speeches · June 15, 1955
Regional President Speech
Karl R. Bopp · President
DRtfl
THE REDISCOVERY OF MONETARY POLICY
- SOME PROBLEMS OF APPLICATION
Remarks of
KARL R. BOPP
Vice President, Federal Reserve Bank
of Philadelphia
and
Lecturer on Finance,
University of Pennsylvania
before the
CONFERENCE OF PENNSYLVANIA ECONOMISTS
The Pennsylvania State University
University Park, Pennsylvania
June 16, 1955
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THE REDISCOVERY OF MONETARY POLICY
- SOME PROBLEMS OF APPLICATION
A university centennial is an appropriate occasion to inter
pret contemporary problems in the light of experience. Certainly the
history of monetary policy illustrates a need for perspective. During
the past three decades we have seen faith in monetary policy run a full
cycle. It reached a zenith in the New Era of the 1920’s, plummeted to
its nadir in the Great Depression of the 1930’s, and has re-emerged
rapidly in the 1950’s. Perspective should enable us to maintain at
least a semblance of continuity of judgment as to the power of monetary
policy rather than to be torn alternately by such exaggerated hope and
unwarranted despair.
One of our difficulties is that we seem unable to develop an
appropriate balance either between vicarious experience and direct per
sonal experience or between successive personal experiences. Every
sensitive teacher who has empathy is aware of this in his students
though not always in himself. I remember being surprised, when I began
1920-21
teaching, that the knowledge my students had of the depression of
was essentially vicarious and secondhand, something learned from books,
older relatives and friends. The depression as such had not increased
Itself upon them because they were too young to experience it - just as
the Panic of 1907 and the founding of the Federal Reserve System were
mere word descriptions to me. All of us, however, were experiencing the
optimism of the "New Era" in which we were living. We mastered a simple,
straightforward, exclusive theory of the omnipotence of monetary policy.
We found not only that the theory was intellectually convincing but that
experience seemed to be demonstrating its validity. Both the recoveries
1923 1926 1921 1927
of and and the recessions of *- and were mild relative
to earlier fluctuations.
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A few college generations later it was almost impossible to
convey to the students any real feeling of the new era. We were in the
midst of the Great Depression. Experience was interpreted as demon
strating that monetary policy is impotent. Forgotten - in part because
the students hadn’t experienced it - was the mildness of the recessions
1927
of 192^ and • Painful was the depth and length of the existing de
pression despite a policy of easy money. Compensatory fiscal policy,
launched as an extension of open market operations - to put active
rather than passive money into the economy, soon took over virtually
the whole field. Again, a simple, straightforward, exclusive, and in
tellectually convincing theory was developed.
Several college generations and a world war later, we demon
strated by experiment the inadequacy of fiscal policy standing alone.
We found inflation going merrily on its way despite large surpluses in
the Federal budget, because with credit both cheap and plentiful, pri
vate sectors of the economy and local governments went into debt more
rapidly than the Federal government came out.
The present generation of college students, to whom the de
pression in turn is, well, a vicarious memory, has seen a revival of
monetary policy. The first recession since the famous Treasury-Federal
Reserve Accord of March 1951, which marked a return to flexible monetary
policy, has been mild. There is a danger that we may again feel that
all the dragons have been slain.
In recounting these significant changes in emphasis which
seem related to strictly contemporary experience, I do not wish to imply
that all teachers or even all students held these shifting judgments.
Certain experiences affect individuals more deeply and certain habits of
thought persist longer than others. One could almost always find
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contemporary advocates for most of the roles that have ever been ascribed
to monetary policy. Certainly anyone who has followed recent Congres
sional hearings can certify that this is true today. The logic of some
advocates is cogent, granted their premises, and of others, granted their
objectives. I must warn you at the outset that my mind contains no
mental gyroscope that keeps me unerringly on the path of truth by compen
sating for my own ignorance. Fortunately, informed discussion, but
tressed by experience, has a way of exposing not only errors in logic
but hidden implications of our logical structures as well.
In our zeal for the possibilities of a rediscovered monetary policy,
we tend to neglect some practical problems that confront a central banker
who is conscientiously trying to use a flexible monetary policy to foster
stable economic growth. Since I wish to concentrate on some of these
'oblems, I shall discuss only briefly three ultimate objectives of
monetary policy that might be given the brief titles: a stable price
level, maximum sustainable employment, and convertibility. For under-
standable reasons that need not detain us here, a declining price level
is apt to be associated with declining employment and increases in a
country's international monetary reserves. Similarly, a rising price
level is apt to be accompanied by rising employment and decreases In a
country’s monetary reserves. In other words, stable prices, maximum
employment, and convertibility frequently indicate a common program for
a central bank.
Unfortunately, however, "frequently" is not often enough.
■ ' ■ - ...'.:....*
What should the central bank do when these three objectives point in
different directions? This is not merely a hypothetical dilemma ad
vanced as an exercise in logic. It Is exactly what happened In the
United States from roughly the middle of 1953 to the middle of 195^ •
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During that period employment declined by 500,000 (and unemployment
2 $600
rose by million), our monetary gold stock declined by million,
and both the consumer and wholesale price levels varied by only one per
cent. Thus an employment objective would have called for greater ease,
a convertibility objective would have called for greater tightness, and
a stable price level objective would have called for no change. Unfor
tunately, of course, general monetary policy cannot move in three direc
tions at once.
In analyzing convertibility as an objective, we should keep in
mind our general international position. Fortunately, for two decades
our international monetary reserves have been so large that we have been
able to pursue monetary policy without concern about possible adverse
effects on our balance of payments. It seems likely that we shall remain
in this position for a long time to come. The chief contribution that we
can make to international economic and monetary stability is to maintain
stable domestic economic growth.
Our domestic problem in turn is to combine expansion in employ
ment as the labor force grows with reasonably stable prices. Monetary
policy alone cannot achieve this combination. Our success depends on
complementary fiscal and debt management policies as well as appropriate
behavior by many individuals, institutions, and groups. I have time to
give only one brief illustration directly related to stable prices and
maximum employment. Let us suppose that we have the designated level of
employment and that prices and wage rates are in equilibrium. Suppose
next that wage rates are increased faster than efficiency. The monetary
authorities will be confronted with the choice of permitting the expan
sion necessary to support the higher costs and prices or not permitting
the necessary expansion and thus allowing increases in unemployment.
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We have some reason to hope that we can achieve a reasonable combination
of objectives, but we will not be successful without taking great pains
in many areas.
Students and practitioners differ as to the most desirable
objective or combination of inconsistent objectives and the choice is a
difficult one to make. Since, however, there is widespread agreement as
to the direction in which monetary policy should move to achieve each of
the several objectives under prescribed or given circumstances, it is
tempting to conclude that our job is over once we have resolved the
problem of objectives. But this conclusion is premature because it ab
stracts from time.
A number of fundamental objectives of policy would indeed be
come guides to current operations if there were no lags between develop
ments and meaningful knowledge and between an operation and its effect.
Suppose, for example, that the objective of policy is stabilization of
a specified level of prices. If we had a strictly contemporary and con
tinuous measure of that price level and if the full effect of action of
a central bank on it were felt instantaneously, that price level could
be objective of policy, guide to action, and measure of Immediate re
sults. An initial change in the price level would indicate the direction
in which the central bank should proceed and subsequent movements of the
price level would indicate whether the specific action was in the proper
amount, too little, or too much» It does not follow, of course, that
monetary policy acting alone could achieve the stated objective.
Not all objectives would thus merge with guides and measures.
Redeemability, for example, would not. If the objective is to maintain
redeemability in the long run, the fact that a currency is redeemable
today does not of itself indicate to a central bank whether it may
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expand, must contract, or do neither. It would appear, however, that
many possible objectives would merge into guides to current operations
and measures of immediate results if it were not for lags in informa
tion and in effects.
Such logical conjecture is helpful to understanding so long
as we do not base current operations on the assumption that time is ir
relevant, because, of course, it is an inherent aspect of experience.
You may remember that in the preface to the first edition of his
Principles Alfred Marshall said that time "is the center of the chief
difficulty of almost every economic problem." The latest data on price
levels, employment, and similar magnitudes are preliminary estimates of
conditions in the past and the full effects of today's act will per
meate the econon^r in the future.
It is possible that this impediment could be reduced if we
had timely knowledge of an indicator that systematically moved ahead of
changes in the magnitude of the actual objective - which had a high
predictive value. We cannot be sure, of course, that an indicator with
a high predictive value before it was used as such would retain this
quality after it is used. It is conceivable that the reaction of the
public to its use would change and possibly destroy its value. We need
not be too disturbed by this conjecture, however, because we do not
have any such indicator.
Among the questions raised by introducing time is: How much
emphasis should be placed on expectations as to the future and how much
on knowledge of the past? Since we axe concerned with influencing
developments from here forward, we are tempted to conclude that we
should be guided by expectations. But on what should these expectations
be based? Even the most desperate need for an accurate forecast will
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not somehow produce it.
We have several options as to procedure. First, there is the
method of past relationships which is widely used in the physical
sciences. Much can he learned in this way about the operation of our
economic system. But we cannot get more out of a projection or extra
polation based on past relationships than is inherent in our assump
tions and original data. The optimist who claims more might inquire as
to the fate of the A, B, and C curves of the Harvard Economic Service -
which were popular when I first studied business cycles. Or he might
1930
compare projections of changes in population made in the 's and
19^0’s with actual changes since that time. Or he might compare fore
casts based on an assumed constancy of the so-called consumption func
tion that was so popular a few years ago with actual economic develop
ments since.
A related method is based on the assumption that current be
havior or the direction of recent changes in behavior will continue.
Although there are rapid changes in the Individual parts of a dynamic
market economy, ordinarily measures of over-all economic magnitudes,
such as employment and comprehensive indexes of prices, do not gyrate
erratically over wide ranges. Many changes in the parts offset each
other and produce some inertia in the general measures. Since the em
phasis of monetary policy is on general developments rather than struc
tural changes, it is tempting to adopt as guides current or recent ex
perience. But this is less than ideal. If one is guided exclusively
by the past, it is clear that he would always be moving after the event
and that he would be moving in the wrong direction each time the economy
changed direction.
Direction, unfortunately, is not the only problem. Since the
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economy may change its momentum and acceleration, the monetary authority
must be concerned with magnitude and speed of action as well as direc
tion. A critical weakness of being guided exclusively by the latest
data on our ultimate objectives is that there axe occasions when this
would clearly be a mistake. Illustrations are episodes of great and
sudden change, such as a declaration of war or the outbreak of panic or
a liquidity crisis. Under such circumstances, responsible officials
should not conduct current operations on the basis of the latest avail
able indexes of employment and prices.
A third possible guide to current operations is one based on
expressions of current opinion from informed observers: manufacturers,
builders, purchasing agents, retailers, and so on. A basic assumption
of this approach is that informed observers can, somehow, pierce the
veil of the future. I have yet to see the evidence that this assumption
is warranted. A technical difficulty is that one must devise a method
of combining the wide variety of opinions that are usually held into a
single measure that can be used as a guide. I haven’t devised such a
method, but I have a hunch that when observers are in substantial agree
ment current objective data will point in the same direction. This
method is apt to give us least help precisely when we need help most.
The final method I shall mention is that of securing expres
sions of current intentions. As you know, periodic surveys are con
ducted of certain spending plans of business and of consumers. Although
the information is helpful in understanding what is happening, these
surveys have several weaknesses as precise guides to current operations.
There Is always the basic question of their accuracy in predicting
actual developments. As a guide to day-to-day operations, the surveys
now conducted also suffer from their relative infrequency, lag of time
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between collection of original data and computation of results, and in
completeness of coverage..
I have pointed out weaknesses in guides to current operations
based on both developments of the past and projections of the future.
I have not done this to disparage the work that has been done. Much of
the initial work and of the post-mortems has been of high quality and
has contributed to our understanding of how our complex economy func
tions. My purpose has been simply to point out that the practicing cen
tral banker does not have an infallible guide that he can follow in his
daily work. There are no rabbits in the hat. You cannot get more out
of a guide than is inherent in the assumptions on which it is based.
This conclusion raises another question. Granted that we have
no ideal guide, are we likely in fact to secure better policy by rigid
adherence to a reasonable guide or by reliance on the judgment of cen
tral bankers? Henry Simons first developed the case for required adher
ence to a statutory guide in his famous essay on "Rules vs. Authorities
in Monetary Policy". One purpose is to eliminate uncertainty from cen
tral banking operations. An advantage of certainty is that business
decisions necessarily are based on more or less rational estimates and
guesses as to future conditions. One all pervasive influence on such
conditions is the policy of a central bank. If this policy were defined
in detail in advance, the businessman could arrive at better decisions.
Even though the precise directive were not ideal, the over-all results
of such a program would be better than those resulting from discretionary
central banking. Discretionary management runs into hazards. Central
banking is a field in which appropriate action is extremely difficult to
determine. Central bankers also are not immune to moods of optimism and
pessimism. Unless, therefore, a central banker relies on an objective
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index, his actions may not be - or at any rate not appear to be - consist
ent over time.
Professor Simons' deep concern to safeguard the rights of the
individual strikes a responsive chord in me, and I must confess that the
logical compulsions of his essay have stimulated me on several.occasions
to reconsider the whole problem of guides to current operations. Several
ingredients in his argument continue to trouble me. Simons would elevate
his guide into a shibboleth so that the public could distinguish clearly
between right and wrong action by the central bank and thus compel it to
remain on the proper path. Somehow I do not feel that we as yet com
prehend adequately the role of monetary policy in our complicated eco
nomic system to establish a final guide. Where would we be if the
Gileadites dropped their h’s - or the Ephraimites acquired them? In
reaching this conclusion, I recall some of the reasoning that seemed so
compelling to those who ascribed the role of sovereign to the reserve
ratio, the Palmer Rule, the currency principle, and the real bills doc
trine - to mention a few.
The acid test of a guide is not the internal consistency of
the logic or model on which it is based, but experience. I know of no
exercise more damaging to the case for a unique guide than to apply it
to experience. Simply select a guide and follow its movement over, say,
the past five years and see whether it would invariably have indicated
the program that you would now consider appropriate in retrospect. Don't
forget to allow for the contemporary lags in information and subsequent
revisions in the data.
Incidentally, if you put yourself into the position of a prac
titioner, you will soon discover that a specific statutory objective or
guide will not tell you what to do at 11 a.m. on Thursday. An operational
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directive would also be needed to specify exactly what the central bank
should do with each of its instruments for every change recorded in the
objective or guide.
How can a fallible individual come to a reasonable decision
in the absence of a financial litmus whose color would indicate invari
ably what a central banker should do? I know of no final answer. When
we move from a single guide because of its inadequacy we are confronted
with combining several guides. If we combine by means of an invariable
formula, we are back where we started with a different but still inade
quate guide. On the other hand, anything more than a formula involves
the use of judgment. I am aware that there is danger in thus leaving
room for judgment. An arrival from Mars could say: "It is my judgment
that reserve requirements should be doubled." That judgment would be
without content - if we assume that Martians know as little about the
earth as man knows about Martians. The Federal Reserve System has been
organized to meet this problem by bringing group judgment to bear on it.
The key group for this purpose is the Federal Open Market Committee. As
was stated to the Patman Committee:
"It is in meetings of the Open Market Committee that lines of
thought from two directions converge to form national credit
policy, as far as the Federal Reserve System is concerned.
The one flows from banking, business, and the general public
in the various regions of the country through the presidents
of the Reserve batiks. The other flows from the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Each member of the
Committee, with statutory responsibilities for the determina
tion of national credit policies, brings to the deliberations
of the Committee the sum total of his knowledge and experience»"
In addition to the information with which members of the Open
Market Committee and of its Executive Committee come to meetings, they
secure a systematic appraisal of economic developments from the staff of
the System. As nearly as is possible the result is an informed judgment
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of the monetary policy that is appropriate to the current economic situa
tion. It is a fallible method, but it seems to me that we are likely to
get better results from concentrating on the development of competent
central bankers than from relying on a formula.
There is a redeeming feature that mitigates the difficulties.
It is that at a given moment of time the range of judgment is usually
limited. Ordinarily it is a question of a little more or a little less
tightness or ease, or even whether doubts should be resolved in one
direction or the other.
This decision presupposes some measure or measures of ease or
tightness. Since a central bank operates in the money market, the re
sults of its actions will show themselves in the supply, availability,
and cost of money and credit. Although the three aspects are related,
there axe differences of opinion as to the emphasis that should be placed
on each as a measure of the tone of the market. If, at one extreme, costs
or rates of interest are used as the exclusive measure and the central
bank operates to establish them at specified levels, it will lose control
over supply because the market will determine how much it wishes at that
rate. If, at the other extreme, supply is used to measure results, the
central bank will lose control over cost because the market will deter
mine how much that supply is worth. Since the behavior of the other par
ticipants in the market - technically changes in the demand for liquid
ity - cannot be predicted accurately in advance, the action of a central
bank will be influenced by its choice of measures.
In terms of procedure, it is more difficult to operate on
supply with incidental effects on the rate than on the rate with inci
dental effects on the supply. To begin with, it is necessary to con
struct an appropriate definition of supply. Occasionally a financial
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article features the mere fact that the Federal Reserve System has bought,
sold, or redeemed securities. There are times, of course, when this may
be significant, as when it occurs following a considerable period without
change. Even at best, however, this is an inadequate measure.
Since the purpose of changing the supply is to influence the
flow of expenditures in part by inducing banks to expand or contract, the
more common definitions are written in terms of the reserves of member
banks. The key relationships are those between actual, required, and
borrowed reserves. A bank with excess reserves has an inducement to ex
pand; a bank in debt is under pressure to contract. Frequently used
measures of supply, therefore, are the volume of excess reserves and of
free reserves. Free reserves measure the net position of the banking
system as a whole relative to the Reserve Banks. They are equal to ex
cess reserves minus borrowings and may be negative.
If other things remain equal, an increase in excess or free
reserves increases the inducement of banks to expand, and a decrease of
such reserves increases the pressure to contract. Unfortunately, how
ever, other things seldom remain equal. Banks vary widely in their
sensitivity to inducement and pressure. As a consequence, the net ex
pansionary effect of a given volume of free reserves is less if the ex
cess reserves are concentrated in insensitive banks and borrowings are
concentrated in sensitive banks than if the excesses are held by sensi
tive banks and the deficiencies by insensitive ones. The distribution
of excess reserves and of indebtedness is apt to be particularly impor
tant in assessing the effects of a change in reserve requirements. In
determining the level of excess or free reserves that will produce the
desired degree of ease or pressure on the money market, allowance must
be made for the distribution of excesses and debts among the member
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banks. The total amount may have to be varied to maintain a given tone
in the market.
Once the level or range of excess or free reserves has been
determined, the practitioner has the problem of trying to establish or
maintain that level. A student of central banking who has read the
chapter on open market operations is apt to believe that this ought to
be easy. Since purchases, sales, and redemptions enable a central bank
to establish its portfolio at predetermined levels, they should also
enable it to maintain excess or free reserves at a figure specified in
advance. Actually, however, the volume of reserve balances is influ**
enced not only by the size of the System’s portfolio of Government secu
rities but, since reserve balances are a liability of the Reserve Banks,
by the size of all other asset and liability accounts as well; and it is
determined by the size of all the other accounts. The volume of excess
reserves in turn is equal to actual reserves minus requirements and that
of free reserves is equal to excess reserves minus borrowings.
The logical and common answer to this difficulty is that allow
ance should be made for changes in the other accounts in determining the
size of the portfolio needed to produce the desired level of excess or
free reserves. Unfortunately, however, the changes for which allowance
must be made are not known in advance. As a result it is necessary to
estimate the expected net effect of all these changes on excess or free
reserves. We know a great deal about the movement of the relevant ac
counts. Currency in circulation increases greatly as Christinas ap
proaches; float increases toward the middle of the month, and so on.
But a great deal of knowledge is not enough to predict changes in these
magnitudes from day to day. Permit me to give you just one illustration.
An increase in float (uncollected cash items minus deferred availability
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cash items) puts funds into the market. A grounding of airplanes occa
sioned by an unpredicted storm will slow the collection of checks and
increase float by an unexpected and possibly very large amount. By the
time we have the necessary knowledge it may be too late for offsetting
action. Most Government security transactions are completed "regular
way", that is, with delivery and payment on the day following the trans
action. Cash transactions mitigate the difficulty but do not eliminate
it, because it takes some time to complete the transactions and make
delivery. Repurchase agreements, though a further aid in rapid move
ment, do not solve the problem completely.
One result of these difficulties is that you will find large
changes in the volume of free reserves from week to week with no change
in the direction of monetary policy. The general level around which the
magnitude is fluctuating, however, is important.
In terms of procedure it is easier to establish or maintain a
specified rate than the level of free reserves at a predetermined level.
The rate structure and changes in it are important measures of the tone
of the money market. Unfortunately, however, it does not follow that the
tone of the market has not changed merely because there has been no change
in the rate. Let me illustrate. Suppose a corporation decides tempor
arily to invest the proceeds of a very large bond issue in Treasury bills.
To maintain existing rates on such bills the System would have to sell.
But these sales would absorb reserves and tighten the market even though -
or rather because - the rate was maintained.
Another measure of the tone of the market is availability of
credit. As I indicated in discussing measures of supply, indebtedness
puts pressure on banks to contract. The immediate response to an in
crease in indebtedness, however, may not be to ask higher rates for loans
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but to screen applications more carefully, thus expanding what has been
called "the fringe of unsatisfied borrowers". This tightens the market
even though there has been no change in either rates or the supply.
Availability is closely related to the structure of rates, particularly
the position of the discount rate in the galaxy of market rates.
In a sense we may say that the tone of the money market has
three facets: supply, availability, and cost. Although they are re
lated, they are not synonymous, and a central banker must somehow com
bine them to establish the tone that is appropriate and to measure the
effects of his actions.
The burden of my remarks so far is that a central banker does
not sit before a panel with his eyes glued to a pointer and his hand on
a push button that shoves reserves into the market or withdraws them.
As Ralph Hawtrey once said, "regulating credit, in fact, is an exceed
ingly delicate operation." I do not, however, wish to leave you with
the impression that a central banker cannot approach his problems sys
tematically but rather that his approach should be comprehensive. I
know from experience that it is tempting in classroom discussions of
central banking to emphasize strategy rather than tactics. It is be
cause I cannot offer you anything new on strategy that I have today de
liberately reversed the emphasis. In strategy we speak of objectives;
in tactics we become concerned with procedures to determine the tone of
the money market that will promote the desired objectives in a dynamic
market economy and with measures of the actual tone in the market. Be
fore brushing aside tactics as mere practical details, it is worth con
sidering the possibility that the real content of central banking
policy is not something abstract but simply what the central banker
actually does from day-to-day and moment-to-moment.
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Cite this document
APA
Karl R. Bopp (1955, June 15). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19550616_karl_r_bopp
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19550616_karl_r_bopp,
author = {Karl R. Bopp},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1955},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19550616_karl_r_bopp},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}