speeches · March 29, 1959
Regional President Speech
Monroe Kimbrel · President
FROM: FOR A.M. RELEASE
AMERICAN BANKERS ASSOCIATION TUESDAY, MARCH 31, 1959
THE NEWS BUREAU
George J. Kelly, Assistant Director
730 Fifteenth St,, N.W., Washington, D.C,
Address by Mr, M. Monroe Kimbrel, Chairman of Committee
on Federal Legislation, American Bankers Association, and
Executive Vice President, First National Bank of Thomson,
Georgia, at Seminar and Forum of the Miami Chapter,
American Institute of Banking, McAllister Hotel, Miami,
Florida, 8 P.M., Monday, March 30, 1959
All history shows that man, to a very large degree, is a creature
of his environment. This same rule applies to associations or groups of
men, and it applies with particular force to the activities of our Associa
tion as related to Federal legislation.
So I suggest that we consider our present legislative program in
the light of the economic and political environment in which we live.
Thirty years ago many banks operated completely independent of
the Federal Government. For others, there was only an indirect relation
ship in the form of periodic visits by Federal examiners.
Today, in a very real sense, Uncle Sam sits on every bank's board
of directors.
Of all the changes that have taken place within and around the
banking industry aince the ’20s, this one seems to me to be the most
significant. It has given rise to great problems and great opportunities.
It has drawn us, willing or not, into an area of activity where bankers
previously chose not to tread.
Most of us acknowledge - or should acknowledge - that the Federal
Government is in banking to stay. We also recognize that the economic and
governmental philosophy which has attracted public support in recent years
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is in many respects at variance with basic banking principles. Nevertheless,
the question before us is not whether but how to manage our end of the
banker-Government relationship.
The American Bankers Association, like all trade and service
groups, reflects the attitudes and aspirations of its members. In recent
years the A.B.A. efforts have paralleled the growing concern of banking in
general with respect to legislative trends.
First, let me establish the place and role of the Association's
Committee on Federal Legislation. The Committee does not make policy. It
recommends policy to the Administrative Committee and the Executive Council,
and within policy limits it plans and monitors the activities of the
Washington Office having to do with the Congress.
Now, what are we trying to accomplish?
In terms of legislative goals, bankers today occupy a rather
unique position. We seek no Federal subsidy. We do not ask for guaranteed
profits or protection against losses. At a time when special privilege is
widely claimed, banking covets no special privilege for itself.
We do seek a well-ordered economic society in which banking can
function properly. Within this general objective, we also advocate legis
lation that is needed to keep banking services abreast of the times and
to provide a fair competitive balance among financial institutions.
These are modest and, I believe, attainable goals. The present
strength of the banking industry generally and the extent to which our
services are confidently used by the public would indicate that we have
made substantial progress. At the same time, I can assure you that our
Committee and the Association itself are very much aware of the need for
continued efforts to improve banker-Government relations.
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In my opinion, the success of these efforts depends to a large
degree upon our understanding of two fundamental facts. First, banker-
Government relations cover a tremendously complex and sensitive area.
Secondly, the interest and participation of the individual banker determine
the effectiveness of the total effort.
Obviously, our approach must take into account the processes and
philosophy of the Federal Government as it exists today.
It is important, for example, that we recognize the political
ground-rules by which Government operates. In politics the shortest
distance between two points is hardly ever a straight line. Politics is
at best an inexact science in which emotion and personality and prejudice
all play an influential part.
Effective legislative representation, therefore, is not simply a
matter of making known your views in clear and ringing tones. A proposal
may meet every objective standard of merit and need, and still wind up on
the shelf. A great many considerations, some entirely unrelated to merit
or need or manner of presentation, go into the calculations of the Congress.
It follows that we must look at our own position realistically.
Today, banking as a symbol ranks low in political appeal. The
nature of the business and attitudes rooted in ancient traditions combine
to make banking something less than an inspiration or a threat in the mind
of the practical Government servant. There is also the fact that in the
modern era of concern for mass media and mass opinion, bankers are numeric
cally unimportant.
In the political arena, banking has long been recognized as a
safe and productive target. Whether we like it or not - whether there is
justification for it or not - the fact remains and must be reckoned with.
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Today, for example, banking is equated in some political circles
and in the minds of many people - with ,fbig business"; and legislation
bearing a "big business" label usually runs into heavy traffic. You and
I know that most banks are small businesses - that 10,000 of the 14,000
banks in the country would qualify as small businesses according to the
standards set up by the Government itself. The truth, in this case, has
a long way to go to catch up with a politically significant legend.
Even more important is the reaction of the individual banker.
He might, with some reason, pick up his hurt feelings and go home. He
might say of Washington: if that’s the way they’re going to play, count
me out. Or he might conclude that politics is no concern of his in the
first place.
My friends, the trouble is that too many bankers have tended to
think of Federal legislation in precisely these terms. What they often
overlook is that Government is their responsibility as much as anyone
else’s, and that Government is going to continue to legislate and regulate
banking whether it has the benefit of their advice and interest or not.
We tend to think of banking as a single, unified force. Insofar
as Federal government relations are concerned, this is not the case. The
appearance we frequently present to the Congress is that of disunity.
Last year a Congressional Committee considering legislation of
vital importance to banking invited testimony from the industry. During
the hearings three groups representing various branches of the banking
family recommended three separate courses of action. One supported the
proposal, one opposed it, and the other suggested substantial amendments.
Obviously, this is not conducive to Congressional understanding
of banking’s needs or to constructive legislative results. It serves only
to confuse our friends and inspire our critics.
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This situation, we all know, can he explained on the basis of
the diversity of types of institutions and services within the overall
hanking system. I seriously question, however, whether its continuance
can he justified in terms of banking’s future responsibilities and needs.
I think we have to recognize that it is almost impossible to
draft a single piece of legislation having general application to banking
that would affect all banks alike. On any given subject there may be
differing reactions from the State bank and the national bank, the country
bank and the central reserve city bank, the unit bank and the branch bank,
the commercial bank and the mutual savings bank. If the Association were
to limit its attention to those proposals on which all member banks were in
complete agreement, the Federal Legislative Committee would have nothing
to do.
The sensible course, it seems to me, is to acknowledge the differ
ences, iron them out to the fullest extent possible within the banking
family, and then form a solid front in support of the agreed-upon position.
At one time or another some members of the family will have to subordinate
their preferences. I am convinced that in the long run all would gain.
Certainly, the Congress and the country itself would benefit from the clear
and forceful presentation of banking’s best composite judgment.
Currently, a number of proposals of vital concern to banking are
pending before the Congress. I believe there is a good prospect for the
enactment of some constructive banking legislation this year.
As many of you will recall, most of the banking proposals before
the Congress in the previous two years were contained in a single bill,
the Financial Institutions Bill. Senator Robertson in initiating this
one-package approach in 1957 recognized that the very size and scope of the
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bill would render it vulnerable to sniping and delaying tactics and make
passage difficult. These were precisely the rocks on which the bill ran
aground in the House Banking and Currency Committee.
This year the Banking Committee leaders in both the Senate and
House are taking the "separate bill" approach. Senator Robertson’s
Committee already has completed public hearings on a bill introduced by
the Senator which would place final responsibility over bank mergers in
the Federal bank supervisory agencies. The Association vigorously supported
the bill in testimony last week, and took the occasion to express equally
vigorous objection to a contrary proposal which would subject bank mergers
to the Clayton Anti-trust Act and Justice Department approval.
Both of these proposals have been before the Congress for a number
of years. This may well be the year of decision. In our opinion, there
is no question but what the chief responsibility over merger proposals
properly belongs with these supervisory agencies which best understand
banking’s problems and needs and which are qualified to evaluate "banking"
factors as well as competitive factors.
Another important bill, now receiving consideration, would change
the powers of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System over
member bank reserve requirements. Most important, it would permit member
banks to count vault cash as part of their legally required reserves. This
legislation embodies recommendations of the Board of Governors which evolved
from studies in which the A.B.A. participated. We believe it is needed and
that it will greatly enhance the services of banks throughout the country,
particularly of smaller banks, We testified to this effect before the
Senate Banking and Currency Committee last week and will testify before a
House Banking subcommittee next week.
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The Chairman of the House Banking subcommittee, Representative
Paul Brown of Georgia, is expected to schedule hearings shortly on several
other hills proposing significant amendments to the National Bank Act.
One would modify the present requirement that the cumulative voting procedure
he followed in the election of directors of national hanks. Another would
liberalize the restrictions and limits as applied to construction and
industrial loans hy national hanks. Restrictions on frozen food loans,
dairy cattle loans, and certain consumer instalment loans also would he
adjusted.
These are positive proposals which would enable hanking to do a
better job. We are also concerned about others which would have the
opposite effect.
One item in this second category is legislation that would raise
from $10,000 to $20,000 the maximum amount of a shareholder’s account in a
savings and loan association which may he insured hy the Federal Savings
and Loan Insurance Corporation. The same proposal also would permit
F.S.L.I.C. coverage of fiduciary accounts on the basis of $20,000 for each
member or beneficiary of the plan and would increase the insurance coverage
of joint accounts.
These provisions were included in the omnibus housing bill intro-
duced in the House early in the Session. When we testified before the
housing subcommittee we expressed strong opposition to the increases in
savings and loan insurance coverage on the basis that they appeared to be
inspired more by a desire for competitive advantage than by any sound
operational need. The provisions subsequently were deleted by the sub
committee and are not in the housing bill which is now waiting action by
the House.
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However, it is quite possible that a bill providing for the
increases both for F.S.L.I.C. coverage of share accounts in savings and
loan associations and for F.D.I.C. coverage of deposits in banks will be
introduced later in the session.
We see no need for an increase with respect to either type of
Federal insurance. The effect, we think, would be to mislead shareholders
and depositors alike and to further confuse public understanding of the
role and responsibilities of the several financial institutions under our
present economic system.
The most complex - and possibly the most frustrating - situation
we face legislatively today is that involving Federal taxation of financial
institutions.
The inequities are obvious. Savings and loan associations, mutual
savings banks and commercial banks all are subject to the same corporate
income tax law. Yet, as a result of different treatment of income set
aside as reserves for bad debts, commercial banks pay approximately 12 times
the amount of taxes, on a percentage basis, as are paid by the mutual
institutions. The dollar differential is even more staggering: for every
$1,000 paid in taxes by commercial banks, the mutual savings banks pay
approximately one dollar and savings and loan associations pay less than one
dollar.
We advocate a uniform treatment of bad debt reserves that will
enable the three types of institutions to meet their tax responsibilities
on a more nearly equal footing. In view of the need for Federal revenue,
we believe this can and should be done without causing a loss of revenue to
the Treasury.
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It is no easy job. The Ways and Means Committee of the House,
which originates all tax legislation in the Congress, held hearings last
year on several proposals in this area and took no action* The Committee
this year has completed work on a bill which would tax mutual life insurance
companies* To date, it has not scheduled hearings on current proposals
affecting banks and savings and loan associations. Furthermore, the
Treasury Department, which exercises considerable weight in this field,
has not given its blessing to any of the several plans presented within
the framework of our position*
Representative Curtis of Missouri has stated that the purpose of
a bill he has introduced is to modify the tax advantages of savings and
loan associations and mutual savings banks. However, the omission from
the present Curtis Bill of any limitations on the amount of tax-deductible
income which these institutions may pay out in the form of dividends and
interest raises serious doubt as to whether the bill would achieve its
purpose *
Our Association is committed, as a matter of policy, to a uniform
treatment of bad debt reserves. We have worked closely with Members of
Congress, with key Government officials and - since last Fall - with repre
sentatives of mutual savings banks in an effort to develop a proposal in
line with our policy which will have the best possible chance of becoming
law* To date, we have not found a solution to this most difficult of
problems. The effort continues and, I hope, will produce concrete gains
within the next few months.
The future course of a piece of legislation is about as predictable
as a leaf in the wind. I have purposely refrained from predictions, or even
speculations, while summarizing some of the more constant factors of
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atmosphere and attitude which help to illuminate the present arena of
"banker-Government relations. We need light - not heat. We need to know
where we are in order to know where we are going. It is through the
understanding and active cooperation of groups such as yours that we can
make important progress.
* * * * *
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Cite this document
APA
Monroe Kimbrel (1959, March 29). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19590330_monroe_kimbrel
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19590330_monroe_kimbrel,
author = {Monroe Kimbrel},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1959},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19590330_monroe_kimbrel},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}