speeches · May 21, 1950
Regional President Speech
Karl R. Bopp · President
Prepared by K.R. Bopp as a rough
draft of a speech for T. B. McCabe
m t m m mu omm l
to deliver at commencement exercises
‘on 5/22/50 at Dover, Del.
Graduation - A Time of Stock Taking
Graduation is an appropriate tine to p&uee and survey the road over
which ve have ease sad the direction in vhich ve should stove froa here. In a
demooracy, It is particularly appropriate that ve consider not only ourselves
as individuals hut also as a part of society. The development of our society
can conveniently be divided into material and spiritual forces, I propose,
therefore, to analyse the implications for us today of developments in these
two areas during the first half of the century.
B. Material Expectations and Achievements
To those of us who have lived through thia half century, or et leaat
the greater part of it, and have gradually absorbed its increasing material
offerings into our everyday living, the nature of the advance that has been
Bade since 1900 is seldom noticed as the spectacular thing it really has been.
If one could stand apart from his times, however, sad coepare this period vith
others of equal length - is the United States or elsewhere - achievements in
the production of goods and services would quickly be seen as quite unique in
the world* s history. The economic environment in which business and banking
has been carried on hss been one of great technological change and unprecedented
physical expanaion.
Furthermore, the magnitude of this expansion was wholly unexpected.
Henry L. Ellsworth, Cowsissioner of Patents, expressed the expectations in this
field a century ago (report to Congress of Jsnuary 31, 1344) in these wordmt
•The advancement of the arts, from year to year, taxes our credulity and eeema
to presage the arrival of that period when human improvement must end.*
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While the fast of material progress is obvious, its precis* measure
ment ortr loaf ptriodi of U m Is impossible. The Boat important changes in our
product!vs plant hare not bean thoae which merely permitted us to do things
faster and bigger and in larger quantity, but those which here given us entirely
new things end have changed standards and modes of living. Material progress,
in other words, has been qualitative ae veil os quantitative. It would sees to
be relatively easy to measure gains in the production end consumption of basic
commodities such as wheat or coal. let the bare statistics, while significant
for those particular goods, are hardly meaningful for broader considerations
such as esoertalnmaat of a general rate of progress without e great deal of sub
jective modification. In the case of wheat, for instance, the ability to trans
port and preserve fresh fruits and vegetablee have changed hebits of diet, end
wheat plays s different and, perhaps, & smaller role. Petroleum and gas have
altered the dominant position of coal as an industrial fuel, end vhat has hap
pened in coal over the last fifty years is, therefore, not e true reflection of
general industrial development. For many very important goods - radio snd
electronic equipment, for instance * the record would bo nonexistent for 1900
snd might not begin until a very fow years ago.
In cos attempt at a rough over-all meaeuro, Professor Simon lusneta
has estimated that the value of net national product (adjusted for changes ia
the price level) increased by over 143 per cent from the decade 189A-1903 to
the decade ending in 1938. Since that time, other figure a indicate the possi
bility of a further increase of roughly 50 per cont.
It is st once clear that even if such statistics could bo comprehen
sive and oould bo adjusted in each a way »a to taice account of new products sad
services and a changing node of life, they would bo incomplete and iaeonclnsivo
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*• * measure of material pro|r«a$ unless we alto took into account the number
of people participating in the productioa process tad the number dividing up
the product. For, ultimately, our progress aust be appraieed in teres of vhat
it has teeat for the individual consuner. Minimus: support of a proving popule—
tion is, in itMlff something of an achievement for an economy, even if the
individual producer barely makes enough for the subsistence of his family.
Suah a situation prevails in some parts of the vorld, though total output there
M y be increasing • This was so far froa being the case in the United ft* tee
during the first belf of the twentieth century that to Americans the social
attitudes, institutions, sad living conditions of a subsistence economy seemed
to exist only in a world of unreality along with l&rsan *tori«s end South Fee
Zaland teehnioolor movies. In the United States, the natural course of events,
interrupted for a relatively brief though shocking period during the Great
Depression of the 'thirties, seemed to be *‘ver-increasing worker productivity
and eveivimcreesing per capita consumption.
The population of the United States has doubled since 1900. This
vss the result of s large natural rate of increase end, in the eerly years of
the century, a high rate of immigration. In the decede ending in 1910, for
instance, more than hslf of the increase in population vas due directly to a
record influx of Immigrants seeking new noses in s new, free lend. Immigration
almost stopped in the 'thirties, but not before it had had a profound effect
on rapidly expanding American industry.
As population grev and industry developed, the United States became
a predominantly urban civilisation. In 1900 most Asericaas lived in the aoua-
try. By 1920 this vas no loader the case. In 1950 nearly 60 per eemt of our
population lives in cities end towns, sad aoat of these people live withia the
crowded ■metropolitan arees* adjacent to a cosparetively few large cities.
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Population in tbl Third Fed*nl R«»«rr* district, &i in taay of tha oidw popa«
lation e«Qt*n of tho toot, was already urbanised in 1900. In such «rcu,
population ht< become «f*n aort concentrated, though it has not grove so rapidly
as in thoao part* of tho country vhieh wore 1 ee* fully developed.
Family unita of 1950 arc e*&aller than too** of a generation or two ago
and, although marriage end birth rates jumped considerably during the war and
post-war years of the 1940* a, the trend in the rate of population growth during
tho an tire half century haa been slightly downward. These facta neve in portent
implications for the future, but they should not obscure the dominant population
treed of tho past fifty years - that of continuous end, for most periods, rapid
growth. That growth has bean of such nature that it, too, has made for quali
tative changes in oar economy in addition to mere changes of degree. Tho dif
ference between tho populstion of 1930 and 1950 does not consist solely in a
change of gnserationa or in varying national origins. It is more important
that largo concentrations of people ma*e for a type of living and for produc
tive capacities that are different fros those possible for small groupa and a
snail wortc-force.
The labor foree - that portion of the populstion available for gain
ful employment - haa increaaed along with population. Toong people snd old
people are now a smaller proportion of the wonting populstion than formerly,
bat between 1900 snd the present time the percentage of women who wort outside
their own hones haa grown. As the trend toward urban living implies, tho pro
portion of tho labor force engaged in agriculture, foreetry, and fishing has
declined drastically - fro* nearly 40 per cent at the tun of the century to
well under 20 per cent now. Manufacturing has increased its she re of tbs labor
force somevnat as wo have come to depend more snd more on mechanical devices
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for both production end everyday living, end this it nov the largest single
group* TnofportitioBi towmlcation, and trade employment, as veil ?s pro
fessions! services, have become increasingly important. But perhaps the aost
significant coamentary on the change that h&s taken place in the nature of
production and on the growing complexity of our mode of life in these United
States during the last fifty y&ars has been the expanding proportion of labor
in clerloal occupations. Only 2.5 per cent of the labor force vas in this
category in 1900. Today, perhaps as many as 10 per csnt - 6 million workers -
help keep the economy's accounts and records.
The inorease in the number of people at vork hss been ouch greater
then that in total working tins. In 1900, the ten-hour day, six-day week was
standard. Today the average work-week is not ssuch over 40 hours, even if the
longer vork-weak of agriculture is taken into account. A Twentieth Century
Fund survey estimates, in fact, that although the rate of production had
elinbed by 30 per cent between 1910 and 1940 the total man-hours worked hardly
ever exceeded that of the former year except for war y*ars. This is simply
another way of saying that the productivity of the American worker hss been
greatly increased. The introduction of new processes and massive investment
in plant and machinery - on the farm snd in officea as well as in mines and
factories, the technique of nass production, scientific management, and work
rationalisation, all developed in this half century - have made it poeaible for
us to work saieh lass and produce much more.
Increases in output per man-hour snd per worker varied oonaidarably
among industries snd trades, with the greatest gains being made In manufacturing
and smaller ones in construction and “white collar” trades. On the average, it
is estimated, output per man-hour h&s been increaaing at a rate of slightly
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nader 2 per emt * y*»r. Actually, the rate has not been steady. The Intro
duction of new techniques has made for periods of accelerated improvement, end
progress sometimes has been interrupted by war »nd adverse economic c editions.
But confidence in our physical ability continually to produce more, sore effi
ciently f for no re people has never waned. The record of production in the
United States during the first half of the twentieth century continued to heap
scorn upon the gloony Malthusian prophecy of a century before.
The basic implication of this phenonenal material achievement for ns
today is dear. As individual a ve nust develop flexibility and the capacity
to adjust rapidly to further neterial changes* 1 evolutionary cnanges nay be
expected even in thoae areas which, relatively have scarcely been touched. Let
ae cite a specific illustration. Vi thin the laat year a national sagas ine
pictured on its cover an artist's conception of the automatic digital computer,
an electronic calculating machine of the greatest complexity, that solves
mathematical problems and their physical counterparts heretofore considered
insoluble. Such a machine contains hundreds, perhaps thouaaada, of vacuum
tabes, each of vhich operates hundreds of thousands of tines a second in its
work as a computing unit. Numerical data and operational orders are put into
the machine by means of a kinc of teletypewriter. The machine stores this in
formation in its "memory*, consisting of mercury tubes or magnetic tape. Once
startedv the machine recalls the uunbers assembled in its memory, in the se
quence dss&anded by the orders its operators h*ve given it. It puts the results
of itttenaediste calculations back into its memory for future use. It can make
simple comparisons of numbers and undertake alternate courses of action depend
ing upon the results. When the computation is finished, the naehine types the
answer end its Err**1* operators reel it off the ticker-tape, k half-century
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ago this vaa tht staff of which fantastic adTantort stories were acde; »Tia
today it seeae a Xittlo unreal to aost of us - unreel and soaevhat frighter.-
lag.
C. Spiritual Expectations and Achievements
Tho atopy is quite different if we rsore from tho material to tho
spiritual rosla. As Profeasor Robert Warren of the Institute for Advenced
Study has written: "The nineteenth century vas an age of faith. It Relieved
in its ideas, it believed in its institutions, it beliered in itself. Beoauao
it was sa age of faith, it was an age of airacles. Because it vas an age of
airaolos, it was an ago of pride - pride in its actual achievaffents and in its
ultimate powers. In retrospect, at least, the literature of the early
years of ths current century gives an iapression not so auch of coxplaeency
as of fUlfillaoat, of ultiaate or penulti&ate realisation, of arrival at or
Just outs ids a desired haven. * You say recall that there vas no sir of sad
ness but only one of fulfilment in the quotation I read you froa the 1844
report of tho Cotmissioaer of Patents.
In contrast, the perfection of that incredible instrument - the
stoaic boab - did not strike the people of the orld oriaarily with admiration
for ths achievement but with fear of the iaplications. The rasing of Hiroshima
with a single stosic boab highlighted the urgent necessity of preventing ths
aastery of our physical world fro* leading to our destruction. People in ell
walks of life suddenly realized th.-t the fundamental iasue arises not froa tho
recalcitrsncs of nature but trcm nan's inhumanity to aaa. To asny this
osms
with tho shock of s new idea, but it should not have surprised anyone who
actually has read his Bible. Persons of profound insight, such as poets and
philosophers - whether by reason of intuition or intellect - have been
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emphasising it for centuries.
The calm u n n n o # with which the nineteenth century fsced the future
has given vty to alternating personal moods of unreasoning kope snd ecru ally
unreaaoning despair.
The atosie bomb is but one illustration of the faet that improvement
in town relationships is our most urgent problem. Hitler’s setsare of power
in Gemeny ie another. Why did this happen in a country vhose educational
ays ten bed long been oonsidered one of the best - if not the very beat - in the
vorld. The educational failure evidently was not in technicel training. The
seeds of decay were sow when Germans - especially the teachers - began to
believe snd net on whet they read into Hletssche1 a Zmmthustr* and Beyond Good
and M l . Onee e people devote themselves to more efficiency in sehierlng goals
without reference to choosing among goals on the basis of moral values, such ae
justice end dignity of the individual, they are lost - easy dupes of destegoguee.
2. Conclusions
My conclusionare not «t all novel. I an not sure I have presented
then convincingly. It say be that conviction cones only with direct personal,
not nerely vicarious, experience. 1 must confess that the conclusions mean nere
to no and I bold then more firmly today than twenty yeare ago. In part they
are negative* *e cannot tru»t &a guide a on society's great adventure either
those who would have us play the fringes rather than wrestle with the reel
meaning snd significance of life or those wno would have us sacrifice individual
liberty and freedom of mind and conacienee.
I cannot express the positive conclusions better than by quoting fron
Goethe's Faust. The first quotation ia from the very first soenet
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*Vhat you hfcve inherited fro® your forebears,
Xou BEtt&t M n in order to k&jte it your own.” (lines 682-683)
The second is aaong Faust's very last words. Faust calls it "the last conclusion
of wisdom*s
•Only he deserves freedom - a© indeed life -
Vho dally sa»t achieve it anew." (lines 11,575-11 #576)
i/2d/50
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Cite this document
APA
Karl R. Bopp (1950, May 21). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19500522_karl_r_bopp
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_19500522_karl_r_bopp,
author = {Karl R. Bopp},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {1950},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_19500522_karl_r_bopp},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}