speeches · August 17, 1966
Regional President Speech
Monroe Kimbrel · President
Rotary Club
Chattanooga Speech
8 18-66
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INTEREST RATES IN A FREE ECONOMY
To an astronaut, Chattanooga and Atlanta may seem close together, but
they are hardly neighbors. Yet they seem like neighbors to me, because I am
fortunate enough to have many banking friends and other associates in your
great city. Through my association with them, I have come to feel that
Chattanooga is just a stone*s throw from Atlanta.
We at the Atlanta Federal Reserve Bank try to keep up with what is going
on in Chattanooga because we must constantly assess the economic "health" of
the six-state area encompassed by the Sixth Federal Reserve District, of which
Chattanooga is a part. Our diagnosis is that Chattanooga's economic "pulse"
is strong and vigorous. Employment is at an all-time high, and Chattanooga's
unemployment has dropped to less than 3 percent of its work force, lower than
the national rate. In the light of these events, spending during the first
half of this year, as measured by bank debits, jumped 1 percent over 1965*
This increased economic activity placed more demands upon the banks, which
provide much of the lubrication to facilitate the flow of goods and services.
Those Chattanooga trade area banks that are members of the Federal Reserve
System extended 18 percent more loans this June than a year earlier and attracted
9 percent more deposits.
Many of these figures are probably old hat to you, and certainly you don't
need statistics to recognize Chattanooga's economic advances in recent years.
You may even have allowed yourself the luxury of accepting rapid economic gains
as a matter of course.
And the vigorous expansion you've experienced here, rather than being
peculiar to this area, is typical of that throughout the nation. Phenomenal
economic gains have been enjoyed by cities from. Maine to California. The entire
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nation is, as you know, now well into its sixth year of economic expansion, a
record for any peacetime period in this country. Our output of goods and services,
measured in dollars of constant purchasing power, is now one-third greater than
it was in i960. Unemployment has been reduced from a rate of 6.7 percent in
1961 to around 4 percent today. Moreover, until 1965, this economic growth
was achieved with relatively stable prices.
Since economic growth is not just a matter of luck, it is important to
note how we have achieved such tremendous growth without drastic increases in
prices and why we must prevent such increases. We were able to grow without
a significant rise in the general price level because we put to work previously
unused manpower and productive capacity. A steady increase in the nation»s
productivity also contributed to this noninflationary growth. Thus, it was
possible to avoid inflation.
I have no doubt that this is what our goal should continue to be. Theory
and experience tell us that inflation is inevitable if the demand for goods
exceeds the ability of our economy to produce them. In that kind of environment,
producers who need additional men and machines can get them only by bidding
them away from other uses. This increases the cost of production and, in turn,
raises prices. And before you know it, price pressures become so strong that
general inflation sets in.
Let me remind you that nobody "wins" during inflation. Creditors lose
because they are repaid with dollars worth less than those they lent. Savers
lose because the dollars they withdraw are worth less than those they deposited.
Consumers lose because prices rise. Businessmen lose because of higher costs,
more difficult planning, and increased risks due to the greater uncertainty
of future conditions. Many of the nation!s resources are funneled into wasteful
uses.
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Higher prices make the goods we sell more expensive for foreigners, reducing
our sales abroad. Moreover, foreign products become relatively cheaper, increasing
our purchases from other countries. The end result is unmeasurable harm. Even
now, we are spending more abroad than foreigners are spending here. Domestic
inflation could do nothing but worsen this situation.
So far, I?ve been talking about inflation in terms of the price of goods.
But another price of equal importance is the interest rate. Although we don*t
usually think of the interest rate as a price, it is just that. It is the price
of money.
Through the interest rate, economic and financial conditions are related.
This is why monetary policy is so important. And this is where the Federal
Reserve System comes into the picture. The Federal Reserve can influence the
supply of money and credit chiefly by affecting the amount of reserves available
to its member banks. The Federal Reserve can regulate bank reserve positions
in any one of three ways. It can buy or sell u. S. Government securities; it
can change the interest rate the Federal Reserve Banks charge for loans to banks;
and it can vary the level of reserve requirements. Since the reserves of commercial
banks provide the basis upon which banks extend credit, the Federal Reserve
to some extent can influence the amount and cost of credit extended.
Just before the 1961 business expansion, the Federal Reserve System started
to follow a policy of supplying increasing amounts of reserves to its member
banks, chiefly through the purchase of U. S. Government securities. This policy
made possible a steady increase in bank credit.
In pursuing usch a policy, the Federal Reserve was motivated by the desire
to stimulate economic expansion. The reason for its doing so is obvious. Your
desire for goods does not turn even one wheel in a factory. Only If you have
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money and credit to back up this desire do the wheels begin to turn.
In the environment of the early sixties, the Federal Reserve had, I believe,
every right to be stimulative. You will remember that unemployment then was
high and the nations factories were operating at less than capacity. Production
could be easily expanded and demand met by starting up idle machines and hiring
the unemployed. The Federal Reserve was aware that by increasing the supply
of money and credit, it could stimulate the economy without pushing up prices.
The additional credit, along with the savings of the American people and business,
put more men and resources to work and added to our productive capacity. Thus,
we can rate as eminently successful the policy that generated that expansion
in the supply of money and credit.
But no particular monetary policy is appropriate for all conditions, and
in the latter part of 1965 conditions began to change. Earlier, as I pointed
out, the economy had been characterized by a great deal of unutilized capacity.
But in 1965 we were approaching full capacity throughout the country.
The low rate of unemployment was the clearest signal that we were moving
toward full capacity operations. In i960 unemployment had exceeded 6 percent;
toward the end of 1965 it was down to 4 percent. Because manufacturers lacked
the necessary workers and capacity, they could not keep up with their orders,
and unfilled orders were accumulating. In an effort to increase their capacity,
manufacturers started stepping up their capital expenditures, producing additional
strains on the economy. Defense was requiring more and more of our manpower
and resources. The acid test was the way prices were behaving. Rising prices,
of course, tell us that demand is increasing faster than the supply of labor,
materials, and finished products. Wholesale industrial prices that had been
stable during the preceding four years began to move up in 1965, and the previously
mild increases in consumer prices started accelerating.
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And so, in late 1965, with the economy operating at very near capacity,
economic conditions obviously were different from those of early 1961. It was
time to change from the relatively easy policy that was designed to get the
country out of a recession and put idle men and resources to work, because in
late 1965 few men were idle and productive resources were being used at very
near capacity. A policy to promote sustainable economic growth and prevent the
development of a boom-and-bust situation rather than a stimulative policy became
appropriateo Some restraint was in order. Consequently, the Federal Reserve
System gradually began shifting to what some people call a tight money policy.
What is a tight money policy? Some of us might answer that it is a reduction
in supply of money and credit. However, we are doomed to failure if we try to
document this reasoning with actual happenings. More money and credit is being
made available today than ever before.
Today I have avoided citing a lot of statistics, but right here I am going
to give some figures, because so many people seem to believe that less credit
is being made available, whereas the figures show that quite the opposite is
true. The easiest figure to cite is one that shows the behavior of the money
supply, generally defined as total currency and coin in circulation plus demand
deposits. Between December 1965— -when the Federal Reserve System first brought
the gradual tightening into prominence by raising the discount rate from ^ to
percent— and the beginning of this month, the money supply has been increasing
at an average annual rate of about 3 percent. In the same period, time deposits
have grown at an average annual rate of 12 percent. Loans and investments supplied
by member banks have increased at an average annual rate of over 6 percent, and
this expansion in bank credit has been supported by reserves supplied by the
Federal Reserve System. The System had no intention of cutting off the growth
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of credit entirely, and it has not done so. In the Chattanooga trade and
banking area, total loans of member banks at the end of June this year were
7.7 percent higher than a year earlier.
Nevertheless, despite the growth in credit, we are faced with the undeniable
fact that interest rates are now higher than at any time in the last thirty-five
years. Surely this must mean that money is tight.
When we remember that interest rates are the price of borrowing and when
we also remember that prices result from the operation of both demand and supply,
it becomes obvious that demands for credit must have expanded more rapidly than
the supply of money and credit. Today tight money is a result, in part, of the
greatly expanded demands for credit.
The stepped-up demands have come from several directions. The Federal
Government, partly because of the defense effort, has needed more money to spend
than it could currently raise from revenue; it has had to borrow, therefore,
either directly or through agency Issues. State and local governments have
expanded their capital spending; they have borrowed. American business this
year has embarked on a record-breaking capital expansion program; it has borrowed
to meet a major part of the cost. The consumer, until recently, has bought more
and more durable goods; he bought a large part of these goods on credit. All
these and other forces add up to a record-breaking total demand for credit.
Under such conditions, the only way the Federal Reserve System could have
prevented a rise in interest rates would have been to inject enough reserves
into the banking system to meet all the increased demands for credit. The System
did not do so because such a policy would have promoted an unsustainable boom,
stimulated inflation, and made our balance-of-payments problems worse. Instead
of enlarging the reserve base to enable the banking system to meet all credit
demands, the Federal Reserve System lias limited the growth in the credit base.
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Some of the several steps taken were less dramatic than others. In
December of last year, the discount rate was raised from ^ to percent. This
is the price that the Federal Reserve Banks charge member banks that borrow to
replenish their reserves. In addition, the Federal Reserve System has been
less willing to supply reserves to the banking system through its open market
operations. A measure of this is the figure often called "net borrowed reserves"«
the difference for the whole banking system between excess reserves and the
borrowings of member banks. A widening of the net borrowed reserve position
indicates to some extent the difficulties banks may be having in meeting enlarged
credit demands. More and more banks, in order to maintain their reserve positions,
have been forced to borrow from the Federal Reserve System; and borrowings,
which for the year 19&5 averaged $^67 million, have gradually increased to their
present level of above $700 million. The net borrowed reserve figure, averaging
$9° million in 1965, is now above $350 million. Since the Federal Reserve Banks
do not encourage individual banks to stay in debt for extended periods and offer
borrox-Jing privileges only to cover unexpected contingencies, the effect has
been to make the banks more conservative lenders.
Faced with the heavy demand for loans, commercial banks have stepped up
their competition for funds, especially through efforts to attract time deposits.
The larger banks have used negotiable certificates of deposit, whereas others
have tended to develop special consumer-type savings instruments. In an effort
to keep this competition from getting out of hand, the Federal Reserve recently
raised the reserve requirements on time deposits and set a ceiling on rates
that banks can pay for certain types of consumer savings instruments. It has
also asked Congress that additional pox^ers to regulate the rates paid on time
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and savings deposits be given to the Federal Reserve, the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation, and the Horae Loan Bank Board.
Broadly stated, the functions of the Federal Reserve System are to foster
a flow of money and credit that will facilitate orderly economic growth, a
stable dollar, and a long-run balance in international payments. This means
the policy must change as economic conditions change. It seems obvious that
orderly economic growth cannot be sustained unless demand can be kept within
the bounds of the economy5s ability to produce. Presently, rising prices tell
us that demand is excessive. In the first half of this year, wholesale industrial
prices increased at an average annual rate of 3.5 percent. Almost 40 percent of
the dollar increase in the gross national product in the first quarter of this
year was explained by rising prices; and in the second quarter, almost 60 percent.
Stability of prices during the preceding five years is partly the reason
this period of expansion has lasted as long as it has. I am also sure that how
long the economy will continue to expand depends upon our ability to hold price
pressures down. Even though sometimes we individually profit from inflationary
developments, in the long run no one gains from inflation. At the present moment,
moreover, with the difficulties in our balance of payments stemming to a considerable
extent from a reduction in our trade surplus, rising prices make it more difficult
than ever to achieve our long-run goal of a balance of international payments.
No one recognizes the limitations of monetary and credit policy actions by
themselves more than the Federal Reserve policy-makers do. Nevertheless, these
same policy-makers recognize their responsibilities in making the greatest possible
contribution to the achievement of our nation5s long-run aspirations. I beseech
your help and understanding in the Federal Reserve System’s efforts in these
difficult times
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Cite this document
APA
Monroe Kimbrel (1966, August 17). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19660818_monroe_kimbrel
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19660818_monroe_kimbrel,
author = {Monroe Kimbrel},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1966},
month = {Aug},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19660818_monroe_kimbrel},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}