speeches · September 27, 1951
Regional President Speech
Allan Sproul · President
released before time of delivery - 11:20 a.m., CDST.
REMARKS OF ALLAN SPROUL, PRESIDENT,
FEp:JIBAL R~§ERVE ~~NK .QF ~W XQRK,
DEC 9 1959 - BEFORE THE GOLDEN ANNIVERSARY CONVENTION OF THE
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORS OF STATE BANKS
ST~ LOUIS, MISSOURI
SEPTEMBER 28, 1951
WHO SPEAKS FOR BANKING?
It has been a pleasure for my associates in the Federal Reserve System,
and for me, to join you in this Golden Anniversary meeting. My own immediate
pleas·ure, and perhaps that of my associates, has been somewhat frayed, however,
by the fact that I committea myself to take part in this program. The promptings
of instinct and the teaching of experience counselled against promising in June
to talk in Septe~ber. That is risky business unless you are a master of the
lofty platitude or at home in those timeless subjects which men of religion,
philosophers, and educators use as the basis for frequent public speech. As it
happened, the persuasiveness of Bill Lyon and my friendship for him overcame my
doubts. After all, I have known Bill Lyon for the past twenty years, starting
in the days when he was the ace financial reporter of the New York Herald Tribune,
and I was new in the New York financial community. He knows what to expect from
me, and if he thought it appropriate to provide me with an audience from the
48 states and Hawaii and Puerto Rico, I could do no less than embrace the oppor
tunity. In fact, I believe this is an appropriate forum in which to express some
views which may be of interest not only to this audience, but to the larger
audience of bankers which you, in one sense, represent. If what I have to say
strikes a provocative note, or rakes the embers of smouldering controversy, I
can only assure you that it is said without rancor and, I hope, without narrow
self-interest. I assume that we are all dedicated to the development of a better
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banking system in the United States and its territories, and that free discussion
of the possible shortcomings of the system we have will, in nowise, detract from
its virtues and its manifold accomplishments.
Both because of what I am going to say and because of things that have
been said in the past which have caused some friction among us, I must begin by
putting three things straight.
First, I am speaking only for myself. I have not been charged or
briefed to speak for the Federal Reserve System.
Second, I think bankers are just like other people - no better and no
worse. I do not share the view of their critics that they are all unprogressive·
or lacking in the qualities which make our economic system work so well. Theirs
is a highly regulated business. It no longer has the scope or the freedom of the
great industrial and commercial undertakings, and it therefore no longer produces
the names and the news that excite the imagination of the public, and create the
fact and the fiction of our business literature. But banks and bankers still
have great opportunities for constructive leadership in economic affairs. I want
those opportunities to be grasped and that leadership exercised.
Third, I am for the dual banking system and have never consciously
advocated anything which I thought would destroy that system. A dual banking
system is consistent with the Federal principle upon which this country was
founded, and under which it has developed a responsive political machinery and
a bountiful economic life. I would not want to destroy it.
Now, if I am honest and if you are tolerant, we can proceed without
suspicion of motives. There will be no cards under the table.
I have been and am greatly disturbed oy what seems to me to be the fact
that banking does not speak with a voice that is in touch with the great underly
ing social movements of our time, with a voice that reaches the public and enlists
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its support. I am not talking about local issues or about individual banks and
bankers, of course. We all know of many instances where the individual bank or
banker has done and i s doing a great community job. I am speaking of those
national issues which involve the integrity of our money, the functioning of
I
our central banking system, and the preservation of our private commercial and
savings banking facilities. And I am speaking about the participation of indi
vidual bankers and organized banking in the ,democratic· process of hammering out
solutions of these problems.
The bankers and their organizations have been active and effective in
securing legislative action on some matters favorable to banking, and they have
been even more active and effective in preventing the adoption of a variety of
measures unfavorable to banking and, presumably, unwise in the public interest.
But bankers do not seem to have been able to give voice to an underlying philoso
phy of the developing and changing role of banking in the economy of the country.
If there has been one thread that has run through the attitude of "bankers" and
"banking" in these later years, it has been a high degree of sensitiveness to
the centralization of power. That is a good thing, in itself, but the danger is
that it will degenerate into mere obstructiveness, into a wholly negative atti
tude. In fact, if the charge of undue centralization of power can be levelled
against a proposal, for whatever purpose and on whatever grounds, it is likely
to obscure all discussion of the merits of the proposal, and to bring into
opposition a large number of bankers and a shifting group of supervisory authori
ties. It is somewhat like pinning a pro-communist label on issues which we
oppose.
If you look back over recent years I think you will find that this is
what has happened. On the great issues of the times, in the field of monetary
and banking affairs, the banking community as a whole, or at least in any
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organized capacity, usually has taken a negative or neutral attitude. It has
left it to others to propose broad legislative programs and to devise changes
in our banking and credit system. And then, in combatting flaws in such programs
and proposed changes, it has allowed itself to be cast in the role of opposition,
of resistance to change.
In following up its antagonism to too great centralization of authority,
the banking community has also allowed itself to appear to be the champion of
divided banking authorities at the Federal level - a sort of advocacy of in
efficiency and duplication - and a not unhappy spectator of differences between
Federal and State authorities. As Bill Lyon said last year, there is sufficient
difference in the primary and essential functions of the three Federal banking
agencies, and between them and the State agencies, to provide reason for the
belief that there might be division of authority without sacrifice of effective
ness. I have no hesitancy in saying, as I have said before, that the Federal
Reserve System is and must be the most important of the Federal banking agencies,
and that attempts to line it up with the Office of the ._Comptroller of the
Currency and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, or to play off one of
these agencies against the other, is a disservice to banking and to the country.
The Federal Reserve System is primarily concerned with no less than providing
those monetary and credit conditions which will preserve the integrity of the
dollar and facilitate the continuance of a high level of production and employ
ment in this country. There can be no higher economic aim and no more important
economic task. The primary and essential role of the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation is the trusteeship of a great deposit insurance fund covering nearly
all of the banks of the country. The primary and essential role of the Office
of the Comptroller of the Currency is the chartering and supervision, including
examination, of the national banks of the country, and the State banking
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authorities have the same primary responsibility with respect to the State banks.
To be sure, we are all interested in a better banking system, in the soundness
of the banks, in improving bank capital positions, in encouraging progress and
development in banking methods and service to the public, but it is not necessary
to permit these general objectives to scramble our functions, unless we are
really more interested in entrenched positions or greater powers, than in these
accepted and approved goals.
This is not a question of personalities, nor of states' rights and the
dual system of banking. I am not striking at the charm and dignity of a
Preston Delano nor the wizardry of a Maple Harl. I am not seeking to undermine
the authority of State bank supervisors. I am asking why the voice of the bank
ing community has only or largely been heard repeating slogans which excite or
exaggerate our ,conflicts and our differences. This attitude has been represented
as an attempt to preserve the checks and balances which are a fundamental feature
of our Federal system. I have characterized it in the past as all check and no
balance. A sincere concern for balance would find the bankers of the country,
organized and as individuals, addressing themselves to two fundamental questions.
What is the necessary amount of intrusion by the Federal and State Governments
in the business of banking, consistent with present day concepts of social wel
fare, economic progress, and democratic capitalism? How should this governmental
participation be organized and directed so as to bring the intended benefits to
the .public while preserving the maximum amount of individual enterprise and
initiative in the banking business? Except for pious platitudes, and vocal
forays against' sin and the man-eating tiger, these questions are seldom publicly
discussed by the banking community. An organized and constructive attack on the
problems - the difficult problems - they involve, is yet to be forthcoming.
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Subsidiary to these general questions are a number of others on which
the banking community might try to eschew the role of pressure group for the
role of banking statesmen. What sort of guidance or leadership or education has
been given to the public and to the legislatures, Federal and State, on such
questions as the integration of debt management and credit policy, the present
day role of reserves in our banking system, branch banking, the par collection
of checks, selective credit controls, and bank supervision and examination, to
mention a few of the matters which have been the meat of agitation and contro
versy within the experience of all of us?
The integration of debt management and credit policy is not an easy
job in these days of a $250 billion Federal debt, frequent Treasury financing
and an economy which, more often than not, requires the discipline of credit
~estraint. Debt management and credit policy cannot work separately, but they
can work badly or well ~ogether. Fortunately, a workable accord between the
Treasury and the Federal Reserve System has been achieved, for the present. I
cannot say that the banking community helped much in reaching that accord. Nor
can we rely indefinitely on the loose formulations of such an accord in a world
of changing personalities and economic situations.
Here is a problem which must be thought through and worked out, if we
are going to make it continuously possible for general monetary controls and
debt management to do their jobs. I don't think there is any monetary gadget
which will enable us to dodge this fundamental problem. It demands the best
thought of the banking community in its solution, and the support of that com
munity in making the solution work. Believing, as I do, that effective general
credit controls are one defense against more direct governmental intrusion in
our private and personal economic affairs, I would say that this problem is
worthy of the thought of anyone, or any organization, interested in fighting un
due centralization of power.
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We have had the question of bank reserves presented as involving
socialism and the confiscation of private property, or as involving the survival
of the dual banking system, whereas the real ground of debate is the control of
the money supply of the country, and how it is to be exercised in the public
interest. The essence of central banking, and the primary job of the Federal
Reserve System, is control and administration of the availability and cost of
bank reserves. The amount of leverage the private banks are to have in expand
ing deposits and investments on a given reserve base is not a question of
property rights or states' rights, but of "coining money and regulating the value
thereof", a function specifically conferred upon the Federal Government by the
Constitution of the United States. I know, of course, that when our Constitution
was written 164 years ago these words applied to metal coins and their content,
but they embrace the present situation in which readily transferable bank deposits
have become the principl;Ll "money" of the country. This process of change and
development was recognized when state bank note issues were taxed out of exist
ence. That didn't destroy the dual banking system but it did help to preserve
our monetary system.
Another question concerning which there has been more heat than light
is the question of branch banking. It should be considered and decided on the
basis of the best possible service to the agricultural and business community
and to the public in general. It has been too much argued, by banks and bankers,
on the basis of immediate self-interest, sectional prejudices, and the competing
and conflicting claims and aims of existing institutions, fighting to preserve
or improve their positions.
Par collection of checks has been a matter of acrid controversy at
least since the establishment of the Federal Reserve System thirty-seven years
ago. It has befouled the public and political relations of the System, and been
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used to pit the agencies of bank supervision one against another, over all these
years. In all that time the voice of banking has usually been muddled or muffled.
No clear and recent discussion of the desirability of these toll charges on com
mercial intercourse, and of where and by whom and on whom the charge should
properly be levied, if justified, has emerged from the banking community.
Or take the question of selective credit controls. There has been
continued organized banker opposition to the regulation of consumer instalment
credit. That opposition may be justified. My own first choice in the field of
credit control measures is certainly the general or quantitative control, which
permits the private sector of the economy to decide freely which activities
should be facilitated and which restricted. But selective credit controls in
a few areas, such as consumer instalment credit, also have much to recommend
them, both as a supplement to quantitative credit controls, and as the specific
monetary means of helping to direct resources to where we need them and away
from less essential uses. The opposition to consumer credit regulation has con
tained little that would lead to a wise evaluation of such controls and public
understanding of them. And banking comment and criticism did little to correct
public mtsconceptions and misrepresentations, which tended to bring the adminis
tering authority, our central banking system, into disrepute. The result was a
legislative miscarriage.
When the question of the administration of consumer credit control
was at issue in the Congress, at the time of the extension of the Defense
Production Act of 1950, an important principle of Government was allowed to be
come submerged in the policy of general opposition to controls. The Congress
continued the control, but prescribed not only the duties and powers of the
administering agency, but also the exact terms of maximum down payment and
minimum maturity in some instances. If there was any organized banker opposition
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to this violation of good Government procedure, which was duplicated in the case
of mortgage credit controls, I failed to hear it. I was reminded of the old
vaudeville song which had a recurring refrain, based on the line, "When I was in
that railroad wreck, who took the engine off my neck, nobody".
I do not deny that there was need to determine whether the power to
control consumer instalment credit and real estate credit, previously granted by
the Congress, had been found unwise or not generally administered in accord with
Congressional intent. This was particularly so in view of the public attitude
toward these measures, for without public support they could not function well.
But so long as the power was continued, which I certainly favored, its detailed
administration should have been left with the credit authorities. And it should
have been of interest to bankers, as citizens as well as bankers, to urge that
this be done.
To come even closer home to the interests of this meeting, there is
the question of bank supervision, including bank examinations. Here you would
expect the banking community to be working steadily for the improvement of the
quality of the supervision to which it must be subjected, and for the modifica
tion or elimination of overlapping jurisdictions and duplication of supervisory
intervention in their affairs. It seems to have been one of those subjects for
which Ed Wynn requisitioned an eleven foot pole, in order that he might touch
things he wouldn't touch with a ten foot pole. Maybe the bankers, or the
organized bankers, need an eleven foot pole. And so also, perhaps, do the super
visory authorities. A year ago, at your Boston meeting, Bill Lyon made some
suggestions concerning bank supervision and bank examinations, which to my
untutored ear and eye seemed to contain the seed of constructive development.
If that seed fell on fertile ground, I have missed even the first signs of the
growth and possible future flowering of the plant. Each of the Federal agencies
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is able to bring forth what it deems to be good and sufficient reasons for con
tinuing whatever it is doing in the field of bank supervision, including examina
tions, and signs are not lacking of tendencies to expand the scope of present
examination activities. And your State group does not seem to have picked up
Bill Lyon's challenge and substituted substance for shadow.
Admitting my own lack of expert and first-hand knowledge of bank super
visory arrangements in the several states and territories, I hope I may rely on
the second-hand information which has come to me as a result of my interest in
Mr. Lyon's proposals. I am told that there are only a few states where the ten
ure of office of commissioners and staff, and the amount of the annual budgets,
give continuing promise of an adequate and sustained bank examination program;
adequate alike for the needs of state supervision, and the special interests of
the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation in
banking management and condition. I am told that in some states it would be
physically impossible, on the grounds of staff and funds alone, to have any real
examination program if it were not for the examinations of the Federal authorities.
I am told that in many states increasing costs of examination, which are assessed
against the banks, have tended to interfere with the maintenance or improvement
of state bank examining procedures and practices. Mr. Lyon said that dual system
should not mean double standard, but here we have the makings and, in some cases,
the actuality of a double standard. So long as this situation exists it avails
little to talk in terms of principles while doing nothing about practices. I still
think that something can and should be done by the Federal agencies along the lines
of Mr. Lyon's suggestion. But a lot will also have to be done by the State agencies
and the banking communities which they serve as well as supervise. Unless there is
aggressive action on the part of the State supervisory agencies and their banking
constituents to improve the conditions under which many of the State supervisory
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agencies work, to make bank supervision a properly financed professional under
taking instead of a political waif, I do not see much chance of wide progress.
I do not, however, put all or even most of the burden of such reforms
on you men and your organization. I think it should more largely be placed on
the bankers of the country, as individuals and in their banker organizations.
That such action can achieve results was shown in Texas earlier this year. And
so I come back to my main theme - Who Speaks for Banking? I would say that by
and large nobody speaks with authority and with clarity for banking. It is
represented at state capitals and at Washington by groups intent upon legislation
favorable to banks, and upon stopping legislation unfavorable to banking, a
necessary kind of activity in our kind of democracy. It is represented by state
and national organizations which do a lot of fine work in areas where controversy
✓
does not blaze too brightly. It is represented by many individuals who are
leaders in their communities, but who too often tend to leave it to someone else
when it comes to the great issues of monetary, credit, and banking policy. No
where, as I see it, does banking find a voice, or voices, which can and will
provide constructive leadership in dealing with these problems. Nowhere does
banking find a voice which gives a clear expression of banking opinion, or of
banking differences of opinion, which will attract public interest and, perhaps,
a public following.
This is a dangerous situation so far as the institution of private
banking is concerned. It is not enough for banking to look after its own special
interests, to see that it is not unfairly taxed, that it is not subjected to
unfair competition by Government lending agencies, to fight in legislative halls
and lobbies what it deems to be unwise legislative proposals relating to the
rules of the banking business. It is not enough to hold aloft the banner of
states' rights, to proclaim the need for checks and balances, and to fight against
undue centralization of power.
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A positive affirmative approach to the great economic issues of the
day is a plain duty of the banking community, as I see it - and also of the bank
supervisory authorities. If such an approach were forthcoming, I would not ex
pect the banker to become a popular hero. I would not expect banking to become
a popular study among the millions. But I would expect the public to get the
idea that banking stands for something besides its own special interests. I
would expect banking to take its place with progressive industry and organized
labor in trying to influence and mould public opinion on the critical economic
issues of our times. Banking needs to speak with a clearer voice on matters
which are necessarily controversial because they involve deep-seated and con
flicting interests.
We who are charged with the continued development of the private banking
system of the United States should help banking to find that voice. Your organi
zation w~i~h is concerned with banking in the 48 states and the territories can
play a role here which could dwarf in importance anything which you have done in
the past. I hope that you will find it in your hearts and minds to enlist in
this cause.
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Cite this document
APA
Allan Sproul (1951, September 27). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19510928_allan_sproul
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19510928_allan_sproul,
author = {Allan Sproul},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1951},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19510928_allan_sproul},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}