speeches · May 15, 1963
Regional President Speech
Karl R. Bopp · President
FOR RELEASE ON DELIVERY
Approximately 1:00 p.m., EDT,
on Thursday, May 16, 1963.
LEANING AGAINST THE WINDS OF CHANGE
By Karl R. Bopp
President, Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia
Bankers Luncheon
Sponsored by the Federal Reserve Banks of New York and Philadelphia
60th ANNUAL CONVENTION OF THE NEW JERSEY BANKERS ASSOCIATION
12:45 p.m., Thursday, May 16, 1963
Wedgwood Room, Haddon Hall, Atlantic City, New Jersey
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LEANING AGAINST THE WINDS OF CHANGE
By Karl R. Bopp
Since we last met at this annual meeting the economy and the nation
have endured strains ranging all the way from a major stock market break to a
tension-filled international crisis over the presence of Soviet offensive
capability in Cuba. In past decades, either one of these developments might
have had the most severe repercussions on our economy. Yet the effects proved
to be quite limited.
At the height of the Cuban crisis, for example, retailers noted little
more than an increase in sales of transistor radios. Mass, panic buying, so
typical of periods of international tension,was simply not in evidence. And
though the stock market break was enough to make businessmen take a second look
at our economic underpinnings, it did not precipitate any major decline in
business activity.
Perhaps the limited economic effects of the stock market break partially
may be explained by public confidence in the safeguards designed to cushion the
economy from such shocks. Perhaps the limited impact of the Cuban crisis resulted
in part from a general feeling that the course of events in the thermonuclear age
is beyond the direct reach of the individual.
But whatever the reasons, the major crises of 1962 had a limited
economic impact. Perhaps the most favorable development was the continuation
for another year of relative stability in the price level. Yet we still had
economic problems. Most important, the economy continued to grow at a rate
which was inadequate to absorb an expanding work force; and our balance of
payments registered a sizeable deficit.
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These continuing problems presented the Federal Reserve System with
difficult decisions because action designed to spur domestic economic growth
may tend in some instances to aggravate our balance-of-payments problem.
Stimulation of the domestic economy, on the one hand, calls for greater credit
availability and lower interest rates. But easy money and low interest rates
promote outflows of capital to foreign nations and can thus adversely affect
our balance of payments.
You bankers, or course, are thoroughly familiar with this type of
situation. You have the continuing problem of combining your desire for profit
with your need for liquidity and your desire to serve your communities. In
general, the quest for profit and community service tend to pull in the direction
of extending credit that is longer term, riskier, and local. The need for
liquidity pulls in the direction of shorter term, safer, and marketable
securities. This inherent conflict does not frustrate you. On the contrary,
it gives real meaning to the profession. The great challenge is to produce the
optimum over-all result.
So it is with the Federal Reserve System. Our problem is to produce
the best over-all results, within the limits of our powers, with respect to both
our balance of payments and our rate of economic growth. Today I should like
to discuss with you the developments that have produced our current problems,
what the System has done to resolve the issues, and finally how the System reaches
decisions as to appropriate policy.
In the years when I received my economic training, prevailing thought
indicated that full employment and balance-of-payments equilibrium could be
achieved simultaneously. The medicine to provide one was thought to promote the
other.
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Unemployment, the reasoning went, stemmed from inadequate domestic
demand. Inadequate demand in turn, was associated with balance-of-payments
surplus , because inadequate demand tended to put downward pressure on wages
and prices and thus made the home market a good place to buy for both foreigners
and domestic consumers.
Since unemploment and payments surplus occurred simultaneously, there
was no conflict in objectives. Monetary ease was the medicine for both maladies.
The central bank was supposed to make money and credit more readily available.
More money and credit stimulated output, employment, and sales. And it also
tended eventually to put upward pressure on wages and prices and thus make
domestic goods less attractive so that balance-of-payments equilibrium would
be restored.
Our present situation, of course, is a long way from this theoretical
framework. Why is this so?
The answer is involved and concerns political as well as economic
developments. We must go back a few years — to the end of World War II in fact —
to see how the present conflict between international payments and domestic
growth developed.
At the end of the Second World War the United States faced two
political problems df overriding importance. Much of the world lay in ruins
and the Soviet Union was taking advantage of the situation to expand its
territorial and ideological sphere of influence. By external power and internal
subversion, the Soviets swallowed up Poland, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, East
Germany, and many of the other satellite nations. Within five years after war's
end, the Communist bloc had expanded to include more than half the population and
land area of Europe.
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Surveying the world scene, the United States realized that something
had to be done if liberty and peace were to be preserved. Left to their own
misery, the war-ravaged and poverty-stricken nations of Western Europe were
almost certain to share the fate of the Eastern European satellites. France,
Italy, Greece, Turkey — all were vulnerable. Thus acting under the dual motive
of humanitarianism and a desire to check Soviet imperialism and preserve world
peace, the United States began a massive program to aid in reconstruction and
to build a network of military bases to deter overt Soviet aggression. And this
was not all. In later years, as the underdeveloped nations of Europe, Africa,
Latin America, and the East began to emerge into the industrial age, the United
States came with aid — both as brother-to-brother and to prevent further Soviet
penetration.
Here, then, was the world scenes two super powers with the technical
proficiency to destroy the world — between them the grey area of the reconstructing
and developing nations, plus an intricate network of military installations. The
cost to support this elaborate setup? In a word, the costs were enormous. It
meant spending vast amounts of dollars all over the world.
Yet the dollars could be spent with little adverse impact on our balance
of payments and gold stock so long as dollars were desperately needed to buy United
States goods. What nation wants to waste dollars buying our gold when it desperately
needs machinery, locomotives, and all the other hardware of reconstruction and
development?
Let this need subside, though, let the war-devastated countries rebuild
their productive capacity so that they could produce much of the needs of their
citizens — let them even become competitors with freely convertible currencies —
then watch out. Dollars may come home not to buy goods, but to purchase gold,
the traditional form in which many nations keep their international reserves.
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Indeed, with business booming abroad Americans could add to the current difficulty
by investing abroad in productive enterprises and in high-yielding securities.
Now, profitable foreign investment obviously adds to the ultimate strength of
the dollar, especially when the income from such investment is brought back home.
But while the investment is being made it adds to the current supply of dollars
demanding foreign currencies.
In fact, this is just what happened to the United States. It became
apparent in 1958* For in that year, when great strides were made toward currency
convertibility abroad, we found ourselves paying far more to foreigners for imports,
investments, military and economic aid than we received for our exports of goods
and services. The difference came to a strapping $3*8 billion. To settle accounts,
foreigners took a little over $1 billion in claims and about $2.3 billion in gold.
We had a serious balance-of-payments problem and a heavy gold outflow to prove it.
The same basic situation has continued to the present.
While all this was happening, the groundwork was being laid for our
present problem of unemployment and inadequate growth. With wartime priorities
directed at producing the tanks and planes needed to bring the enemy to his knees,
a large portion of the wages and salaries derived from that production went into
savings accounts, war bonds and the like. At war’s end the nation had accumulated
an enormous volume of liquid purchasing power. Then, when we converted back to
peacetime production, this huge accumulation of funds descended upon a limited
supply of goods. The result: rising profits, prices, and wages, and a scramble
to increase capacity to produce more of the goods long denied.
Of course the highly pitched postwar boom could not last forever.
Gradually, through the years, the gaping voids created by war were filled —
voids in durable consumer goods, housing, and other areas. Yet still business
expanded its productive capacity. Wages, costs, and prices continued to rise.
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Then, in the early 1960's, we found that costs were rigid and that profits were
squeezed. We found that our capacity to produce greatly exceeded the demand for
goods at existing income levels. We found ourselves with a tax structure designed
for war in a period of lax demand.
In short, we found that the groundwork had been laid for the present
situation of unemployment and inadequate growth — and this at a time when we
continued to spend more abroad for imports, investments, military and economic
aid than we received for our exports of goods and services. This is how the
problem of inadequate growth became coupled with balance-of-payments deficit.
And this is why the Federal Reserve System finds itself with a situation in
which monetary ease needed to stimulate domestic growth can spill over to affect
adversely our balance of payments.
This is not the first time that the System has been confronted with
conflicting objectives. You all remember the period of the pegs, when maintenance
of stability in the prices of Government securities was not consistent with
promoting stability in the general level of commodity prices. Again, during
the middle 1950*s we had a foretaste of current developments. Roughly from the
middle of 1953 to the middle of 195^> employment declined by 1 million (and
unemployment rose by nearly 2 million) our monetary gold stock fell by $600
million, and both the consumer and wholesale price levels varied by only one
per cent. Thus an employment objective would have called for greater ease,
protecting our gold stock would have called for greater tightness, and a stable
price level would have called for no change.
We are living through a similar set of developments at the present
time. And though the recent loss of gold is more serious than that in 1953-195^»
the two periods nevertheless illustrate the need for judgment in arriving at an
appropriate balance over time among several objectives, each of which is
desirable in its own right.
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Combining the Ob.jectives
The next question I want to ask is this: Just what has the System
done with respect to money and credit, given the diverse developments that have
occurred?
First let me say that there certainly has been no lack of suggestions
from outside as to how the System should deal with the dual problem of payments
deficit and inadequate growth. System actions have been studied, analyzed, and
debated in the press, in the economic journals and elsewhere. Virtually no
action of the System goes without comment. Indeed, one feels today much as
Walter Bagehot must have felt when reviewing Gibbon's book THE DECLINE AND FALL
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. Bagehot noted that "Perhaps when a Visigoth broke a head,
he [the Visigoth] thought that that was all: not so, — " wrote Bagehot,
"he was making history; Gibbon has written it down."
The System has been advised by some to concentrate its attention
exclusively on the balance of payments deficit — to raise interest rates to
whatever degree is necessary to eliminate the deficit promptly. Yet while
flows of volatile short-term capital might indeed be influenced by such action,
a significant rise in interest rates would also tend to curtail domestic investment.
The System has been aavised by others to concentrate mainly on the rate
of economic growth — to make credit more readily available and interest rates
lower so as to stimulate investment, production, and employment. Individuals
of this persuasion argue that such action would not only alleviate the domestic
problem of unemployment, but also would solve our payments difficulties. Our
payments problem would benefit, the reasoning goes, because a faster growth rate
would make the United States more attractive to both foreign and domestic
investors, hence reduce or even eliminate the large net outflow of investment
funds. Unfortunately, there is no certainty that greater monetary ease would
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in fact have the stimulating effects envisaged without causing a further outflow
of funds. It seems likely that the immediate impact on capital flows would be
adverse and the favorable long-term effects would be modified by a likely
deterioration in our trade balance.
In short, there are real questions as to whether monetary policy could
have its optimum impact if directed at either end of the spectrum of possible
action. As a result, the System has avoided the extremes. It has attempted
instead to provide sufficient monetary ease to promote orderly economic growth
while at the same time avoiding undue pressure on short-term interest rates.
Evidence of the direction of monetary policy may be found in the
statistical record books for the year 1962. To stimulate domestic economic ac
tivity the System permitted an expansion in bank reserves of about $700 million
after adjustment for changes in reserve requirements. As a result, the banking
system increased its loans and investments by a record $19 billion, providing
about 31 P©r cent of the total net volume of funds raised in the credit and
equity markets during the year. And even more indicative of the ease provided
by the System, this record increase in earning assets was accomplished with only
a slight drop in holdings of Government securities. This is in sharp contrast
to other postwar business upswings when banks increased loans only at the expense
of liquidating large volumes of Governments.
In response to the record increase in bank credit, long-term interest
rates on Government and corporate securities fell noticeably and residential
mortgage rates also drifted downward. Yet most short-term rates, those to
which international flows of funds are especially sensitive, actually rose on
balance.
The System helped keep short-term rates up by supplying reserves in
such a manner as to minimize direct pressure on the short-term securities markets.
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Instead of supplying all reserves by direct purchase of Government securities
(which tends to push prices up and yields down) the System created about $780
million in excess reserves in 1962 by reducing reserve requirements on time
deposits from 5 to 4 per cent. In addition, the Open Market Committee continued
to concentrate purchases of Government securities outside the short-term Treasury
bill market, and thus to avoid downward pressure on Treasury bill rates. Indeed,
close to 95 per cent of the net increase in the System's portfolio of Government
securities during the year 1962 was in issues maturing in over one year.
The System also took other actions broadly aimed at mitigating temporary
developments which might affect adversely our balance-of-payments position. Among
these, Regulation Q was modified in an attempt to discourage the outflow of short
term funds held by foreign Governments and official institutions. Effective in
October of 1962 for a period of three years, deposits of "foreign Governments,
monetary and financial authorities of foreign Governments when acting as such,
or international financial institutions of which the United States is a member"
are exempt from the provisions of the regulation specifying maximum rates of
interest which may be paid on time deposits. This modification enables member
banks to set rates which are competitive with those offered abroad and thus to
attract foreign-owned dollars which otherwise might flow to foreign countries
and thus become a claim on our gold stock.
In addition to the modification of Regulation Q, the System has
developed the so-called "swaps" arrangement under which the Federal Reserve and
10 foreign central banks (plus the Bank for International Settlements) have set
up reciprocal "lines of credit." The Bank of France, for example, will allow
the System to draw up to 500 million francs and the Fed, in turn, will let the
Bank of France draw 100 million dollars.
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In general, these drawings are made in response to needs for foreign
currencies to provide temporary relief from specific developments which might
adversely affect our balance-of-payments and gold position. The foreign
currencies may be used for direct operations in the exchange markets —
the Federal Reserve, for example, drawing francs and offering them for sale
through the exchange markets to dollar holders who desire francs and whose
efforts to purchase francs might increase the price of francs in terms of the
dollar.
More typically, however, the System would draw foreign currencies
under the swap arrangements to buy dollars which a foreign central bank has
acquired (as a result of international commercial and financial transactions)
and which are in excess of those the central bank would ordinarily hold.
These dollars would thus be absorbed and would not be used to purchase gold
during the period the swap is in effect. In numerous instances it has worked
out that by the time the swap matures, natural forces have operated to absorb
the dollars so the transfer of gold has been avoided entirely.
In a sense, the swap arrangements represent a first line of defense
against short-term developments which could cause gold drains and speculative
movements of funds abroad. Yet it should be noted that such agreements as the
swaps are by no means the final solution to our balance-of-payments problem.
Instead, they are tools which give us time to work out the more basic diffi
culties underlying our balance-of-payments deficit.
The United States also participates in informal arrangements with
European countries to restrain speculative pressures in the London gold market,
which pressures, if allowed free sway, could have unsettling effects on the
exchanges.
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To summarize what I have said thus far, the System has adapted its
operations to meet the conflict inherent in the dual problem of balance-of-
payments deficit and inadequate economic growth. It has attempted to provide
the monetary ease necessary to promote orderly economic growth, yet provide
this ease in such a way as to have a minimum impact on our balance of payments.
In addition, it has developed several procedures designed to mitigate temporary
developments which might have adverse effects on our balance of payments and on
our gold stock.
How Decisions on Policy Are Made
Now I should like to move from the substance of policy to discuss with
you for a moment the procedure by which Federal Reserve policy is determined. I
do this because of the conflicting reports you may have read about the process.
Just a year ago the System was being described as a monolithic organization whose
responsible officials were required in some mysterious way to reach unanimous
decisions, irrespective of their real convictions. More recently, after
publication of the ANNUAL REPORT of the Board of Governors, you may have read
about a "deep split" in the System over policy. Obviously, these reports come
from opposite ends of the analytical spectrum.
Congress created the Federal Reserve System half a century ago to reflect
our heritage of checks and balances, our desire to avoid concentrations of power.
It made the System responsible to the Congress rather than to the President. It
created a rather coirqplex organization. At the apex is the Board of Governors,
consisting of seven members appointed by the President, by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate. There are twelve Reserve Banks and twenty-four
Branches, each with a board of directors, 260 directors in all. Each Bank has
a president, elected by the local board of directors with the approval of the
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Board of Governors for a five year terra. The seven governors and five of the
presidents comprise the Federal Open Market Committee. Finally, there is a
Federal Advisory Council with one member from each Reserve District.
This complex organization was created to assure that a variety of
points of view would receive expression and consideration in the determination
of monetary policy. Obviously, it is not the kind of structure one would create
if he were interested in unanimity of view. That could have been assured by
creating a single-headed central bank. Congress did assure that in the event
of differences in opinion a united Board of Governors would have final authority
over all instruments of policy. Its members cast seven of twelve votes on the
Open Market Committee; they review and determine discount rates at the Reserve
Banks; they determine reserve requirements of member banks, and they establish
margin requirements for purchasing or carrying listed securities.
It should not be surprising that votes on policy have been unanimous
for considerable periods of time. After all, there is no basic disagreement on
the goals: maximum employment and production, domestic and international stability
of the currency, and growth that such conditions promote. Not infrequently all of
these goals call for essentially the same policy. Furthermore, the responsible
officials have access, directly or through interchange, to the same information.
Under these circumstances, frequent agreement requires no defense. Differences
of opinion which may exist may be too small to merit a record of dissent.
It should be equally clear why differences of opinion do arise from time
to time. General agreement on goals does not include specific agreement on the
best combination of objectives if all of them cannot be achieved simultaneously
and continuously. Furthermore, in our current state of knowledge, central banking
is more art than science. Economists have not been able to conduct the controlled
experiments that would enable them to predict in all their ramifications the
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precise effects of a given action. Finally, every individual's judgment is
influenced by his own background and experience. Officials of the Federal
Reserve System are human beings, living in the real world not in a vacuum.
The Federal Open Market Committee is a deliberative group. Each
member influences and is influenced by every other member. Obviously the
amount of influence exerted and received is not equal but is related to the
talents of the individual members. After many years of observation and
participation, I can say no single member would have done exactly what the Committee
did on all occasions had he been in complete authority. No member is always
completely satisfied. Yet, looking back and speaking for myself, I can only
hope that I may have made some constructive contribution to the results; I know
that the actual policies that have been pursued have been better than they would
have been had I called all the shots.
Conclusions
In conclusion let me say this. The Federal Reserve System has been
faced with difficult problems during the past few years. The serious deficit
in our balance of payments and the slowdown in our rate of economic growth have
challenged the skill and resourcefulness of all officials within the System.
Differences arise from time to time with regard to the particular
emphasis which should be given to each of the forces that comprise our complex
economic system. Such differences could be eliminated simply by eliminating
dissenting opinion. Yet one of the main sources of Federal Reserve strength is
the deliberative process wherein men of good-will, of varied background and
experience pool and appraise opinions and ideas and come to a judgment as to the
course of action to be followed. It would be of dubious utility to sacrifice this
decision-making process merely to appear more unified and monolithic in the public
eye.
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In my talk with you today I have discussed primarily the role of the
Federal Reserve System in promoting sustained growth and balance-of-payments
equilibrium. Let me close by emphasizing what must be obvious; the Federal
Reserve alone cannot solve these problems. The complexities of the situation
demand that we bring all of our tools of public policy to bear, from fiscal
policy to foreign relations. Only then can we be assured that this nation has
the best possible chance to move forward during the decade of the I960*s.
# # # # #
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EDERAL RESERVE BANK OF PHILADELPHIA
I
P-: "■
k' fr’ ^ Ju l :v- ¡¡¡¡I *
Leaning Against the Winds of Change
by Karl Bow?
Pennsylvania’s Economic Growth:
Problems and Recommendations
by Evan B. Alderfer
What’s Happening to Labor Costs?
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BUSINESS REVIEW
is produced in the Department of Research.
Requests for additional copies should be addressed to Bank and Public Relations, Federal Reserve Bank of
Philadelphia, Philadelphia I, Pennsylvania.
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LEANING AGAINST
THE WINDS
OF CHANGE*
by Karl R. Bopp
Since we last met at this annual meeting the But whatever the reasons, the major crises of
economy and the nation have endured strains 1962 had a limited economic impact. Perhaps
ranging all the way from a major stock market the most favorable development was the con
break to a tension-filled international crisis over tinuation for another year of relative stability in
the presence of Soviet offensive capability in the price level. Yet we still had economic prob
Cuba. In past decades, either one of these de lems. Most important, the economy continued to
velopments might have had the most severe grow at a rate which was inadequate to absorb
repercussions on our economy. Yet the effects an expanding work force; and our balance of
proved to be quite limited. payments registered a sizeable deficit.
At the height of the Cuban crisis, for exam These continuing problems presented the Fed
ple, retailers noted little more than an increase eral Reserve System with difficult decisions be
in sales of transistor radios. Mass, panic buying, cause action designed to spur domestic economic
so typical of periods of international tension, growth may tend in some instances to aggravate
was simply not in evidence. And though the our balance-of-payments problem. Stimulation of
stock market break was enough to make busi the domestic economy, on the one hand, calls for
nessmen take a second look at our economic greater credit availability and lower interest
underpinnings, it did not precipitate any major rates. But easy money and low interest rates pro
decline in business activity. mote outflows of capital to foreign nations and
Perhaps the limited economic effects of the can thus adversely affect our balance of
stock market break partially may be explained by payments.
public confidence in the safeguards designed to You bankers, of course, are thoroughly fa
cushion the economy from such shocks. Perhaps miliar with this type of situation. You have the
the limited impact of the Cuban crisis resulted continuing problem of combining your desire
in part from a general feeling that the course of for profit with your need for liquidity and your
events in the thermonuclear age is beyond the desire to serve your communities. In general, the
direct reach of the individual. quest for profit and community service tend to
pull in the direction of extending credit that is
* A talk given at the 60th Annual Convention, New Jersey longer term, riskier, and local. The need for
Bankers Association, Atlantic City, May 16, 1963.
3
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business review
liquidity pulls in the direction of shorter term, Our present situation, of course, is a long way
safer, and marketable securities. This inherent from this theoretical framework. Why is this so?
conflict does not frustrate you. On the contrary, The answer is involved and concerns political
it gives real meaning to the profession. The as well as economic developments. We must go
great challenge is to produce the optimum over back a few years—to the end of World War II
all result. in fact—to see how the present conflict between
So it is with the Federal Reserve System. Our international payments and domestic growth
problem is to produce the best over-all results, developed.
within the limits of our powers, with respect to At the end of the Second World War the
both our balance of payments and our rate of United States faced two political problems of
economic growth. Today I should like to discuss overriding importance. Much of the world lay in
with you the developments that have produced ruins and the Soviet Union was taking advantage
our current problems, what the System has done of the situation to expand its territorial and
to resolve the issues, and finally how the System ideological sphere of influence. By external
reaches decisions as to appropriate policy. power and internal subversion, the Soviets swal
In the years when I received my economic lowed up Poland, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria,
training, prevailing thought indicated that full East Germany, and many of the other satellite
employment and balance-of-payments equilib nations. Within five years after war’s end, the
rium could be achieved simultaneously. The Communist bloc had expanded to include more
medicine to provide one was thought to promote than half the population and land area of
the other. Europe.
Unemployment, the reasoning went, stemmed Surveying the world scene, the United States
from inadequate domestic demand. Inadequate realized that something had to be done if liberty
demand in turn, was associated with balance-of- and peace were to be preserved. Left to their
payments surplus, because inadequate demand own misery, the war-ravaged and poverty-
tended to put downward pressure on wages and stricken nations of Western Europe were almost
prices and thus made the home market a good certain to share the fate of the Eastern European
place to buy for both foreigners and domestic satellites. France, Italy, Greece, Turkey—all were
consumers. vulnerable. Thus acting under the dual motive
Since unemployment and payments surplus oc of humanitarianism and a desire to check Soviet
curred simultaneously, there was no conflict in imperialism and preserve world peace, the United
objectives. Monetary ease was the medicine for States began a massive program to aid in re
both maladies. The central bank was supposed to construction and to build a network of military
make money and credit more readily available. bases to deter overt Soviet aggression. And this
More money and credit stimulated output, em was not all. In later years, as the underdeveloped
ployment, and sales. And it also tended even nations of Europe, Africa, Latin America, and
tually to put upward pressure on wages and the East began to emerge into the industrial age,
prices and thus make domestic goods less attrac the United States came with aid—both as
tive so that balance-of-payments equilibrium brother-to-brother and to prevent further Soviet
would be restored. penetration.
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Here, then, was the world scene: two super than we received for our exports of goods and
powers with the technical proficiency to destroy services. The difference came to a strapping
the world—between them the grey area of the $3.8 billion. To settle accounts, foreigners took
reconstructing and developing nations, plus an a little over SI billion in claims and about
intricate network of military installations. The $2.3 billion in gold. We had a serious balance-
cost to support this elaborate setup? In a word, of-payments problem and a heavy gold outflow
the costs were enormous. It meant spending vast to prove it. The same basic situation has con
amounts of dollars all over the world. tinued to the present.
Yet the dollars could be spent with little ad While all this was happening, the groundwork
verse impact on our balance of payments and was being laid for our present problem of
gold stock so long as dollars were desperately unemployment and inadequate growth. With
needed to buy United States goods. What nation wartime priorities directed at producing the
wants to waste dollars buying our gold when it tanks and planes needed to bring the enemy to
desperately needs machinery, locomotives, and his knees, a large portion of the wages and
all the other hardware of reconstruction and salaries derived from that production went into
development? savings accounts, war bonds and the like. At
Let this need subside, though, let the war- war’s end the nation had accumulated an enor
devastated countries rebuild their productive mous volume of liquid purchasing power. Then,
capacity so that they could produce much of the when we converted back to peacetime production,
needs of their citizens—let them even become this huge accumulation of funds descended upon
competitors with freely convertible currencies— a limited supply of goods. The result: rising
then watch out. Dollars may come home not to profits, prices, and wages, and a scramble to
buy goods, but to purchase gold, the traditional increase capacity to produce more of the goods
form in which many nations keep their inter long denied.
national reserves. Indeed, with business booming Of course the highly pitched postwar boom
abroad Americans could add to the current dif could not last forever. Gradually, through the
ficulty by investing abroad in productive enter years, the gaping voids created by war were
prises and in high-yielding securities. Now, filled-—voids in durable consumer goods, hous
profitable foreign investment obviously adds to ing, and other areas. Yet still business expanded
the ultimate strength of the dollar, especially its productive capacity. Wages, costs, and prices
when the income from such investment is continued to rise. Then, in the early 1960’s, we
brought back home. But while the investment found that costs were rigid and that profits were
is being made it adds to the current supply of squeezed. We found that our capacity to produce
dollars demanding foreign currencies. greatly exceeded the demand for goods at exist
In fact, this is just what happened to the ing income levels. We found ourselves with a
United States. It became apparent in 1958. For tax structure designed for war in a period of
in that year, when great strides were made lax demand.
toward currency convertibility abroad, we found In short, we found that the groundwork had
ourselves paying far more to foreigners for im been laid for the present situation of unemploy
ports, investments, military and economic aid ment and inadequate growth—and this at a time
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when we continued to spend more abroad for have occurred?
imports, investments, military and economic aid First let me say that there certainly has been
than we received for our exports of goods and no lack of suggestions from outside as to how
services. This is how the problem of inadequate the System should deal with the dual problem
growth became coupled with balance-of-paynjents of payments deficit and inadequate growth. Sys
deficit. And this is why the Federal Reserve tem actions have been studied, analyzed, and
System finds itself with a situation in which debated in the press, in the economic journals
monetary ease needed to stimulate domestic and elsewhere. Virtually no action of the System
growth can spill over to affect adversely our goes without comment. Indeed, one feels today
balance of payments. much as Walter Bagehot must have felt when
This is not the first time that the System has reviewing Gibbon’s book The History of the
been confronted with conflicting objectives. You Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Bagehot
all remember the period of the pegs, when noted that “Perhaps when a Visigoth broke a
maintenance of stability in the prices of Govern head, he thought that that was all: not so,—”
ment securities was not consistent with promot wrote Bagehot, “he was making history; Gibbon
ing stability in the general level of commodity has written it down.”
prices. Again, during the middle 1950’s we had The System has been advised by some to
a foretaste of current developments. Roughly concentrate its attention exclusively on the bal-
from the middle of 1953 to the middle of 1954, ance-of-payments deficit—to raise interest rates
employment declined by 1 million (and unem to whatever degree is necessary to eliminate
ployment rose by nearly 2 million) our monetary the deficit promptly. Yet while flows of volatile
gold stock fell by $600 million, and both the short-term capital might indeed be influenced
consumer and wholesale price levels varied by by such action, a significant rise in interest rates
only one per cent. Thus an employment objec would also tend to curtail domestic investment.
tive would have called for greater ease, protecting The System has been advised by others to
our gold stock would have called for greater concentrate mainly on the rate of economic
tightness, and a stable price level would have growth—to make credit more readily available
called for no change. and interest rates lower so as to stimulate invest
We are living through a similar set of develop ment, production, and employment. Individuals
ments at the present time. And though the recent of this persuasion argue that such action would
loss of gold is more serious than that in 1953- not only alleviate the domestic problem of un
1954, the two periods nevertheless illustrate the employment, but also would solve our payments
need for judgment in arriving at an appropriate difficulties. Our payments problems would bene
balance over time among several objectives, each fit, the reasoning goes, because a faster growth
of which is desirable in its own right. rate would make the United States more attrac
tive to both foreign and domestic investors,
Combining the objectives hence reduce or even eliminate the large net
The next question I want to ask is this: Just outflow of investment funds. Unfortunately, there
what has the System done with respect to money is no certainty that greater monetary ease would
and credit, given the diverse developments that in fact have the stimulating effects envisaged
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without causing a further outflow of funds. It minimize direct pressure on the short-term
seems likely that the immediate impact on capital securities markets. Instead of supplying all re
flows would be adverse and the favorable long serves by direct purchase of Government securi
term effects would be modified by a likely ties (which tends to push prices up and yields
deterioration in our trade balance. down) the System created about $780 million
In short, there are real questions as to whether in excess reserves in 1962 by reducing reserve
monetary policy could have its optimum impact requirements on time deposits from 5 to 4 per
if directed at either end of the spectrum of pos cent. In addition, the Open Market Committee
sible action. As a result, the System has avoided continued to concentrate purchases of Govern
the extremes. It has attempted instead to provide ment securities outside the short-term Treasury
sufficient monetary ease to promote orderly bill market, and thus to avoid downward pres
economic growth while at the same time avoid sure on Treasury bill rates. Indeed, close to
ing undue pressure on short-term interest rates. 95 per cent of the net increase in the System’s
Evidence of the direction of monetary policy portfolio of Government securities during the
may be found in the statistical record books for year 1962 was in issues maturing in over one
the year 1962. To stimulate domestic economic year.
activity the System permitted an expansion in The System also took other actions broadly
bank reserves of about $700 million after ad aimed at mitigating temporary developments
justment for changes in reserve requirements. which might affect adversely our balance-of-
As a result, the banking system increased its payments position. Among these, Regulation Q
loans and investments by a record $19 billion, was modified in an attempt to discourage the
providing about 31 per cent of the total net outflow of short-term funds held by foreign
volume of funds raised in the credit and equity Governments and official institutions. Effective
markets during the year. And even more indica in October of 1962 for a period of three years,
tive of the ease provided by the System, this deposits of “foreign Governments, monetary and
record increase in earning assets was accom financial authorities of foreign Governments
plished with only a slight drop in holdings of when acting as such, or international financial
Government securities. This is in sharp contrast institutions of which the United States is a mem
to other postwar business upswings when banks ber” are exempt from the provisions of the
increased loans only at the expense of liquidating regulation specifying maximum rates of interest
large volumes of Governments. which may be paid on time deposits. This modi
In response to the record increase in bank fication enables member banks to set rates which
credit, long-term interest rates on Government are competitive with those offered abroad and
and corporate securities fell noticeably and thus to attract foreign-owned dollars which
residential mortgage rates also drifted down otherwise might flow to foreign countries and
ward. Yet most short-term rates, those to which thus become a claim on our gold stock.
international flows of funds are especially sensi In addition to the modification of Regulation
tive, actually rose on balance. Q, the System has developed the so-called
The System helped keep short-term rates up “swaps” arrangement under which the Federal
by supplying reserves in such a manner as to Reserve and 10 foreign central banks (plus the
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Bank for International Settlements) have set up The United States also participates in informal
reciprocal “lines of credit.” The Bank of France, arrangements with European countries to re
for example, will allow the System to draw up strain speculative pressures in the London gold
to 500 million francs and the Fed, in turn, will market, which pressures if allowed free sway
let the Bank of France draw 100 million dollars. could have unsettling effects on the exchanges.
In general, these drawings are made in re To summarize what I have said thus far, the
sponse to needs for foreign currencies to provide System has adapted its operations to meet the
temporary relief from specific developments conflict inherent in the dual problem of balance-
which might adversely affect our balance-of- of-payments deficit and inadequate economic
payments and gold position. The foreign cur growth. It has attempted to provide the monetary
rencies may be used for direct operations in the ease necessary to promote orderly economic
exchange markets—the Federal Reserve, for ex growth, yet provide this ease in such a way as to
ample, drawing francs and offering them for sale have a minimum impact on our balance of
through the exchange markets to dollar holders payments. In addition, it has developed several
who desire francs and whose efforts to purchase procedures designed to mitigate temporary de
francs might increase the price of francs in terms velopments which might have adverse effects on
of the dollar. our balance of payments and on our gold stock.
More typically, however, the System would
draw foreign currencies under the swap arrange How decisions on policy are made
ments to buy dollars which a foreign central Now I should like to move from the substance
bank has acquired (as a result of international of policy to discuss with you for a moment the
commercial and financial transactions) and procedure by which Federal Reserve policy is
which are in excess of those the central bank determined. I do this because of the conflicting
would ordinarily hold. These dollars would thus reports you may have read about the process.
be absorbed and would not be used to purchase Just a year ago the System was being described
gold during the period the swap is in effect. as a monolithic organization whose responsible
In numerous instances it has worked out that officials were required in some mysterious way
by the time the swap matured natural forces had to reach unanimous decisions, irrespective of
operated to absorb the dollars so that the transfer their real convictions. More recently, after pub
of gold was avoided entirely. lication of the Annual Report of the Board of
In a sense, the swap arrangements represent Governors, you may have read about a “deep
a first line of defense against short-term develop split” in the System over policy. Obviously,
ments which could cause gold drains and specu these reports come from opposite ends of the
lative movements of funds abroad. Yet it should analytical spectrum.
be noted that such agreements as the swaps are Congress created the Federal Reserve System
by no means the final solution to our balance- half a century ago to reflect our heritage of
of-payments problem. Instead, they are tools checks and balances, our desire to avoid con
which give us time to work out the more basic centrations of power. It made the System respon
difficulties underlying our balance-of-payments sible to the Congress rather than to the Presi
deficit. dent. It created a rather complex organization.
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At the apex is the Board of Governors, consist Under these circumstances, frequent agreement
ing of seven members appointed by the Presi requires no defense. Differences of opinion which
dent, by and with the advice and consent of the may exist may be too small to merit a record of
Senate. There are twelve Reserve Banks and dissent.
twenty-four Branches, each with a board of It should be equally clear why differences of
directors, 260 directors in all. Each Bank has opinion do arise from time to time. General
a president, elected by the local board of direc agreement on goals does not include specific
tors with the approval of the Board of Governors agreement on the best combination of objectives
for a five-year term. The seven governors and if all of them cannot be achieved simultaneously
five of the presidents comprise the Federal Open and continuously. Furthermore, in our current
Market Committee. Finally, there is a Federal state of knowledge, central banking is more art
Advisory Council with one member from each than science. Economists have not been able to
Reserve District. conduct the controlled experiments that would
This complex organization was created to enable them to predict in all their ramifications
assure that a variety of points of view would the precise effects of a given action. Finally,
receive expression and consideration in the deter every individual’s judgment is influenced by his
mination of monetary policy. Obviously, it is not own background and experience. Officials of the
the kind of structure one would create if he were Federal Reserve System are human beings, living
interested in unanimity of view. That could have in the real world not in a vacuum.
been assured by creating a single-headed central The Federal Open Market Committee is a
bank. Congress did assure that in the event of deliberative group. Each member influences and
differences in opinion a united Board of Gov is influenced by every other member. Obviously
ernors would have final authority over all instru the amount of influence exerted and received is
ments of policy. Its members cast seven of twelve not equal but is related to the talents of the
votes on the Open Market Committee; they individual members. After many years of obser
review and determine discount rates at the Re vation and participation, I can say no single
serve Banks ; they determine reserve require member would have done exactly what the
ments of member banks, and they establish Committee did on all occasions had he been in
margin requirements for purchasing or carrying complete authority. No member is always com
listed securities. pletely satisfied. Yet, looking back and speaking
It should not be surprising that votes on policy for myself, I can only hope that I may have made
have been unanimous for considerable periods of some constructive contribution to the results; I
time. After all, there is no basic disagreement on know that the actual policies that have been
the goals: maximum employment and produc pursued have been better than they would have
tion, domestic and international stability of the been had I called all the shots.
currency, and growth that such conditions pro
mote. Not infrequently all of these goals call for Conclusions
essentially the same policy. Furthermore, the In conclusion let me say this. The Federal Re
responsible officials have access, directly or serve System has been faced with difficult prob
through interchange, to the same information. lems during the past few years. The serious
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deficit in our balance of payments and the slow utility to sacrifice this decision-making process
down in our rate of economic growth have merely to appear more unified and monolithic
challenged the skill and resourcefulness of all in the public eye.
officials within the System. In my talk with you today I have discussed
Differences arise from time to time with re primarily the role of the Federal Reserve System
gard to the particular emphasis which should be in promoting sustained growth and balance-of-
given to each of the forces that comprise our payments equilibrium. Let me close by emphasiz
complex economic system. Such differences could ing what must be obvious; the Federal Reserve
be eliminated simply by eliminating dissenting alone cannot solve these problems. The com
opinion. Yet one of the main sources of Federal plexities of the situation demand that we bring
Reserve strength is the deliberative process all of our tools of public policy to bear, from
wherein men of good-will, of varied background fiscal policy to foreign relations. Only then can
and experience pool and appraise opinions and we be assured that this nation has the best
ideas and come to a judgment as to the course possible chance to move forward during the
of action to be followed. It would be of dubious decade of the 1960’s.
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Cite this document
APA
Karl R. Bopp (1963, May 15). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19630516_karl_r_bopp
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19630516_karl_r_bopp,
author = {Karl R. Bopp},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1963},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19630516_karl_r_bopp},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}