average pay increased about $27. Measured in dollars of 1964 purchasing
power, however, the increase is reduced to $6. Even more significant
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is that during the past year, despite an increase of about $6 in average
weekly earnings in manufacturing, the average weekly earnings in 1969
actually bought a little less than in 1968.
I assume there are at least some Rotarians here today who are enjoying
incomes that put you in the high tax brackets and that part of the incomes
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come from investments made in interest-bearing securities. Let us suppose
you are in the 30-percent bracket. Let us suppose further that somehow or
other you have found a place to invest funds to yield an interest rate of 10
percent. But inflation has robbed you, too. If the calculations published
by the Machinery and Allied Products Institute are correct, your real return
after taking into consideration taxes and a 5 percent inflation would be
only 1.9 percent.
When am I going to stop talking about inflation? Just as soon as the
nation achieves price stability.
"What is all this to do with high interest rates," you may well ask.
Furthermore, you quite often have asked me, "Why don’t you give me some relief
from high interest rates?"
Rising prices, as you well know, are a symptom that effective demand is
greater than can be satisfied by the nation’s productive resources at constant
prices. It is elementary that a further increase in this demand will push
prices up further. Under conditions of nearly full employment anything that
adds to the purchasing power of the nation adds to the pressure on prices.
Now interest rates, of course, like prices of commodities and services,
are determined by both supply and demand. The price of money, interest rates,
is determined by the supply of dnd demand for funds. The Federal Reserve
System’s influence on interest rates comes from its ability to change the
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availability of member bank reserves. As reserves made available to the
banks shrink, the banks find it difficult to supply credit to individuals,
businesses, and governments. With a strong demand for credit, rates rise.
The Federal Reserve System could prevent rates from going up by sup
plying more reserves. But when you increase reserves to the banking
system and indirectly increase the availability of credit, you also increase
the purchasing power in the hands of individuals, businesses, and governments.
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Adding purchasing power under the conditions of inflationary pressure that
prevail today in an effort to lower interest rates would result, of course,
even more rapidly rising prices.
That more credit does not automatically create more goods when you have
conditions of full employment is dramatically illustrated by what has happened
to the nation's gross national product, measured in terms of current and con
stant dollars. Total spending, as measured by the GNP in current inflated
dollars rose about 7 percent at an annual rate in the second quarter of this
year. But most of this increase was explained by rising prices. Measured in
dollars of constant purchasing power, the increase was at an annual rate of
only 2 percent.
You have a choice. Would you rather have lower interest rates and
continued inflation, or would you rather have, for a time, high prices for
the money you borrow with some hope of getting inflation under control? We
believe that the Federal Reserve System has the responsibility for choosing
the latter course.
I should be guilty of gross misrepresentation if I were to attempt to
set any specific time table as to when interest rates will come down. I can,
however, point out the kinds of conditions and circumstances under which a
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decline in interest rates seems likely to occur. First of all, interest rates
will come down when you fellows stop borrowing so much money, or in the words of
the economist, when the demand for credit drops off. Contrary to what is
sometimes supposed to be the case, tremendous amounts of funds had been bor-
rowed in the credit markets. Corporate securities offerings in the third
quarter of this year, although down a little from the second quarter, totaled
about $2.1 billion, up $400 million from the corresponding quarter in 1968.
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State and local governments borrowed heavily in the second quarter of this year,
for a total of $1.6 billion, although there was a sharp reduction in the
third quarter to $1 billion. The demand for mortgage funds has apparently
exceeded the funds availableCbut so far this year in support of the residen
tial mortgage market, the Federal Home Loan Bank System has raised about $2.4
billion in the money and capital markets. Although the Federal Government has
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not been a net borrower so far this year because of a relatively favorable
budget position, direct borrowing by Federal agencies has increased sharply.
Loans made by commercial banks continued to increase in response to heavy
credit demands with business loans up in the third quarter of 1969 at an
annual rate of about 4 percent.
Thus, any softening in the demand for funds, would reduce the pressures
on interest rates. For example, the desire to obtain funds for business
plant and equipment expenditures has been one of the chief sources of the
demand for credit. Interest rates will decline, therefore, when these expen
ditures slacken. The demands of the Treasury for funds will, of course,
depend upon the U. S. budgetary position. A budgetary surplus, therefore,
could do much to lower the total demand for funds.
But some of the demand for funds has come from individuals and businesses
who borrow because expect that inflation will continue forever. Let me be
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quite frank on this point and say that I speak solely for myself. If the
Federal Reserve System is going to convince the general public that
inflation will not last forever, it will need to hold fast to a firm policy,
not only until some of the pressures begin to ease, but until we have clear
evidence that the job has been accomplished. Removing restrictions too soon
can be as bad as holding onto them too long. Interest rates will eventually
decline when credit demands soften and inflationary expectations subside.
Winning the fight against inflation, therefore, is a key to lowering interest
rates.
But there are some people who feel that we should be making more progress
towards getting inflation under control than we have at this time. They ex
pect and want an instant solution. Now, of course, it can be said that
inflation has taken some time to develop and that we should expect it to
take some time to diminish. We, of course, have the lessons of history which
show us that it takes several^months for the restrictive monetary policy to
be effective in bringing about a halt in rising prices. But we also need to
remember how soon rising price trends will end depends on the, t^e and
severity of the restrictions that are being imposed. The Federal Reserve’s
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efforts have been applied to applying the brakes gradually in order to con-
tribute towards a more orderly and sustainable rate of economic growth.
Policy is not designed to bring about a recession. Although a deep recession
might bring about a halt to rising prices, it would also create a great man;
other problems.
Contrary to what some persons imply, evidence is developing that
restrictive monetary and fiscal policies are gradually taking effect.
Monetary restraint, of course, is most clearly evident at the commercial
^/banks and especially at the larger banks. Total bank credit at all commercial
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banks has changed little during the past four months. With their loanable
funds limited, banks have been forced to become more selective in extending
loans. Total bank loans increased at an annual rate of about 11 percent during
the first five months of this year and increased at an annual rate of about 2
percent in the June-September period.
These and other financial developments have had an impact on spending and
plans for spending by individuals and businesses. Retail sales, as you know,
have been relatively stable lately and there was some curtailment in expan
sion plans for new plant and equipment as suggested by recent surveys of
intentions. Other definite signs of economic cooling are cropping up. Thus,
although we have no assurance that the process of cooling off has progressed
to the point that we can relax restrictions, we can be sure that it is begin
ning to take effect.
As for prices, wholesale prices in September rose at an annual rate of
only 1 percent after having risen substantially more during the early part
of the year. During the first half of 1969, wholesale prices rose at an
annual rate of over 4 percent. Part of the slowdown results from the soften
ing in farm and food prices, of course. In September industrial wholesale
prices rose at an annual rate of 4 percent, a rate still excessively high
but somewhat lower than early this year. Consumer prices are still rising
more rapidly than we should like. The August rise at an annual rate of about
5 percent, however, is somewhat lower than the preceding several months.
Recent economic and financial developments suggest to me that the mone
tary policies gradually imposed have begun to gradually take hold, but in
flationary pressures are still strong. Consequently, it would, in my opinion,
be extremely unwise to abandon a policy that is beginning to work for one of
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direct wage and price controls that from all past experience seems unlikely
to work,
I am sure that many businessmen who have suggested direct wage and price
controls as a substitute for general credit policies have not thought through
all the implications of such a program. This is so because I don’t believe
that businessmen generally would welcome a harness of controls that would
extend from the top to the bottom of their businesses and that would sub
stitute the decisions administrators for their own judgment.
Perhaps the less frequency with which this solution is being suggested
today compared with a couple of months ago may indicate that more businessmen
are realizing what might be the consequences of a program of direct wage and
price controls.
As for myself, I am opposed to a system of direct wage and price controls
because it runs contrary to my general philosophy and because I believe it
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would inevitably result in a failure. Philosophically, I am opposed to
direct controls because such a system would eliminate economic freedom. I
am convinced that despite its imperfections our present market-oriented
economic system has more chance of satisfying the legitimate wants of our
citizens and of promoting economic growth than any system that can possibly
be conceived by a group of administrators. Furthermore, I have yet to
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be shown where a system of direct controls has been an outstanding success.
If you are looking for an example of the difficulties and distortions involved
in this system of direct controls, you have only to study experience in this
country during and after World War II. Those were relatively favorable times
when public support on the grounds of patriotism could be relied upon. Today,
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I believe, we could not count on that kind of support.
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Another misconception is that direct controls would be a complete substi
tute for general monetary and fiscal controls. Somehow or other, some people
seem to believe that if you had direct wage and price controls you would not
have any restrictions on credit. Some persons suppose that they would be
able to get all the money they wanted at low interest rates. On the fiscal
side, they seem to think, there would be no need to balance the Federal budget.
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As a matter of fact, the only chance that direct controls might have of having
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even mediocre success would be as a supplement to and not as a substitute for
general controls. General controls would still be used to limit excess demand
which is the basic cause of inflationary pressures. We would, therefore,
likely find ourselves with direct controls(on top of general monetary and
fiscal controls.
Perhaps persons advocating direct controls naively believe that they will
be selective and will pick on someone else instead of on them. Perhaps the
businessman hopes that controls will be imposed on wages and son the prices
of the things he buys, but will not be imposed on his profits and the things
he sells. But you and I know that once started there will be no limit to the
facets of our economy that would eventually to be placed under restrictions
and controls.
Someone has said that this nation gets the kind of economic and monetary
policies that it deserves. I presume this means that without a fairly general
support from the public no monetary or economic policy, as good as it may be,
theoretically, stands any chance of working. To work, any policy must have
general public support. The unwillingness of the American people to accept
the kind of economic discipline that is needed and the conflicting pulls of
special interests are responsible for a major part of our troubles today.
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I find it difficult, therefore, to believe that a nation that is becoming
restive under restrictive monetary and credit policies that leave almost
complete economic and financial freedom in the decisions of how to spend the
available financial resources would submit to a program that would transfer
decisions to governmental agencies.
Why am I always talking about inflation? It is because it is not only
the function of the Federal Reserve System to contribute to maintaining price
stability, but it is because continued inflation places the burdens on the less
y
fortunate members of our society and in the long run is an obstacle to economic
progress.
Why don’t we give you some relief from high interest rates? It is because
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to do so would only add inflationary pressures under present conditions.
When can you expect interest rates to come down? We can expect interest
rates to come down when the inflationary pressures are brought under control
and the credit deeands can he note neariy satisfied hy the financiai saving
of the nation.
Why don't I advocate adopting direct wage and price controls? It is
because I believe they are not only unworkable but because they are incom
patible with a free economy.
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Cite this document
APA
Monroe Kimbrel (1969, October 19). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19691020_monroe_kimbrel
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19691020_monroe_kimbrel,
author = {Monroe Kimbrel},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1969},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19691020_monroe_kimbrel},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}