speeches · March 17, 1969
Regional President Speech
Monroe Kimbrel · President
WHAT DOES INFLATION COST?
An address before the
Independent Bankers' Association of America
39th Annual Convention
March 18, 1969
by
Monroe Kimbrel, President
Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
At this time of year, many of us like to look back and
measure our accomplishments. I could, therefore, take the
easy way and spend my allotted time reminding you of the good
things we have gained.
You recognize, I am sure, that we as a nation achieved
much in 1968, and the future looks very bright. You also no doubt
recognize that the nation's banks shared in this growth, with de
posits and earnings up sharply.
I will not, however, enlarge on these points of -which you
are aware, but should like to discuss the losses we suffered
because of the failure to stem the acceleration of inflation during
1968.
Let us consider three developments that, although they
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cover only a part of the loss incurred by inflation, do merit our
serious reflection.
1. At the end of 1968, the dollar -- as measured by con
sumer prices -- was worth almost 5 percent less than
it was a year earlier.
2. The United States, partly because of the inflationary
trend, lost the major part of its favorable position in
world trade.
3. In some instances, planning for inflation was substituted
for planning for production by a change of emphasis in
making judgments on spending and investing. (In my
opinion this is the greatest loss. )
No doubt, some businessmen are happy about their ability to
charge higher prices; their financial statements look better as a
result. Also, corporations may point to increased earnings per
share of stock.
Businessmen may be especially happy if the increase in the
prices of goods they sell is more than the increase in the prices of
goods and services they buy. This happiness, however, will sour if
the prices of the merchandise or services they offer do not continue
to rise over the prices of their purchases.
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Not everyone has been so fortunate; and as costs catch up, it
is likely that the number retaining this particular type of lead will
be greatly d„ unished. In the long run, the benefits of inflation will
inevitably accrue to only a few persons.
One does not have to go far to find many persons who in 1968
lost through inflation. Consumers, as a group, found that, in the. end,
the major part of 1968's growth in income was an illusion. In 1967,
the per capita disposable income, or average income per person after
Federal taxes, was $2, 744; during the year, the average income in
creased by $182 to reach a total of $2,926 per capita. Measured in
current dollars (that is, without allowance for deterioration in
purchasing power), the increase was about 7 percent.
The consumers may not have been acquainted with the statistics,
but they learned through hard experience of the attrition in their
purchasing power as the year progressed.
Statisticians tell us that, when this $182 gain is deflated for the
increase in prices, the per capita gain in personal disposable income
during 1968 was only 3 percent.
To refute the belief that the economy gains from inflation, I
call your attention to an article in the February 17 issue of the Wall
Street Journal reviewing various case studies gathered from through
out the nation. The article concludes, ''Inflation is shattering many
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Americans' complacent belief that every year they are living a little
better than before. "
In the words of the article, many persons report "less bowling,
more overtime; no cookies for the kids; retiree stops eating three
times a day; and cutting out pork and veal and substituting salads. "
The uneven impact of inflation extends beyond those with
relatively low incomes. For example, while attending a meeting
recently I talked with a businessman who is also the trustee of a
preparatory school. He complained that the funds laboriously accumu
lated over the years for construction of a badly needed building this
year fell far short of the present cost because of rising prices.
A city official attending the same meeting was acutely aware
of the rising costs of government and capital improvements caused
by inflationary conditions. Under inflationary conditions, the economy
gets out of joint, and you as bankers, I am sure, have heard many
such complaints.
Bankers well know that the price of money, like the prices of
goods and services, has increased briskly. Yields on long-term
government securities are the highest since the Civil War. Higher
rates are charged on loans and investments, and reflect higher earnings
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on bank statements.
But inflated expenses cut net profits and the dollars banks
earned from higher interest rates bought less. What is more, every
fixed income asset on the bankers' books decreased in market value
as interest rates rose - - a recurring development in inflationary
periods.
When the general public becomes aware of the decreased
purchasing power of its money, many of its members find it more
difficult to save and begin to wonder if it is even worthwhile. If cur
tailed saving becomes widespread, the nation will experience a
weakening in one of the chief forces responsible for its economic
growth and high productivity. The fact is, the savings of the American
people, of consumers as well as businessmen, provide much of the
capital investment funds required for economic growth.
The second loss during 1968 because of inflation was a
deterioration of the country's competitive position in world trade.
Our total balance of payments for 1968 looks very good on the
surface. During 1968, this nation achieved a balance of payments
surplus for the first time since 1957. Balance of payments, of course,
includes financial transactions and other non-trade factors.
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I shall not go into the details of how this surplus was achieved
except to suggest that many of the forces creating last year's surplus
may not be as strong this year. The stock market boom, the re
patriation of corporate funds, and the success in curtailing lending
abroad by U. S. banks all played a part in achieving a substantial
increase in financial flows into this country.
The total conceals the serious deterioration in the trade surplus
of the United States. In prior years, we have been able to count on
selling substantially more goods and services abroad than we imported.
This favorable balance of trade helped carry the load of government
expenditures abroad and drains through financial transactions.
The United States was competitive in world markets during the
early 1960's largely because it was able to keep the prices of its exports
relatively stable, whereas many foreign countries suffered internal in
flation. We have lost this advantage.
In 1968, the excess of the value of this country's goods and
services exported over those imported was more than $3 billion less
than in either 1966 or 1967. Rising prices here have made our exports
less attractive to foreigners and have attracted more imports. Most
experts see little hope for improving this situation very much until we
bring our rising prices under control.
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The shifting of emphasis toward inflationary considerations
when making decisions to spend or invest may turn out to be the
greatest loss during 1968 because of inflation.
Traditionally, the American businessman analyzed economic
opportunities on the basis of how they would provide the services or
produce the goods to meet the demands of the public. Success or
failure, reflected by his profits, has typically depended upon the
businessman's astuteness in discovering these opportunities and his
efficiency in producing the goods or providing the services the public
wants.
In contrast, in many countries of the world decisions to invest
or to launch enterprises have been based almost entirely upon in
flationary considerations. Investments there are not chosen because
they are most productive in meeting the demands of the public, but
because it appears they will benefit most or suffer least from inflation.
Under this philosophy, instead of measuring efficiency, profits
may reflect only inflation. In the short run, rising prices may conceal
mistakes; in the long run, resources are misdirected. Giving rewards
to the inflation-minded destroys the very basis for the operations of a
free enterprise system.
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One of the things suggested in a recent review of economic
history was that economists in 1834 believed the consumer, the •
investor, is motivated by fear when things are going down or are at
the bottom. But when prices rise, as they are now, some people
are motivated by greed. And this greed destroys rational judgment.
Could it be said today that a part of the American public is
being motivated by greed, as shown for example by those in the stock
market who disregard the current price-earnings ratio and the
intrinsic value of some of their investments?
Moreover, unfortunately, there are those in the banking busi
ness who may have pursued the same misdirected goals. Some of
us in the Federal Reserve would like to hear that bankers have begun
to say "No" to certain of their loan applicants. We should like to see
more consumers with less of this psychological fear of inflation, so
that they will base fewer financial decisions on what prices may be
tomorrow, next month, or in two months.
It is generally popular to blame rising prices on someone else.
Four good targets are:
1. Labor, which is accused of pushing up wages faster than
productivity;
2. Bu siness, which is often charged with being over-eager
to raise prices in order to maintain profits;
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3. Government spending, which we all think should be re
duced except for the things we are interested in; and
4. The Federal Reserve, which some claim has not been
tight enough with its monetary policies.
A strong case has been made to support each one of these
charges. Labor costs have risen. Employers complain of low
productivity. Average hourly earnings of manufacturing workers
rose over 6 percent between the end of 1967 and the end of 1968.
Some workers experienced greater gains, and some less. There is
no question, however, but that inflation itself was a major spur to
the push toward high wages, and the average worker can scarcely
be blamed for trying to maintain his income in the face of rising
prices.
On the other hand, the workers can point to higher corporate
profits in 1968 than in 1967. Even after substantially higher taxes,
corporate profits rose from $48. 1 billion in 1967 to $51 billion in 1968.
But would not some businessmen respond that this was only the
normal growth required to maintain incentives?
It is, of course, true that government spending has been high.
The Federal deficit for fiscal 1968 reached $25. 2 billion and in the
last half of calendar 1968 was $11 billion. To finance this, the
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U. S. Treasury had to borrow $23. 1 billion from the public in fiscal
1968 and $11. 3 billion in the last half of 1968. This borrowing on top
of heavy demands for funds by the private sector had much influence
on the high interest rates. Since a large part of the deficit was
financed by additional bank credit, inflationary pressures were increased.
In early 1967, economic and financial experts pointed out that
the nation was going to get into trouble if it did not increase taxes or
reduce expenditures. T^gj-g was no lack of warning, but Congress was
slow to enact legislation to cope with the problem. Finally, with
pressures having been built up for so long, the surtax program that
was put into effect in m id-1968 has been slow' to take effect. Ultimately,
it may help.
Before condemning senators and representatives in Congress for
dilatory actions, consider if it might not be true that they were reflecting
pretty well the sentiments of their constituents. Is it not possible that
the taxpayer hoped taxes could be reduced if the Federal Government
would cut expenditures for everything but those projects which had his
special approval.
How many of us wrote letters to our Congressman applauding
the closing down of a local Federal facility or establishment? On the
other hand, how many of us applauded our Congressman during 1967
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and early 1968 if he announced he would have nothing to do with a tax
increase ?
Another popular whipping boy is the Federal Reserve System.
Critics can point out that in the first half of 1968 bank credit rose at
what they considered an excessively high seasonally adjusted annual
rate of 6. 5 percent. After mid-year, the annual rate of growth was
even higher -- about 21 percent in July and August and 15 percent in
September. By the end of the year, the rate had slowed down a bit.
With prices rising so rapidly, critics ask, ':Why did the Federal
Reserve supply the reserves to the banking system that made this
growth in bank credit possible? ,!
You v/ill find that I am on record as having suggested during
1968 that the bank credit growth was excessive. At the same time,
it is only fair to point out that the Federal Reserve was caught in a
trap that prevented it from exerting the pressures required to com
pletely offset the effects of deficit Treasury financing. Alone, the
Federal Reserve could not have held back the inflationary pressures
completely without creating serious side effects.
You will recall that, because of the failure to take timely action
in respect to fiscal policy, the Treasury was forced to borrow heavily
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during 1968, especially during the second half. Corporations and
state and local governments were strongly competing for funds.
Interest rates were high. How much higher they would have gone
had not the Federal Reserve supplied some additional credit to the
banking system no one knows. An even greater and sudden increase
in rates, however, might have been disastrous, possibly including a
failure in Treasury financing. Perhaps the Federal Reserve can
be criticized for its policy judgments, but those who do so should
remember the problem that was faced, who and what created the
problem, and what might have been the consequences of a more
restrictive policy posture.
In a democracy such as ours, responsibility for keeping our
economic and financial affairs in order cannot be shifted to the
shoulders of any one group. Neither can a democracy expect any
agency it may set up, including a central bank such as the Federal
Reserve System, to successfully do the job unless there is widespread
public support.
Professor Reuf, the French financial expert, has stated that no
democratic society can be expected to run its financial affairs
successfully. "Is he right? " you may well ask.
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American economic and financial history has shown that a
society such as ours can manage its financial affairs when it wants
to. We have made mistakes, sometimes we have refused to face
reality, we have refused to accept discipline, and some special
interests have at times forgotten the public interest. But the record
of our American society is far better than that of most of the nations
of the world.
When we have lapsed, we have eventually realized the dis
astrous consequences that could result unless we changed direction.
We have then accepted the collective responsibility and stopped trying
to shift responsibility to others. Political leaders, businessmen, and
labor have responded by taking or supporting the needed steps to
restore financial order.
Who is responsible for our present inflationary problem? Is
labor, or business, or government, or the Federal Reserve to
shoulder the blame? Perhaps all of them must accept some of the
censure, but I am inclined to think we can place most of the blame on
our own collective complacency -- the failure of you and me and other
Americans to accept the responsibility and to act.
I am confident, therefore, that we can bring inflation under
control. More and more persons realize that, if the same inflationary
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conditions prevail in 19&9 as i-n 1968, our losses can be compounded.
The realization that these conditions must be controlled is perhaps
getting our fiscal affairs in a rriore manageable state. With better
control of our fiscal affairs, monetary policy may have more room
to maneuver. Signs here and there attest that the frantic pace of the
economy is abating.
Patience and determination can win the battle against inflation.
Bowing to the temptation of inflationary greed and disregarding the
need for discipline can make the battle much harder to win. If we
all support those whose job it is to administer the discipline, victory
can be ours.
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Cite this document
APA
Monroe Kimbrel (1969, March 17). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19690318_monroe_kimbrel
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19690318_monroe_kimbrel,
author = {Monroe Kimbrel},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1969},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19690318_monroe_kimbrel},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}