fomc transcripts · November 4, 2020
FOMC Meeting Transcript
November 4–5, 2020
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Meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee on
November 4–5, 2020
A joint meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee and the Board of Governors was
held by videoconference on Wednesday, November 4, 2020, at 9:00 a.m. and continued on
Thursday, November 5, 2020, at 9:00 a.m.
PRESENT:
Jerome H. Powell, Chair
John C. Williams, Vice Chair
Michelle W. Bowman
Lael Brainard
Richard H. Clarida
Patrick Harker
Robert S. Kaplan
Loretta J. Mester
Randal K. Quarles
Thomas I. Barkin, Raphael W. Bostic, Mary C. Daly, Charles L. Evans, and Michael Strine,
Alternate Members of the Federal Open Market Committee
James Bullard, Esther L. George, and Eric Rosengren, Presidents of the Federal Reserve
Banks of St. Louis, Kansas City, and Boston, respectively
Ron Feldman, First Vice President, Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
James A. Clouse, Secretary
Matthew M. Luecke, Deputy Secretary
Michelle A. Smith, Assistant Secretary
Mark E. Van Der Weide, General Counsel
Michael Held, Deputy General Counsel
Trevor A. Reeve, Economist
Stacey Tevlin, Economist
Beth Anne Wilson, Economist
Shaghil Ahmed, Rochelle M. Edge, David E. Lebow, Ellis W. Tallman, William Wascher,
and Mark L.J. Wright, Associate Economists
Lorie K. Logan, Manager, System Open Market Account
Ann E. Misback, Secretary, Office of the Secretary, Board of Governors
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Matthew J. Eichner, 1 Director, Division of Reserve Bank Operations and Payment Systems,
Board of Governors; Michael S. Gibson, Director, Division of Supervision and Regulation,
Board of Governors; Andreas Lehnert, Director, Division of Financial Stability, Board of
Governors
Sally Davies and Brian M. Doyle, Deputy Directors, Division of International Finance, Board
of Governors; Michael T. Kiley, Deputy Director, Division of Financial Stability, Board of
Governors
Jon Faust, Senior Special Adviser to the Chair, Division of Board Members, Board of
Governors
Joshua Gallin, Special Adviser to the Chair, Division of Board Members, Board of
Governors
William F. Bassett, Antulio N. Bomfim, Wendy E. Dunn, Kurt F. Lewis, Ellen E. Meade,
and Chiara Scotti, Special Advisers to the Board, Division of Board Members, Board of
Governors
Linda Robertson, Assistant to the Board, Division of Board Members, Board of Governors
Michael G. Palumbo, Senior Associate Director, Division of Research and Statistics, Board
of Governors
Marnie Gillis DeBoer, David López-Salido, and Min Wei, Associate Directors, Division of
Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors; Glenn Follette, Associate Director, Division of
Research and Statistics, Board of Governors; Paul Wood, Associate Director, Division of
International Finance, Board of Governors
Andrew Figura, Deputy Associate Director, Division of Research and Statistics, Board of
Governors; Christopher J. Gust, Deputy Associate Director, Division of Monetary Affairs,
Board of Governors; Jeffrey D. Walker,1 Deputy Associate Director, Division of Reserve
Bank Operations and Payment Systems, Board of Governors
Brian J. Bonis, Michiel De Pooter, Zeynep Senyuz,1 and Rebecca Zarutskie,1 Assistant
Directors, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors; Paul Lengermann, Assistant
Director, Division of Research and Statistics, Board of Governors
Matthias Paustian, Assistant Director and Chief, Division of Research and Statistics, Board
of Governors
Alyssa G. Anderson,1 Benjamin K. Johannsen,1 and Matthew Malloy,1 Section Chiefs,
Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors; Penelope A. Beattie,1 Section Chief,
Office of the Secretary, Board of Governors
1
Attended through the discussion on asset purchases.
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David H. Small, Project Manager, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Michele Cavallo, Dobrislav Dobrev, Anna Orlik, and Judit Temesvary,1 Principal
Economists, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Arsenios Skaperdas,1 Senior Economist, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Randall A. Williams, Lead Information Manager, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of
Governors
Gregory L. Stefani, First Vice President, Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland
Kartik B. Athreya, Joseph W. Gruber, Glenn D. Rudebusch, Daleep Singh, and Christopher
J. Waller, Executive Vice Presidents, Federal Reserve Banks of Richmond, Kansas City, San
Francisco, New York, and St. Louis, respectively
Spencer Krane, Antoine Martin,1 Paolo A. Pesenti, and Nathaniel Wuerffel,1 Senior Vice
Presidents, Federal Reserve Banks of Chicago, New York, New York, and New York,
respectively
Satyajit Chatterjee, Mark J. Jensen, Dina Marchioni,1 Matthew D. Raskin,1 and Patricia
Zobel, Vice Presidents, Federal Reserve Banks of Philadelphia, Atlanta, New York, New
York, and New York, respectively
Daniel Cooper, Senior Economist and Policy Advisor, Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Alex Richter, Senior Economist and Advisor, Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
Ryan Bush,1 Markets Manager, Federal Reserve Bank of New York
November 4–5, 2020
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Transcript of the Federal Open Market Committee Meeting on
November 4–5, 2020
November 4 Session
CHAIR POWELL. Good morning, everyone. This meeting, as usual, will be a joint
meeting of the FOMC and the Board. I need a motion from a Board member to close the
meeting.
MR. CLARIDA. So moved.
CHAIR POWELL. Without objection. And before we move to our formal agenda, I’d
like to take note of a few things. First, as you may know, President Kashkari is on leave amid
great excitement—not to mention sleep deprivation—with the arrival of a new family member,
Tecumseh Sebastian Kashkari. So we all wish Neel and his family the best. President Daly, as
Neel’s alternate, will be voting at this meeting. And in Neel’s absence, Ron Feldman will be
representing the Minneapolis bank in our discussions today. Ron, welcome.
Now, regarding logistics, we again have a parallel Skype session that participants and
others can use to indicate that they have a question or a two-hander. I’d also call for any further
questions at the end of each Q&A session, in case anyone is having difficulty with Skype. A link
to a single file with all presentation materials was distributed yesterday evening. You can open
the file at that link and follow along during the proceedings. With that, let’s go to our first item
on the formal agenda, which is the Desk briefing. Lorie, would you like to begin, please?
MS. LOGAN. 1 Great. Thank you, Chair Powell. My presentation on “Financial
Developments and Open Market Operations” starts on page 1 of your consolidated
briefing materials. Over the intermeeting period, market participants were squarely
focused on developments related to the election, fiscal policy, and the virus, all of
which remain key sources of uncertainty for financial markets, particularly in light of
the very close election results overnight. Contacts remain attentive to the outlook for
Committee policy but do not anticipate any material changes at this meeting.
1
The materials used by Ms. Logan are appended to this transcript (appendix 1 and 1a).
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Today I’ll focus on the developments overnight and three interrelated questions,
outlined on slide 2. First, how did evolving perceptions of the election, fiscal policy,
and the virus affect financial markets? Second, how did these developments and the
material changes to the Committee’s September statement affect expectations about
FOMC policy? And, third, how did market functioning evolve, and how do market
participants assess the tools in place, should challenges emerge?
Starting with my first question: As shown in slide 3, financial conditions
tightened modestly, on net, over the intermeeting period but remain accommodative.
As outlined in figure 1, through last Friday, the S&P 500 index had fallen 4 percent,
high-yield credit spreads had widened moderately, and longer-term interest rates had
increased nearly 20 basis points. Notably, the VIX index was up 12 points, to a level
near the 95th percentile of its historical range—suggesting elevated demand for
protection against uncertainty in the near term.
Obviously, a main source of that uncertainty is the election. Taking into account
the moves in markets since Friday and including overnight, financial conditions are
even less changed than is indicated in the table shown here. Markets moved notably
overnight as investors digested incoming information on the election, and, for your
reference, we have distributed a separate short set of materials that update these very
recent developments.
Figure 2, which shows the Goldman Sachs Financial Conditions Index, puts the
moves through Friday in some context. According to this measure, conditions are
near their easiest level since a brief spell in 2018 and, before that, several years in the
late 1990s.
I’ll now turn to slide 4. For most of the intermeeting period, market participants
focused predominantly on the shifting outlook for the election and fiscal policy.
Evolving polling data, particularly in early October, were interpreted as indicating a
growing probability of a Democratic presidency and control of the Senate, as
illustrated by the rise in the blue lines in figure 3. This, in turn, reduced the perceived
odds of a contested or drawn-out election and boosted expectations of post-election
fiscal stimulus. While there is considerable uncertainty, average estimates for the
likely size of a fiscal package vary as much as about $1.5 trillion depending on which
political parties control the presidency and the Congress.
The greater odds placed on a larger stimulus package and higher issuance of
Treasury securities reportedly drove increases in longer-term Treasury yields, which
neared their post-March highs, as shown in figure 4. Measures of inflation
compensation increased modestly despite a sizable drop in oil prices. Real yields rose
more notably and appeared to be driven by rising term premiums, as shown in figure
5, consistent with government debt issuance expectations being a key driver.
Alongside these developments, economic data continued to come in stronger than
expected over the intermeeting period, and third-quarter corporate earnings have been
exceeding consensus forecasts by a record margin. By mid-October, these
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developments had pushed U.S. equity indexes up 4 to 6 percent since your previous
meeting, as shown by the dark blue bars in figure 6. However, as illustrated by the
light blue bars, the equity price movements were subsequently retraced amid concerns
about the intensifying upsurge in COVID-19 cases here and abroad.
Before I turn to that, let me just state the obvious: Developments overnight seem
to leave the election and the outlook for fiscal policy highly uncertain. As a result,
we expect the evolving electoral picture to drive yields, equity prices, and other asset
prices over coming days. So far, equity prices are up, and Treasury yields are down,
as market participants digest the uncertain results.
As detailed on slide 5, new COVID cases in Europe have accelerated sharply in
recent weeks, shown in figure 7, leading to rising hospitalization rates and renewed
lockdowns in several countries. The U.S. upsurge, shown in figure 8, has not been as
acute, but contacts are closely monitoring these developments.
Differences in the trajectory of the virus, as well as differing expectations
regarding fiscal policy, resulted in a significant divergence between U.S. and
European asset markets. As shown in figure 9, while the S&P 500 index, in dark
blue, fell 4 percent, on net, through last Friday, the Euro Stoxx index, in light blue,
declined 11 percent, adding to its underperformance this year. As shown in figure 10,
the 10-year German bund fell 15 basis points over this same period, amid the
worsening virus outlook and firming expectations of additional ECB easing, which
stands in notable contrast to the rise in Treasury yields.
In slide 6, amid the worsening trajectory for the virus and still-lingering
possibility of a prolonged and contested election vote count, volatility markets are
pricing significant uncertainties ahead. As I noted earlier, through Friday, the VIX
index rose 12 points on the period to around the 95th percentile of its historical
distribution, as shown in dark blue on figure 11. One-month implied volatilities for
emerging market currencies, shown in light blue, typically move with broad risk
sentiment and also remain exceptionally elevated. In contrast, implied volatilities on
long-term U.S. interest rates and G-7 currencies, shown in figure 12, are at more
moderate levels, in part reflecting expectations that monetary policy here and abroad
will remain very accommodative.
While the election, fiscal policy, and the virus are by far the most salient nearterm risks, our contacts point to a number of other potential catalysts of market
volatility. Prominent among these are the possibility of a no-deal Brexit as well as
ongoing risks and vulnerabilities in emerging markets and, closer to home, in the
municipal market and among corporate borrowers most heavily affected by the
pandemic.
My second question, on slide 7, relates to policy expectations, which were
generally little changed. As outlined to the left, market participants seemed to view
the FOMC’s revised forward guidance in the September statement as in line with the
expectations developed following the release of the new consensus statement. As
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shown in the red bars in figure 13, survey indications for the most likely timing of
liftoff coalesced a bit further around 2024.
With respect to perceptions of the FOMC’s reaction function, market participants
continued to absorb the implications of the new consensus statement and forward
guidance. Figure 14 on slide 8 shows the histogram of responses for the 12-month
PCE inflation rate expected when the FOMC next raises the target range. Overall, the
number of respondents that expect higher realized inflation at the time of liftoff
shifted modestly, as reflected in the move from the dark blue to the red bars, and the
median respondent expects inflation to be 2.3 percent at liftoff, a slight increase from
September. The distribution of expectations for the unemployment rate at liftoff,
shown in figure 15, was essentially unchanged. Though expectations for conditions
at liftoff have not changed significantly since September, the shift since July, prior to
the release of the new consensus statement—depicted by the light blue bars in the top
figures—is quite remarkable.
Many market participants suggest that the FOMC’s new policies, along with
rising expectations of more aggressive fiscal spending, had helped lift five-year, fiveyear-forward inflation compensation in recent months, as shown in dark blue in figure
16. They also note that this stands in contrast to similar measures in other major
advanced economies, which have not been rising.
Regarding asset purchases on slide 9, following the revisions to the forward rate
guidance in September, market participants increasingly focused on asset purchases.
As outlined on the top, our general sense is that market participants anticipate that the
FOMC will at some point evolve its communications to place even greater emphasis
on fostering accommodative financial conditions. They are also focused on the
prospects for the Committee’s guidance to eventually be made outcome based. In
addition, many anticipate that the weighted average maturity of Treasury security
purchases will ultimately be lengthened in order to support accommodative financial
conditions.
In terms of purchase pace, the most recent surveys showed modest increases in
median expectations of net purchases of Treasury securities and agency MBS over the
next several years. This is depicted in the shifts from the blue to red diamonds in
figures 17 and 18. Median responses imply that purchases will continue at their
current pace through the end of 2021 and then slow in subsequent years, but there is a
wide range of estimates across respondents. Summing up these medians implies total
purchases of $2.5 trillion between now and the end of 2023.
But, of course, these figures reflect expectations of the most likely pace of
purchases. In a new survey question, we found, not surprisingly, a high degree of
uncertainty around these amounts. A worsening of the pandemic, deterioration in the
economic outlook, or an undesired increase in longer-term interest rates were cited as
reasons the Committee might increase its purchase pace.
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Finally, let me turn to market functioning and how market participants assess the
tools in place should stresses reemerge. Starting on slide 10, over the intermeeting
period, core fixed-income markets continued to function smoothly, with most market
functioning indicators having returned to pre-pandemic levels. This is shown by bidask spreads in Treasury security and agency MBS markets in figures 19 and 20.
Consistent with the Committee’s directive, the Desk conducted purchases to increase
holdings of Treasury securities and agency MBS at the minimum pace of $80 billion
and $40 billion per month, respectively. Weekly operations continued for agency
CMBS, although we purchased only modest amounts.
The Federal Reserve’s balance sheet, shown in the left-hand figure on slide 11,
increased modestly, as growth in securities holdings was partially offset by a decline
in central bank liquidity swaps, shown in red to the right in figure 22. In addition,
reflecting continued stable conditions across most markets, outstanding balances for
liquidity facilities declined slightly, while balances for many of the credit facilities
were little changed or increased marginally.
Before the election, market participants anticipated that usage of funding
operations and 13(3) facilities would remain at low levels for the rest of this year,
although they continue to view them as vital backstops. Slide 12 shows that Desk
survey respondents’ modal expectations regarding outstanding assets on December 30
declined for most facilities, in some cases by significant amounts, as reflected by the
shift from the blue to the red diamonds. Of course, as I noted earlier, market
participants have continued to highlight an exceptionally broad range of risks in the
current environment that might prompt a renewal in market stress and result in more
active use of these backstops.
In the spirit of prudent operational planning for any near-term disturbances, the
staff have been working in recent weeks to ensure readiness across a range of
scenarios. If needed, the Desk could adjust the parameters of the repo and purchase
operations and could work with foreign central bank counterparts to increase the
frequency of dollar swap operations. Some measures of market functioning worsened
slightly this morning, but conditions overall are very stable, and we’ll continue to
monitor the situation through the day.
Our assessment is that the existing set of operations and facilities provide a broad
range of automatic stabilizers that would support market functioning should stress
reemerge, although market participants note that backstops are not currently in place
for secondary municipal markets.
With expectations of an elevated risk environment to extend into next year, some
Desk survey respondents indicated that they expect operations and facilities to be
extended and noted that some terms could be made more advantageous to borrowers.
Slide 13 highlights that several facilities are scheduled to expire at the end of the year.
Of note, because of the notice of intent requirements for the Municipal Liquidity
Facility, it will effectively close to new applicants on November 30. The staff intend
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to seek guidance by the January meeting on whether to extend the temporary FX
swap lines and FIMA Repo Facility.
Looking ahead, market participants are expecting little upward pressure in dollar
funding markets over year-end. As shown in figure 25 and figure 26 on slide 14, the
implied spread between the December SOFR and fed funds futures rates and the
three-month FX swap basis spread for the euro–dollar currency pair indicate
expectations of calm year-end conditions. Reflecting elevated reserve levels, money
market rates could actually fall on year-end, as some banks become less willing to
take wholesale deposits on their reporting date. Market participants are expecting
rates to trend lower over time as reserve levels grow. Rebecca will talk more about
this in her presentation on the implications of high reserves.
Your appendix includes the usual summaries on operational testing, Treasury
security and agency MBS purchases, and U.S. dollar liquidity swaps outstanding.
Thank you, Chair Powell. Patricia and I would be happy to take any questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Any questions for Lorie and Patricia? Feel free to notify
me on Skype if there are any. And also feel free to raise your hand or wave or otherwise signify
your interest in asking a question. President Evans, please.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Lorie, looking at page 8, chart 14, “Expectations
for Inflation Rate at Liftoff,” it’s a relatively small number. It’s only about 20 percent of
respondents who think liftoff would take place before inflation gets to 2 percent. That seems to
be a little different than my reading of the September statement. Any insights from their
responses as to other factors that respondents might be thinking about in making that judgment?
MS. LOGAN. I don’t have a good sense of why the survey respondents are still showing
it there. I think that we have heard some uncertainty about how the changes work in practice,
and that could be reflected in some not full consensus and understanding about how the new
strategy will work. From our market intelligence gathering and the conversations that we are
having with market participants, I would say, most are in line with the 75 percent of survey
respondents we see to the right, and that’s generally what we hear more broadly.
MR. EVANS. Thanks very much.
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MS. LOGAN. I would also just note, that there are a fair number of participants in the
bucket—the 1.81 to 2 percent bucket—that are at exactly 2 percent. So this chart reflects above
2 percent. We did that for purposes of presentation, but there are a fair number that are exactly
at 2 percent.
CHAIR POWELL. [Inaudible]
MR. HARKER. Jay, you’re muted.
CHAIR POWELL. I’m sorry. I was accusing Loretta of having failed to unmute herself.
I am the guilty party, let the record show. President Mester, please.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Chair Powell. Lorie, you mentioned that the municipal
facility will have to announce, I guess, it’s closed to new participants at the end of November.
Are market participants expecting us to do something today about that facility, to extend that
timing? And do you have a sense of what they think would happen if we didn’t extend that
facility?
MS. LOGAN. I have not heard much in terms of expectations for changes coming out of
the FOMC meeting. I think there is a sense that the extensions would take place fairly soon,
perhaps after the election results have been resolved. As I said, I think the expectations of an
extension are fairly high, and I do think that they are seen as a very important backstop. And I
think this is particularly the case in the municipal market. I mean, our sense is that there are
several municipalities that are intending to use the facility in coming weeks, and Andreas may
want to share more about those particular jurisdictions. But I do think, from a broader
perspective, it’s seen as important for maintaining the improvements that we’ve seen in market
functioning that these facilities are maintained and extended past the end dates.
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MR. LEHNERT. I don’t have anything to add to what Lorie said. You know, there are
two or three muni issuers that have filed or are about to file the formal notice of intent that
begins the process of coming to the facility. But the general sort of healing in muni markets,
which the Municipal Liquidity Facility has been a part of, generally means that issuers are able
to access private markets and that the pricing of the muni facility is backstop pricing. So it’s not
fiscally attractive during normal times.
CHAIR POWELL. I might add a word, if I could. So, as you know, extending the
CARES Act facilities—actually, any of the facilities that expire on the 31st, which are the
CARES Act facilities—requires the approval of the Secretary. We’ll be discussing that after the
election, after this settles down a little bit. I think our position is always going to be that we
think it’s appropriate to leave backstops in place for a time, even if usage is very low. And that
will be a discussion we have with the Secretary. And I don’t know how that will come out, but
it’s coming. I was going to mention this later in one of my interventions, but that’s where that
lies. President Rosengren, please.
MR. ROSENGREN. Yes. This actually fits very well with the Chair’s comment. Lorie,
if the Treasury decided they did not want to extend any of the facilities and the pandemic gets
worse, how worried would you become about market functioning?
MS. LOGAN. You know, my sense is that we have seen significant improvement in
market functioning across all of the asset classes. I also think the increase in reserves that we’ve
put in the system has provided a lot of liquidity and stability to funding markets in particular.
And I think that the funding market facilities or operations that we have in place—you know, the
repos, the swap lines—are really strong backstops with respect to funding markets.
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I do think, in the credit markets, those backstops are still providing confidence that give
market participants a sense of security, in terms of their trading and their willingness to take risks
and positions in those markets. So I think those backstops are having an important effect on
conditions in those credit markets. My sense is that we would see some deterioration in
conditions at this point if those were removed earlier than expected. I’ll pass it over to Andreas
if he wants to share his own perspective.
MR. LEHNERT. Once again, Lorie, I think I agree with you. I think the general sense is
that many people expect them to be extended, and there could be a sense of disappointment if
they are not.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Any other questions? There are none in Skype. No one
is signaling. [No response] Good. Well, thank you. If there are no more questions, we now
need a vote to ratify domestic open market operations conducted since the September meeting.
Do I have a motion to approve?
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. So moved.
CHAIR POWELL. All in favor? [Chorus of ayes]
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Without objection. Okay. We will now turn to our
discussion of asset purchases. As you know, this is a nondecisional discussion. It’s a chance to
share high-level perspectives on the evolution of our asset purchases. Our briefers are Zeynep
Senyuz, Paul Wood, Rebecca Zarutskie, and Patricia Zobel. Patricia, would you like to lead us
off, please?
MS. ZOBEL. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Can you hear me?
CHAIR POWELL. Yes.
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MS. ZOBEL. 2 Okay, great. Thank you. The FOMC’s asset purchases initiated
during the stresses of last March have been highly effective at restoring market
functioning and, through expansion in Federal Reserve securities holdings, have also
helped foster accommodative financial conditions. With market functioning largely
restored and updated forward guidance on the federal funds rate in place, the
Committee may, at some point, wish to consider whether evolving asset purchases
could further promote the attainment of its maximum-employment and price-stability
goals. Three memos were circulated in advance of the meeting to provide
background for these deliberations.
Zeynep will first review the memo “Considerations for Asset Purchases,” which
highlights features of the current environment that might influence the goals of asset
purchases and describes potential structures. Although long-term yields are much
lower than during previous periods when large-scale asset purchases were initiated,
further purchases could still be effective at sustaining financial conditions,
forestalling increases in yields, and supporting forward guidance on the federal funds
rate. Zeynep will discuss how the pace and composition of purchases and
communications about purchases might help achieve those goals.
Many foreign central banks have also been evolving their asset purchase
programs from sustaining market functioning to fostering accommodative conditions.
Paul will review the memo “Ongoing Asset Purchases at Foreign Central Banks,”
which offers perspective on how foreign central bank programs have been structured
and how their communications about asset purchases support policy objectives.
Finally, Rebecca will review a memo on how higher reserve levels, associated
with ongoing asset purchases, might influence bank balance sheets and money market
rates. In a scenario broadly consistent with current asset purchase expectations,
overnight money market rates are likely to fall as banks require a higher spread
between IOER and deposit rates to absorb additional reserves. The Federal Reserve
has effective tools for managing rates in high-reserve environments—increases in
IOER provide more room for adjustments in deposit rates, and the ON RRP creates
an effective outside option for investors. However, under very high reserve
scenarios, downward pressure could intensify. The Committee may then want to
consider enhancing the overnight RRP to more effectively absorb reserves or use
other tools to broaden the financing of asset purchases beyond the banking system.
With those thoughts, I will turn it over to our presenters to share their insights.
The presentation starts on page 19 of your combined handout. After Rebecca’s
presentation, we would be happy to take questions and hear your thoughts on the
questions for discussion on page 36. I’ll turn it over to Zeynep now.
MS. SENYUZ. Thank you. As Patricia noted, having updated your forward
guidance in September, you may want to next consider whether and, if so, how asset
The materials used by Ms. Zobel, Ms. Senyuz, Mr. Wood, and Ms. Zarutskie are appended to this transcript
(appendix 2).
2
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purchases should evolve to support your goals. I will first summarize three key
features of the current backdrop to your deliberations and then describe some design
considerations for adjusting asset purchases.
I turn now to page 21 of your packet. Longer-term Treasury yields are already
very low, and it may be difficult to reduce them substantially further through an
expansion in securities holdings. With yields near the lower bound, interest rate
volatility is lower, and asset purchases may be less effective at removing the duration
risk faced by investors. Even so, asset purchases may still be effective through other
channels, such as portfolio rebalancing or signaling channels.
Some recent research has suggested that longer-term Treasury yields may be
subject to the same lower bound as the policy rate. However, even if longer-term
yields are close to the lower bound, asset purchases can still be effective in sustaining
the current level of yields and in offsetting undesirable upward pressure on longerterm rates, which is related to the second consideration summarized on page 22.
Asset purchases are being conducted against a backdrop of large budget deficits,
which increase the stock of total debt outstanding through Treasury security issuance.
In addition, the weighted average maturity of Treasury coupon issuance so far this
year has been substantially higher than in previous episodes when large deficits were
financed. These fiscal actions have already put upward pressure on yields, and
prospects for additional fiscal stimulus to address the economic effects of the
pandemic remain highly uncertain. Although the degree of fiscal stimulus could
prove disappointing, there is a risk that higher-than-expected debt issuance with
longer maturities could put further upward pressure on longer-term rates.
A third consideration, summarized on page 23, is that further asset purchases may
also be effective at sustaining the level of accommodation already embedded in
yields. The current low level of yields reflects the effects of significant increases in
securities holdings to date, your forward guidance on the federal funds rate, as well as
market expectations for further expansion in securities holdings. As Lorie noted in
the Desk briefing, purchases are expected at around the current pace through 2021
and at a diminishing pace for two years after that. While precisely gauging asset
purchase expectations embedded in yields is challenging, reducing purchases
significantly below what is priced into current yields could put upward pressure
on rates.
I will now turn to design features of asset purchases that could be adjusted to
achieve your objectives. The four key structural elements of asset purchases to be
considered are summarized in a diagram on page 24. The first category, as shown by
the top green box, is purchase structure—that is, the pace and composition of asset
purchases. Currently, SOMA holdings are increasing by $120 billion per month.
This pace of purchases could be sustained or modified to adjust the degree of
accommodation you choose to provide. In the staff’s framework, the amount of
accommodation provided by asset purchases primarily depends on the current and
projected path of SOMA holdings rather than the monthly flow of purchases.
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Therefore, a higher monthly pace of purchases over a shorter time could be equivalent
in terms of overall accommodation to a lower monthly pace over a longer period. In
addition, current purchases include a substantial amount of shorter-dated Treasury
securities, and there is some potential to add accommodation by lengthening the
maturity of Treasury purchases without changing current total purchase amounts.
Even if the composition of Treasury purchases is adjusted, keeping some purchases in
shorter-dated securities may be helpful to support market functioning, as needed.
You could also consider adjusting the split between purchases of Treasury securities
and purchases of MBS.
The second category is your preferred degree of flexibility in purchase structure.
A fixed program would specify the initial purchase parameters and would not alter
the pace or composition, unless there were significant changes in the economic
outlook. Alternatively, in view of the uncertainty associated with the outlook and the
low level of current yields, you may choose to have a more flexible program in which
relatively frequent changes in purchase structure are made in response to economic
and financial developments. A flexible program could signal your willingness to
provide more accommodation if economic conditions deteriorate or less if purchases
appear to be causing market-functioning issues or increasing other risks. Retaining
flexibility to adjust purchases may be beneficial for responding to evolving
conditions, but it may be difficult for market participants to understand the
Committee’s policy intentions or its reaction function.
The third category is related to the type of guidance that you may want to provide
for asset purchases. The September FOMC statement indicated that asset purchases
will continue “over coming months,” and at some point, you may want to provide
guidance for purchases over a longer time horizon to clarify your intentions.
Providing an indication for when purchases would stop or taper could be based on a
specific date or could be tied to economic conditions. Although date-based guidance
could provide clear communication about your intentions, it would be relatively
inflexible in responding to new information, which may be problematic in some
circumstances. Alternatively, purchases along with state-based guidance would be
more responsive to changes in economic conditions and could be perceived as more
closely tied to your objectives. State-based guidance with very specific or difficult to
meet thresholds can result in a commitment to continue purchases over longer
horizons than you may desire. More general guidance, using wording such as “until
substantial progress is made in achieving the Committee’s objectives,” could reduce
such risks. Another possibility would be to provide more general state-based
guidance initially and update it over time to make it more specific as the end of
purchases gets closer.
Finally, with either date- or state-based guidance, communications on asset
purchases should be well integrated with your forward guidance for the federal funds
rate so that the two tools do not end up working at cross-purposes. You may prefer to
end asset purchases before the conditions for an increase in the target range are met.
This could be accomplished in a variety of ways, and the memo provided illustrative
examples of different types of guidance for asset purchases reflecting the design
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features that I just described. I will now turn it over to Paul to discuss the foreign
central banks’ ongoing asset purchase programs and the guidance they have provided
about their future purchases.
MR. WOOD. Thank you, Zeynep. As the Committee considers options for its
asset purchases, it may be instructive to look at what is being done abroad. I will
discuss first how foreign central banks are structuring their asset purchase programs,
then how they are evolving the programs as they transition to providing
accommodation, and conclude with their current guidance on purchases.
As discussed on page 26 of your packet, many advanced foreign economy central
banks introduced or expanded asset purchase programs in response to market
functioning strains observed in the spring. The Bank of Canada, the Reserve Bank of
Australia, and the Reserve Bank of New Zealand all started large-scale asset
purchases for the first time. Some central banks with ongoing purchase programs
created new programs to address the new circumstances, such as the European
Central Bank’s Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme (PEPP), which is aimed
at countering risks to the monetary transmission mechanism and the euro-area
outlook posed by the pandemic.
The table on page 27 outlines the structure of asset purchase programs at foreign
central banks. Most common are programs that have an announced cap on total
purchases, the center column, and an expected end date. For instance, the ECB’s new
program, PEPP, on the top row, has a cap of €1.35 trillion and an end date of June
2021. The Bank of England’s purchase program also has an announced size and end
date. These programs have some flexibility to vary the pace of purchases as
conditions change while remaining under the cap, and they can be extended with
increased caps if necessary.
Two central banks—the Bank of Japan and the Reserve Bank of Australia—have
yield curve targets, and they adjust their purchases to meet those targets. Yesterday,
however, the RBA announced its intention to buy A$100 billion of 5-to-10-year
government bonds over the next six months, so its program now combines a target for
three-year yields with a quantity target at the longer end of the yield curve. The only
programs that, like the FOMC’s current program, specify a targeted pace of asset
purchases are that of the Bank of Canada, highlighted in red, and the ECB’s
preexisting Asset Purchase Programme (APP), highlighted in blue.
Page 28 discusses the evolution of asset purchase programs at foreign central
banks over this year. Since the spring, as market functioning improved but economic
activity remained weak, central banks shifted the focus of asset purchases away from
restoring market functioning and toward providing monetary accommodation in
support of the recovery. As shown below, central banks slowed their purchases of
government bonds as markets calmed. The Bank of England, on the left, extended
purchases at its June 17 meeting, but at a reduced pace. At the time, U.K. long-term
bond yields rose somewhat on that announcement, as market participants had
expected the BOE to maintain a more aggressive purchase pace. The ECB, on the
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right, also bought less over the summer as financial conditions improved, but the
ECB could increase the purchase pace of buying under its PEPP as economic effects
of the pandemic worsen. In contrast, the Bank of Canada maintained its purchase
pace of government bonds over the summer, even as it shifted the focus of its
communications.
Last week, however, as discussed on page 29, the Bank of Canada announced it
will gradually reduce its weekly pace of government bond purchases from at least
C$5 billion to at least C$4 billion while increasing the maturity of its purchases.
With markets now functioning well and the yields on shorter-maturity bonds well
anchored by its forward guidance, the bank said it will “shift purchases towards
longer-term bonds, which have more direct influence on the borrowing rates that are
most important for households and businesses.” The bank judges that the adjusted
program “is providing at least as much monetary stimulus as before.” Market
reaction to the announcement was benign, with longer-term bond yields declining a
bit and the Canadian dollar depreciating slightly, suggesting that market participants
focused on the maturity extension rather than on the reduction in asset purchases.
The table on page 30 shows some foreign central banks’ guidance on asset
purchases. Some purchase programs have date-based guidance, highlighted in red,
while other programs have state-based guidance on asset purchases. The Bank of
Canada, highlighted in blue, says its purchase program “will continue until the
recovery is well underway.” This guidance is less specific than the bank’s guidance
on policy rates, in the left column, that is tied to sustainably achieving the inflation
target, which in the bank’s current projection does not happen until 2023. This
suggests that the Bank expects conditions for stopping asset purchases will be met
sometime before the conditions are met for raising interest rates.
There is one example of directly integrating guidance on purchases with that on
rates. The ECB’s guidance on its APP, highlighted in green, is linked to the ECB’s
guidance on the timing of policy rate increases, in the left column, which itself is
based on inflation converging to the ECB’s objective. The ECB expects purchases
under the APP to “end shortly before it starts raising” its key interest rates. I will now
turn it over to Rebecca to discuss risks relating to adding high levels of reserves to the
banking system.
MS. ZARUTSKIE. Thank you. As you consider how asset purchases should
evolve, you may want to understand how further increases in aggregate reserves may
affect bank balance sheets and money market rates and whether the Federal Reserve
has the appropriate tools to manage rates in this environment.
As discussed on page 32 of your packet, the staff reviewed how banks and money
markets might respond to an additional increase of $2.5 trillion in aggregate reserves
over the next year and a half, as well as an additional increase of twice that amount,
or $5 trillion. The $2.5 trillion scenario is broadly consistent with one in which
Treasury security and MBS purchases continue at the current pace over the next six
quarters, and the Treasury General Account declines from a historically high level.
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The $5 trillion scenario can be viewed as a “severely adverse scenario” in which the
increase in reserves would arise from a substantial expansion in asset purchases and
lending programs in response to a severe economic downturn.
As aggregate reserves rise, banks may begin to take actions to offset the decline in
their net interest margins or leverage ratios resulting from growth in reserves on their
balance sheets. Banks may seek to shed deposits by allowing relatively expensive
wholesale funding to mature without replacement or reducing deposit rates to
discourage deposit inflows, or they may seek to shed reserves by increasing their
holdings of higher-yielding liquid assets or other types of lending.
Bank actions in response to reserves growth have the effect of placing downward
pressure on short-term interest rates relative to the interest on excess reserves, or
IOER rate, as was the case during the 2008–14 period of high reserves growth.
Specifically, domestic banks lowered deposit rates to slow the growth of their balance
sheets, creating incentives for depositors to shift to money market funds. This
process facilitated a redistribution of reserves as money market funds then lent in
unsecured money markets to branches and agencies of foreign banks, which were
willing to accept additional funding at rates below the IOER rate to then earn a spread
by holding reserves or other higher-yielding money market investments. The Federal
Reserve was able to maintain control over short-term interest rates by using its two
administered rates—the IOER rate and the rate offered under the overnight reverse
repo, or ON RRP, facility.
Page 33 considers the scenario with an additional increase of $2.5 trillion in
reserves. The staff assess that in this scenario, banks would likely have sufficient
capacity to absorb the increase in reserves without significant pressures on their
profitability or leverage ratios. The results of the Senior Financial Officer Survey that
was recently conducted helped confirm our understanding that some banks are
expecting to manage the future growth in their reserves and that they will likely first
seek to let wholesale funding mature without replacement or invest reserves in
higher-yielding liquid assets to moderate reserves growth. The level of aggregate
reserves at which downward pressure on short-term rates would emerge is uncertain.
Importantly, existing tools should be sufficient to manage short-term rates. The
IOER rate could be adjusted as was done in the previous period of high reserves to
widen the spread relative to the ON RRP rate. Additionally, if market participants are
unable to invest funds at overnight rates above the ON RRP rate, primary dealers,
money market funds, and other eligible money market participants could shift funds
to the ON RRP facility, which would then act as a key safety valve with which to
drain reserves from the banking system.
Page 34 considers the more extreme scenario of an additional $5 trillion in
reserves. Here, bank profitability and leverage ratios could decline more
significantly. Banks might take more aggressive action to limit reserves growth, such
as investing in higher-yielding or less liquid assets or reducing additional liabilities;
banks with binding leverage ratios could potentially reduce credit provision. Notably,
however, outcomes in this scenario are especially uncertain, because of the
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unprecedented magnitude of the reserves increase. In this scenario, money market
rates would be more likely to fall to the bottom of the range. In some cases, ON RRP
facility demand could increase substantially.
As discussed on page 35, should more notable downward pressures on short-term
rates emerge, the Federal Reserve could take a number of policy responses to
maintain rate control and ease pressures on bank balance sheets. The FOMC could
take steps to enhance the ON RRP facility’s ability to set a floor under interest rates
and to increase the safety valve effect of the program by increasing the current limit
for ON RRP counterparties or expanding the set of eligible counterparties.
The FOMC could also consider reducing the flow of asset purchases and, thus, the
pace of reserves creation while maintaining a given level of accommodation. As
described in the memo “Considerations for Asset Purchases,” the FOMC could tilt
ongoing asset purchases toward longer-dated securities and thereby remove the same
amount of duration risk from the private sector even while decreasing the pace of
asset purchases. Alternatively, the FOMC could sell shorter-dated securities holdings
while purchasing longer-dated holdings, as was done in the 2012 maturity extension
program.
Similar in motivation to the possible expansion of ON RRP liabilities, the Federal
Reserve could consider steps that would expand the role of other nonreserve liabilities
and reduce aggregate reserves in the banking system. For example, in 2008, prior to
the Federal Reserve Act amendment that allows interest to be paid on reserves, the
Federal Reserve coordinated with the U.S. Treasury to issue “Supplementary
Financing Program” bills to drain reserves from the banking sector.
Finally, the Federal Reserve Board could consider extending the period for the
current temporary exemption of reserves from supplementary leverage ratio
requirements as a way to ease growing pressure on banks’ balance sheets. Exempting
reserves from tier 1 leverage ratio requirements could also serve to ease pressures on
banks’ balance sheets but would likely require congressional action, because of
existing legal restrictions on amending that requirement. Absent exemption of
reserves from leverage ratio requirements, banking supervisors could communicate to
banks that they would not negatively view a decline in these ratios over time due to
reserves growth during periods of large-scale asset purchases. Thank you. We would
be happy to take any questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Thanks. Any questions for our briefers? Mary, I see you waving
your hand.
MS. DALY. Yes. Sorry, my Skype went down. I just have a question, Rebecca—you
said you’re talking to banks, and you’re doing surveys about what they are likely to do. But I
remember we were surprised earlier on this year with bank surveys maybe not talking about how
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they are going to manage their reserves quite as well as we would have hoped. And so I just
wanted to know—is that a concern, or have we discussed this with them? I know it’s a different
subject, but I just want to know how you’re thinking about these surveys of banks in the context
of reserves.
MS. ZARUTSKIE. Sure. I’ll provide an answer and then perhaps let some of my
colleagues who actually were involved in this particular survey chime in. As you point out,
survey responses sometimes are hard to interpret. I think in this current version of the SFOS,
there was a little bit of surprise that some banks didn’t expect reserves to increase,in view of the
pace of expected asset purchases that we’re seeing in the primary dealer survey, for example.
But banks did respond in the most recent SFOS that should reserves increase, they would attempt
to manage them downward. And so we took that as a signal that at some point in the future as
reserves grow, we would expect banks to try to push those reserves off their balance sheet either
by shedding deposits or other liabilities or investing those reserves in higher-yielding liquid
assets. I don’t know if others want to provide more insight beyond that.
MS. ZOBEL. Thanks, Rebecca. I think one thing I would add is that what’s surprised us
to date about the growth in reserves and the level of short-term rates is that we actually haven’t
seen any softness yet. And so banks telling us that soon they will begin to take actions to start to
shed some reserves individually, which will make the price adjust lower a little bit, is actually
something we would have expected.
In the survey, we didn’t ask them for a particular level at which they would do that, and
so I don’t think it’s giving us the kind of specificity that the lowest level of reserves was. It’s
more of, what types of actions would you take? At what level do you think you would begin
taking them? So we’re not pinning it to any particular level.
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I would just note also that federal funds futures show that the federal funds rate is going
to decline or there are expectations that the federal funds rate will decline in coming months, and
we would expect that. We think that that’s a natural result of a higher level of reserves.
MS. DALY. Thank you. That was very helpful.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you, President Daly. President Rosengren, please.
MR. ROSENGREN. My question is kind of at the intersection of Paul’s and Rebecca’s
presentations. Both the ECB and Japan now have balance sheets that are much larger than ours
relative to GDP. Have we seen the bank behavior in the Japanese banking system or the
European banking system that you’re concerned about if we went from $2½ trillion to
$5 trillion?
MR. WOOD. One thing that I would say, of course, is that they both are in a situation in
which they have negative interest rates. And so one thing they’ve dealt with is needing to do
tiering to avoid too much of an effect on bank profitability from the banks getting a negative
interest rate. But I’m not sure about the other part of bank behavior.
MS. ZARUTSKIE. I would point out that in those jurisdictions, rates have been able to
be effectively managed. I would also point out, however, that in the United States, it’s a bit of a
different context, because the money market industry is such a bigger component of short-term
funding. So we wouldn’t necessarily expect the same dynamics in those jurisdictions, but I think
we can take some comfort from the fact that bank reserves are a much higher share of bank
assets, and we don’t see huge problems in the banking sector.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Evans, please.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. This question, I think, is for Rebecca. It’s related
to the $5 trillion bank reserve scenario. And I guess I’m trying to figure out the strategy, the
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thinking, behind trying to limit reserves. And I call this on myself quite a lot, even in public. It
feels a little schizophrenic, in the sense that if we’re pursuing asset purchases that increase
reserves to $5 trillion, presumably we have in mind that we are trying to provide more financial
accommodation and we’re trying to achieve our inflation and employment mandates, and so
we’re hoping for greater levels of credit intermediation, ideally lending, at lower interest rates.
And so any attempt to sort of satisfy taking those reserves away from the banking industry
probably gets in the way of that.
You cited 2008 and a Treasury program, and also the ON RRP. I think those are
programs that basically try to help us provide slightly more restrictive policies, but now we’re
talking about something that provides a little more restrictiveness at a time when we’re really
trying to provide a lot of accommodation. So I’m struggling with those conflicts, because it
seems like if we took the reserves out of the banking system, we would be in conflict with the
overall asset purchase approach. Thanks.
MS. ZARUTSKIE. Sure, thanks. So I think the way to think about the $5 trillion case—
and, in fact, any case will work, but I’m thinking about an increase in reserves. You’re
absolutely right that the Federal Reserve is providing liquidity as well as accommodation by
lowering rates. We’re also providing a massive amount of liquidity when we purchase assets.
Oftentimes, that liquidity ends up in the banking system, and that can be a good thing if
the banks have lending opportunities with which to then take those reserves and make loans.
The concern, to the banks in particular, starts to come in when they maybe have exhausted their
lending opportunities and are kind of trapped with these reserves, and they want to get rid of the
reserves but don’t have profitable lending opportunities with which to shed those reserves via
loans, right? And so the concern is, if you reach a point in terms of asset purchases at which
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you’ve kind of “maxed out” the ability of banks to take those reserves and make loans, you
would like that liquidity to be elsewhere in the financial system. In fact, if reserves are going to
be taken from the banking system and moved elsewhere, you’re not reducing the amount of
liquidity that the Federal Reserve is creating by purchasing assets, you’re just moving that
liquidity elsewhere in the financial system that it’s hoped could then use that liquidity to make
profitable asset investments.
So it’s a concern not about Federal Reserve actions to provide accommodation, it’s a
concern about, really, the pressures that might emerge on short-term interest rates in particular as
banks try to shed excess liquidity they can’t use productively. So it’s kind of a second-order
concern. It’s not a case in which you would say you should stop purchasing assets, because the
primary purpose there is to provide accommodation, as you point out. It’s a question of where
that liquidity is going to go.
And so I think a helpful way to think about it is—and some central banks actually do
have the ability to issue central bank bills. So instead of funneling liquidity just through the
banking system when they buy assets, they’re able to have that liquidity go anywhere in the
financial system—whoever wants to buy the Fed bills. And so it’s a concern more about
liquidity in the banking system than liquidity itself. I don’t know if others want to chime in who
participated in the—
MR. EVANS. If I could just sharpen this, I mean, this sounds in line with the kind of
responses I get back from my staff as well. It feels a little bit more like a maturity extension
program, in the sense that you’re kind of taking those reserves out, but you’re trying to get the
benefit of perhaps taking duration out of the market. In that way, I’m interpreting you’re
providing more financial accommodation. But it could be done in a different way, I guess. It
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just sort of feels like, “Oh. gosh, why are we still doing this pace if we’re having this kind of
dilemma?” which I was referring to as schizophrenia. So, I mean, if it is about the maturity
extension, taking the duration out, then that might be a more direct way to characterize it.
MS. ZOBEL. I would just say that asset purchases are a form of maturity extension. We
always issue short-term liabilities and purchase long-term assets. And so that’s the nature of the
program. And I think, just adding to Rebecca’s point, the way that we would see that banks feel
that they’re getting an uncomfortably high level of reserves is downward pressure on money
market rates. And so if the overnight RRP take-up increases, I think it’s because banks have
already expressed that they are full up on their balance sheets on reserves, and that this allows
money market funds and other types of investors to have a different type of Federal Reserve
liability. It just broadens the financing of those purchases to, as she said, a broader investor base.
MR. EVANS. Thanks very much.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Barkin, please.
MR. BARKIN. Thanks. And Rebecca, maybe a different angle on the question: As you
got into the $5 trillion scenario, did you learn anything about even bigger scenarios—$7½ trillion
or $10 trillion?
Is there some level of a second breakpoint that we ought to be aware of?
MS. ZARUTSKIE. So we didn’t go after the concept of the highest comfortable level of
reserves—which I think is another way, maybe, of describing what you’re asking. We did do
some simulations in the memo. But we didn’t try to estimate how high reserves could go before
the banking system “broke,” if you will.
I think our general sense is, it’s very uncertain—even the $5 trillion scenario is uncertain.
And, you know, banks would take actions over time to alleviate either profitability or leverage
ratio constraints. So it’s really hard, not having experienced a scenario like that before, to model
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bank behavior. We did a little bit of that in the memo, just in the $5 trillion case. And we didn’t
take the analysis beyond that scenario, in terms of growth in reserves. But it’s an interesting
question to ask.
MR. BARKIN. Yes, it would be.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kaplan, please.
MR. KAPLAN. This may be superfluous at this point—it’s really following up on
Charlie’s comments. And for Rebecca, I interpreted your $5 trillion scenario, and particularly
your comments on extending maturities—you’re politely saying to us that if we think more
accommodation is needed, we should maybe be more sure that we get more bang for the buck for
every dollar of purchase we make. And one way to do that would be to have longer maturities at
the get-go, and maybe we could have a smaller size to get the same amount of accommodation or
even more accommodation.
MS. ZARUTSKIE. Yes, that’s correct. Certainly, for a given level of accommodation,
you could structure your asset purchases to create fewer reserves. And one way of doing that
would be to tilt your purchases toward longer-dated securities. Or, if on the balance sheet you
had short-term securities to swap for longer-term securities, you could do that and create
virtually no reserves.
Of course, our memo just focuses on the reserves-creation aspect. There are other
considerations that you might want to factor in when, as Zeynep’s presentation pointed out,
deciding the length of maturities to purchase as part of an asset purchase program. But one
potential benefit would be that it would be more reserves efficient. It would create fewer
reserves if you were to tilt your purchases to the longer end of the spectrum.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Any further questions? President Evans.
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MR. EVANS. Let me probe just a little bit more, because Rob’s point, I think, is very
useful. If we are worried about the size of the balance sheet, then there are all these different
duration assets. And you get to the short bills on your balance sheet—you can switch them. We
did that in 2011. And context, I think, is really important, which is part of what I’m probing on.
If there’s a feeling among markets and the public that if the Fed is really nervous about the size
of its balance sheet and they just don’t want to go that route because of whatever reason, then
that could limit the overall amount of accommodation. Then we get to 2012, and we had to do
more, and we couldn’t do the extension. And so then we do the open-ended QE3. I guess to
make this a question, it’s sort of like—I guess there are a whole bunch of different factors that
could be involved, including expectations of future accommodation and where we are in terms of
progress toward meeting our mandates—I guess if I say “right?” here, it’s a question.
CHAIR POWELL. That becomes a question, indeed. [Laughter]
MS. SENYUZ. One thing that I can add is that though it would be possible to provide
the same amount of accommodation by shifting some shorter-dated purchases towards longer
end. This would make it possible to have the same effect on the 10-year equivalent amounts but
with lower purchases. But in the surveys, the market has been expecting purchases to continue at
the current pace. So from a communications point of view, it may be complicated, I think, for
the market to understand that we are keeping the level of accommodation the same. So that’s
just one risk regarding communications that I wanted to point out, under the type of purchases
that they are expecting, although technically we can keep the accommodation equivalent to what
we are doing right now.
MR. EVANS. Thanks, that’s very helpful.
CHAIR POWELL. President Bullard, please.
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MR. BULLARD. Yes, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Just to follow up on that: Should I
interpret the Bank of Canada’s policy as being exactly that, where they reduce the pace of
purchases but lengthen the duration? And did they communicate that they were providing the
same amount of accommodation?
MR. WOOD. Yes, very much so. That was central to its success, I think, in terms of
their communications. Part of their motivation, I think—and market participants understood
this—is they were starting to be—the purchases were pretty large relative to the market. And
there was some feeling that they wanted to reduce the size. Tiff Macklem kind of denied that in
the press conference, that it was a strong motivation, but I think people thought it probably was.
But they made a significant point of saying they are extending the maturity, and they actually
said that they saw it as providing at least as much stimulus. And it seems like the market
responded favorably. So it’s exactly that kind of thing.
MR. BULLARD. Great, thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Okay, any further questions? [No response] All right, great, thank
you. Let’s begin our go-round on this topic, and we’ll begin with Vice Chair Williams, please.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and I’d like to also thank the staff,
who provided us with excellent research and analysis on balance sheet policies over the period of
the framework review and then again today. Our ongoing asset purchases are supporting smooth
market functioning and fostering favorable financial conditions. By helping keep the credit pipes
open and interest rates low, these purchases add additional accommodation on top of the strong
forward guidance on the federal funds rate that we put in place at our September meeting.
The current pace and composition of purchases has been very effective at keeping
medium- and longer-term interest rates low and reasonably stable, and I see a huge benefit of
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continuing with the current high level of purchases of Treasury securities and agency MBS for
quite some time. I’m really not concerned about the current pace of purchases creating
unintended negative consequences for market functioning or banks’ balance sheets anytime soon,
and I am confident that we have the tools for effective interest rate control. That said, we should
make sure that our asset purchases are being used as effectively as possible to support a speedy
economic recovery.
There are two dimensions by which the efficacy of our asset purchases could be
strengthened in the future. The first relates to the communication of our plans for the future pace
of purchases. The existing statement language on asset purchases has bought us time as we’ve
put in place our policy framework and the forward guidance on rates. However, the vagueness
of our language on purchases does not proactively help align market expectations with ours and
risks market expectations becoming entrenched in a manner contrary to our intentions. For these
reasons, I see advantages in introducing more explicit, state-based forward guidance on the
future path of asset purchases. And I do see benefit to doing so sooner rather than later, so that
we can proactively shape and guide market expectations before they become entrenched.
I prefer a state-contingent approach to describing the future path of purchases for the
same reasons that we used with our rate guidance. It makes sense both in terms of providing
built-in flexibility to changing economic conditions and it fits naturally alongside our existing
rate guidance. If the economy outperforms, expectations of total purchases will come down. If,
on the other hand, the economy underperforms, expectations of purchases will rise. And I’m not
going to offer specific wording for the forward guidance on asset purchases now, but in broad
terms, I think we should be conveying that we will need to have made further significant or
substantial progress toward achieving our employment and inflation goals and are confident that
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we’re on track to achieving those in the foreseeable future before we start to moderate the pace
of purchases from the current level.
The second dimension concerns the size and composition of our purchases. Assuming
we have strong state-contingent forward guidance in place for our purchase program, we will be
well positioned to deal with a positive surprise to the economic outlook. As I said, in that case
the period of asset purchases will shorten, consistent with the improvement in the outlook, and
the total amount purchased will decline.
If, on the other hand, the economic outlook darkens significantly, the lengthening of the
period of purchases implied by the forward guidance may not be enough to achieve the
appropriate level of policy accommodation. In such a downside scenario, we have options for
adding accommodation by adjusting the size and composition of our purchases. We are not
running out of ammo.
If the economic outlook calls for additional accommodation, we can extend the duration
of our Treasury security purchases by repurposing the shorter-maturity purchases to longermaturity Treasury securities and thereby provide more downward pressure on longer-term yields.
In particular, we’re currently buying each month about $35 billion of U.S. Treasury securities
with maturities of three years or less. So there’s considerable room to expand the amount of
duration we’re taking out of the market, without increasing the overall size of our purchases.
Of course, we may find it appropriate to increase the monthly pace of asset purchases and
to reduce the effects on reserve balances at banks that we just—it’s in the memo and has been
discussed. We could partially or fully offset these purchases with sales of Treasury securities
whose remaining maturities are three years or less, as we did with the maturity extension
program, or MEP, back in 2011 and 2012.
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As a reminder, with the MEP we redeemed $667 billion of Treasury securities, and we
currently hold over three times as many Treasury securities with maturities under three years. So
we have a whole lot of room for a large-scale MEP 2.0, if that’s needed. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Clarida, please.
MR. CLARIDA. Thank you, Chair Powell. As the saying goes, there is a first time for
everything, and today, for the first time during my tenure as Governor, I’m actually going to
answer the four questions posed by the staff and authors of the memos. But first, let me convey
my regard to the staff. I thought these memos were excellent, they were substantive, I learned a
lot, and a lot of hard work went into them, so thank you.
Starting with question 1, I think the two most important objectives for continuing
purchases are to help support the flow of credit to households and firms and, relatedly, to guard
against any potential tightening in financial conditions that would result if, contrary to market
expectations, purchases were to cease at year-end, which was indeed the Tealbook assumption in
September. Truth be told, at least from my perspective, I don’t think Treasury securities market
and agency MBS market functioning today are reliant on our programs. But, alas, it does seem
to me that in times of stress and risk of dislocation, our commitment to backstop these markets
must continue.
Question 2 asked about the pace and composition of purchases. And on the basis of deep
and rigorous analysis and quiet contemplation, I’ve come to the conclusion that “If it ain’t broke,
don’t fix it.” As the memo confirms, the composition of our existing Treasury program has a
duration exposure comparable to both QE1 and QE2. And the current monthly pace is actually
quite close to QE2. The economy’s been hit with a devastating shock, recovery is incomplete,
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we’re constrained at the lower bound, and we should be and are deploying all available tools,
including robust guidance and asset purchases.
Notwithstanding my status quo bias to maintain the pace and composition of the program,
there are, of course, circumstances under which it would make sense to reconsider both.
Regarding composition, I would be open to lengthening the duration of purchases in a scenario in
which a sharp and sustained increase in the term premium pushed up real borrowing costs to an
extent that would put the recovery at risk. However, I should also note that if monetary policy
succeeds in anchoring or even boosting somewhat long-run inflation expectations, nominal
yields could well rise as a sign of success of an LSAP program, not a failure. And that would
not, to me, suggest the need for a change in composition. And indeed, I remind you—and
there’s a chart in the materials—that we did see nominal rates go up after both QE1 and QE2,
and those actually occurred in tandem with a rise in breakeven inflation.
With regard to pace, it’s useful to solve backwards from the time we come to expect that
the conditions laid out in September for liftoff will be realized. Sometime before then, the pace
of our purchases would need to be tapered so that we are not commencing policy normalization
with an active LSAP program in place. This suggests to me that in response to question 3, if we
are to consider at some future meeting changing the “over coming months” language, state-based
guidance for our LSAP program would be far preferable to date-based guidance, and there are
some good examples of that in the materials—I won’t go into them.
Last but not least, on the question of do we have the tools to manage the pressure on bank
balance sheets that could arise with a large increase in reserves, it would seem to me, based on
my reading of the memo, that the answer is a qualified “yes.” The qualification reflects my
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judgment that in the second scenario studied in the memo, the Committee would need to be
willing to scale up substantially the size of the reverse repurchase program.
Before my arrival on the Committee, it was my understanding that there was some
discomfort in the System to allowing a large reverse repurchase program lest it disintermediate
the banking system. I was not present for that discussion, so I do not know the arguments for
and against relying on a huge RRP program to siphon off reserves. But my “takeaway” from the
memo is that it would be an essential requirement to manage the increase in reserves in the
second scenario. Thank you, Chair Powell.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Brainard, please.
MS. BRAINARD. Thank you, Chair Powell. I’d like to first thank the authors of the
memos. I found them very useful. My initial thinking about our asset purchases guidance is
informed by three considerations. In order to achieve our goals and ensure accommodation is
transmitted along the yield curve, I would be inclined to integrate asset purchases into the
framework governing our forward guidance and not introduce a separate set of date- or statebased conditions. I see that as providing the most simplicity and clarity to our communications.
I would be inclined to set the initial pace of purchases at their current level while retaining
necessary flexibility to adjust the composition and pace as conditions change, as the balance
sheet is our marginal instrument while the policy rate is pinned at the lower bound. And I would
be inclined to use the balance sheet in the most efficient way, which will likely mean shifting to
longer-duration purchases in the not-too-distant future. Let me briefly speak about each.
First, market participants appear to be realigning their expectations with the new forward
guidance and our new framework. As we refine the guidance on our asset purchases to switch
from market functioning to monetary accommodation, we should seek to avoid setting out a
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separate set of conditions that could risk any confusion. Instead, it would be parsimonious to
integrate our asset purchases into our overall monetary policy stance in order to reinforce the
commitments associated with the forward guidance on the policy rate and keep borrowing costs
low along the yield curve.
The objective is to ensure that the yield curve accurately reflects our commitment to
provide accommodation until we see improvements in inflation and employment. The current
shape of the yield curve reflects not only the significant increases in security holdings to date,
but also our guidance on the federal funds rate and market expectations about future expansion
of our security holdings.
Just as the forward guidance was the first concrete demonstration of our commitment to
achieve the goals in the new consensus statement, so too market participants will view the
guidance on our plans for asset purchases as an important indication of our resolve. It’s early
days still, but as Lorie and Patricia noted, the Desk survey suggests that market expectations
have begun to demonstrate an understanding of our new reaction function.
What we say and do next should reinforce that emerging understanding. Because our
outcome-based forward guidance on the policy rate is already conditioned on inflation and
employment thresholds, I think that the most elegant approach would be to link the duration of
asset purchases to the outcome-based forward guidance. So, for instance, we could say that we
would increase our holdings of Treasury securities and agency mortgage-backed securities until
“some time” before the Committee expects to lift the target range for the federal funds rate to
help keep borrowing costs for households and businesses low along the yield curve.
Linking the asset purchase program to our outcome-based forward guidance will
qualitatively link purchases to economic conditions. The public’s expectations regarding when
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policymakers would start to taper and ultimately conclude asset purchases would be conditioned
on—although some time in advance of—the same inflation and employment outcomes as the
forward guidance. This approach would also provide clarity about the sequencing of asset
purchase tapering and the subsequent liftoff of the policy rate. As the economy makes progress
on the three-part threshold established by the current forward guidance, the public would know
that purchases would taper and end before the thresholds are met. This is similar to the ECB
guidance that Paul noted, which appears to be well understood and accepted by market
participants, although the ECB uses the terminology “shortly before,” which suggests a later end
to asset purchases relative to liftoff than the proposed terminology “some time before.” It would
also be roughly in line with what I see in the market expectations in the October Desk survey,
whose median projection is for the current pace to continue throughout 2021, followed by a
gradual pace of tapering through the following two years and a decline close to zero at the end of
2023, followed by the first date of liftoff either in the first or second half of 2024.
That takes me to the second goal. Because the current pace is well aligned with market
expectations in the Desk surveys and appears to be sufficient currently to maintain the shallow
shape of the yield curve and very low long-term rates, I’d be supportive of validating the
expectations that we will continue at the current pace initially while leaving some flexibility to
adjust the pace or composition if conditions change materially.
In this regard, I found it helpful to compare this path with LSAP3. The current
$40 billion per month pace of agency MBS purchases is the same as the initial pace of LSAP3,
but the current $80 billion per month pace of purchases of Treasury securities is nearly double
that of the $45 billion per month in LSAP3 in 2013. When scaled relative to contemporaneous
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Treasury debt issuance, it actually looks more similar—at about 0.4 percent of outstanding
issuance, the same as LSAP3.
Despite the very different nature of the two crises, inflation and unemployment around
the launch of LSAP3 were similar to today. In fact, the unemployment rate was precisely the
same as today, and 12-month core PCE inflation in December 2012 was about 1.7 percent. After
one year of purchases at the initial pace, the decision to begin tapering LSAP3 purchases in
January 2014 was made at a time when the unemployment rate had declined to only 6.7 percent
and, at the end of the taper, unemployment had declined only to 5.7 percent. Inflation actually
ticked down, on net, over the life of the program and ended at 1.5 percent.
The framework review may argue for a more patient approach than that taken at the end
of 2013. Our shortfalls approach, allowing a more inclusive assessment of maximum
employment, and our commitment not to raise rates until we’ve reached the 2 percent target with
inflation on track to exceed 2 percent for some time may lead to purchases continuing until
employment increases are more widespread than when LSAP3 ceased. An approach that aims
for a greater reduction in employment shortfalls and more progress on inflation at the outset
relative to LSAP3 may actually change expectations in a way that could hasten the recovery, all
else being equal.
Of course, many have pointed out that the average yield on 10-year Treasury securities
today of around 0.8 percent, or 80 basis points, is much lower than during the LSAP3 program,
when it averaged 370 basis points. And some observers have argued that there’s much less room
to bring down these yields. I actually think there is an important benefit in keeping long yields
accommodative at a time when there’s a potential for imbalances in the supply and demand for
long-term Treasury debt due to high and rising Treasury debt supply.
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The expectation that the Treasury is likely to expand both the amount and WAM of its
issuance in light of increased budget deficits could put, and is expected to put, upward pressure
on long rates. These deficits have generated coupon issuance that is larger both in par amount
and WAM than in these previous episodes. The memo notes the additional notes issued since
April have had a WAM of nearly 11 years, much longer than the 6-year WAM issued following
the global financial crisis (GFC). The existing needs for financing coupled with the still-urgent
need for additional stimulus ahead highlight the importance of continued asset purchases to help
maintain low borrowing costs for households and businesses.
This brings me to the final point that’s also been raised by others. Before too long, it will
be important to increase the efficiency of our purchases by extending their duration, or, as
President Kaplan put it, “getting more bang for our buck.” Although longer-term yields are
currently at low levels, premature upward pressure could result both from increased longduration issuance or from market expectations that front-run our assessment of the economy’s
trajectory.
Because it was launched as a market functioning program rather than an accommodation
program, the COVID asset purchase program has a considerably lower weighted average
duration than the LSAP3 program, even though the Treasury’s security issuance is likely to
continue to have a higher duration than the post-GFC coupon issuance. In our current program,
almost half, or about $35 billion, of the monthly Treasury security purchases have a remaining
maturity in the 0 to 3 bucket. That compares with none in LSAP3. To date, the weighted
average duration is 5.7 years of purchases—considerably shorter than the LSAP duration of
9.5 years. Shifting purchases out of that 0 to 3 bucket into longer maturities is an opportunity to
affect longer-term yields to a greater extent with the same amount of purchases. Or,
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alternatively, as Zeynep noted, we could get the same amount of accommodation at a lower
purchase pace.
I asked the memo authors for the level of purchases required to achieve our current
quantity of monthly 10-year-equivalent purchases if purchases currently allocated to the 0 to
3 bucket were reallocated across the remaining sectors. They determined the current 10-year
equivalent pace could be achieved with $30 billion less in monthly purchases. As Paul noted, the
Bank of Canada successfully navigated just such a shift last week, extending duration while
reducing total weekly bond purchases, noting that this recalibration of the program will increase
its effectiveness while continuing to provide at least as much stimulus as before. But I would be
worried that any such shift, even if communicated with great care, could be erroneously
interpreted as a pullback in accommodation.
And, finally, in response to Rebecca’s presentation and the associated questions, I do
believe that our toolkit is sufficient to address the challenges we face.
So, in summary, our guidance on asset purchases will be viewed as the next important
test of our resolve in implementing the new consensus statement. I think a few careful
modifications can meet this test within a unified framework governing both the policy rate and
asset purchases while maintaining some flexibility, using our balance sheet more efficiently, and
accomplishing our goals by helping to keep borrowing costs low along the yield curve. But it’s
important to avoid signaling any equivocation, which, as we and our peers learned after the GFC,
could ultimately lead to the need to do much more rather than less. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bostic, please.
MR. BOSTIC. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’d like to start by thanking the staff for the work
done to frame the Committee’s consideration of this important and complex issue. The memos
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and proposed questions were very helpful in generating a robust discussion for me and my staff.
And it seems that, for this go-round, I will be playing the usual role of Governor Clarida, and I
will not be answering the questions as posed. Rather, I would like to present my three
“takeaways” from these discussions.
First, on the communication of an objective for the ongoing asset purchases, I am in favor
of dropping the appeal to support market functioning. Second, when considering the pace,
composition, and forward guidance of an asset purchase program, I believe that it may be
productive to focus our discussion on the channel through which we believe that asset purchases
can support achievement of the dual mandate. And, third, I am not convinced that additional
accommodation from asset purchases is warranted while the main constraint on the economy
remains the coronavirus. In fact, with the U.S. Treasury security and mortgage markets
functioning, now may be a good opportunity to scale back our monthly purchases somewhat. I’ll
flesh out each of these considerations in turn.
On the question of supporting market function, by all reports that I’ve seen, the
Committee’s emergency actions in March to initiate asset purchases in the amounts needed have
been successful in supporting and restoring the functioning of the U.S. Treasury securities
market to pre-COVID levels. In the end, the amount needed translated into $2.3 trillion through
June. And the question now facing us as we go forward is: Are ongoing asset purchases of $120
billion a month necessary to ensure smooth market functioning?
On this question, I’m not convinced that additional purchases are required for the sake of
sustaining market functioning, under current market conditions and the current size of our
balance sheet. Therefore, I favor dropping the language that cites market functioning as an
objective of ongoing asset purchases. This is not to say that I believe that market stress or
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dysfunction cannot recur. However, I believe there is an accurate presumption among market
participants that, should major stresses arise, the Committee would authorize the Desk to step in
with targeted purchases or expanded repo operations as needed to support market functioning.
I’ll turn now to the question of how asset purchases currently figure into our policy
toolbox in support of achieving the dual mandate. I found that the objectives proposed in
question 1 to be a bit off point. To be sure, the objectives stated are all reasonable and have the
flavor of traditional monetary policy, using tools to lower long-term risk-free rates in order to
spur economic activity and employment. But I believe there would be value in taking a step
back and considering the possible channels—portfolio rebalancing, habitat or supply–demand, or
signaling—that we believe have the most influence on longer-term rates. Being clear on the
transmission mechanism or mechanisms is, for me, central to assessing both communication and
questions of pace and composition.
If the signaling channel is the primary channel in operation, then this would seem to
imply that it is the purchasing per se that is important, leaving the composition of our purchases
as a second- or third-order concern. And under the current forward guidance on the federal
funds rate, an open-ended program along the lines of QE3 could likely fit our needs. If,
however, we believe that the rebalancing or supply–demand channels are more powerful, that
might argue for a shift in composition toward longer-dated purchases and continued MBS
purchases.
Without a clear focus on delineating the channel or channels that are operating, I honestly
find it difficult to assess how any of the design considerations could contribute to the
effectiveness of our program. And I interpret many of the questions that came after the staff
presentation as having this thrust. So it seems that more discussion of this would be warranted.
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My final point is that I am not convinced that any of these channels are particularly
strong right now. Put bluntly, I do not believe that the level of longer-term interest rates is the
margin along which economic decisions are currently being made. As I will detail in the
economy go-round, the course of the virus and related uncertainty loom much larger than the
nominal level of interest rates in the minds of businesses and consumers right now. And this
leads me to conclude that now may, in fact, not be the best time to add forward guidance or make
compositional changes to our purchase program. Any changes may have more power once
uncertainty has declined somewhat and the economy is further into recovery.
In addition, even in light of the memo on reserves and my confidence in the Desk and our
tools, I remain doubtful or skeptical that continuing asset purchases at the current pace for an
extended period is without costs or risks. Therefore, were it not for the fact that markets expect
asset purchases to continue, I might even go so far as to suggest stopping the purchase program
altogether and redeploying asset purchases in the future when they will have more significant
power to influence economic activity. That said, I can support the continuation of purchases, as
stopping the program now could appear to be at odds with our federal funds rate guidance. I do,
however, think that the restoration of market functions may be a good opportunity to reduce the
size of our monthly purchases somewhat without imperiling the funds rate guidance. And I
would support such a move.
I’ll close with one concern that is on my mind. I fear that communicating the proposed
objectives in question 1 with a direct emphasis on pushing down longer-term rates could lead
markets to believe that we are flirting with yield curve control. I, for one, do not want to go
there. By sticking with our current composition and keeping our communications simple—
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purchases support the achievement of the dual mandate—I believe that we can avoid such a
perception. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Evans, please.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I appreciated reading and discussing the excellent
memos with my staff. I want to thank Zeynep, Paul, and Rebecca for outstanding presentations
and good answers to my questions.
When thinking about the settings for our monetary policy tools, whether it’s the funds
rate itself, forward guidance about the rate, or asset purchases, the guiding principle is the same.
We should position our instruments to achieve our dual-mandate goals in as timely a manner as
possible. We should concentrate on doing what it takes to achieve our desired outcomes—
inclusive maximum employment and, in light of our earlier shortfalls, inflation that runs
moderately above 2 percent for some period of time—to bring average inflation up to 2 percent.
Faithful execution of our September forward guidance about the funds rate will go a long way
toward producing these results. And, to achieve them in a timely fashion, we also need to
articulate a plan for asset purchases.
The first part of that plan should be to state that the main objective of our asset purchases
has transitioned to the provision of monetary accommodation to further ensure we achieve the
same outcomes as delineated in our guidance for interest rates. Although we should always be
prepared to take necessary steps to address particular market strains, smooth market functioning
has been achieved, at least for now. It is time to move forward and clarify asset purchases’ role
in providing appropriate monetary accommodation over the next few years.
How should we describe the planned path of purchases? In light of our experience from
the financial crisis, I think qualitative state-based guidance would be preferable. The
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Committee’s 2012–18 experience leaves us with a good playbook to follow. Here’s the
sequence we used then—I’m sure it’s familiar to everyone. QE3 had open-ended asset purchases
linked to economic outcomes. To complete the program, the flow of purchases was gradually
reduced to zero over an extended period of time. We then maintained the size of the balance
sheet for another extended period by reinvesting maturing securities. Finally, the Committee
allowed maturing assets to roll off gradually to direct the SOMA account toward its new steadystate path.
I realize deciding on the exact guidance for the balance sheet in our present situation is an
important conversation for an upcoming meeting, but here are my current views. Recall that our
qualitative guidance during the QE3 program said we would continue asset purchases until there
was substantial improvement in the labor market in the context of price stability. Given today’s
desired outcomes, the analogous guidance would be to continue purchases until we’ve seen
substantial improvement toward inclusive maximum employment and in the prospects for
inflation averaging 2 percent over time. Adopting such a linkage seems like a good plan to me
for now, and I think some of the other ways this has been described, in the memo and the way
that Governor Brainard did, are very similar, and so I think that we’re all well aligned on that.
The guidance given during QE3 also said that in determining the size, pace, and
composition of its asset purchases, the Committee would take appropriate account of the likely
efficacy and costs of such purchases. I would amend that now to also say that the Committee
would take appropriate account of the rate of progress toward this goal. Unforeseen shocks may
dictate a different pace of purchases. And even in the absence of further shocks, we’re quite
uncertain about the size of purchases we will actually need to achieve desired outcomes, and we
may well have to adjust plans if our progress is too slow.
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Given market expectations, I think that starting with the current pace of purchases makes
sense. I think starting with the current mix between Treasury securities and MBS also makes
sense, though I would leave it to the experts on the Desk to keep us informed on any potential
market functioning issues and recommendations for adjustments to avoid them. I’m open to
discussing the maturity composition of our asset purchases. Obviously, that could be a very
important and effective part of what we’re trying to accomplish.
I would note another advantage of fashioning our guidance now in parallel with what we
said in 2012 and 2013. Markets will recognize the similarities and probably assume we will
follow the same game plan that we did then—namely, taper purchases gradually and then
reinvest maturing assets to prevent our balance sheet from shrinking until sometime well after
liftoff in the funds rate. Gradual tapering helps avoid an unconstructive market tantrum. And, as
monetary theory tells us, maintaining our SOMA size for a substantial time will be necessary to
ensure that our purchases have the biggest bang for the buck.
But because it might be a bridge too far for us to communicate these intentions ex ante,
using guidance about asset purchases along the lines we used for QE3 may be a good way of
signaling that this sequence would be the likely outcome.
I know that these suggestions leave open the prospect of a large increase in our balance
sheet. This likely makes some nervous about potential risks that might accompany such an
expansion. At least, if the Committee is like it was back in 2012 and 2013, I would expect that
nervousness. In this regard, I found the staff memo on risks associated with large reserve
balances reassuring. All of the issues in the memo either seemed a pretty small consequence for
macroeconomic outcomes or were pretty technical in nature, and I trust our experts could work
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out the solutions. And I thought the answers to my question sort of indicated that that should be
the case.
If you’re just more nervous in general about providing substantial monetary
accommodation, well, that just comes with the territory of ensuring we average 2 percent
inflation over time. The ELB has dealt us a bad hand, and we have to counteract it. Important
relevant research comes from our Fed colleagues, such as Leo Melosi, John Williams, and
Thomas Mertens. Their research indicates that asymmetric policy accommodation is needed to
offset the inherent downward biases that the ELB generates and that would otherwise inhibit
achievement of our inflation and employment mandates. That means that, at times, we will have
to provide substantial monetary accommodation and use tools other than the funds rate to do so.
In other words, we’ll need to use promises of lower-for-longer interest rates and largescale asset purchases to achieve inclusive maximum employment and help us get inflation to
average 2 percent. If we do not use such tools aggressively, we will fall short on delivering the
policy goals we so recently all agreed to in our revised monetary policy framework, and I don’t
think we should back off that. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Rosengren, please.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’m going to answer the questions in order.
So, starting with question 1, I expect that markets are likely to continue to function smoothly,
under our current asset purchase program. However, I would keep the market-functioning
justification explicit for our asset purchases until the risks associated with the uncertainty
regarding the second wave of the pandemic, the election, and our facilities’ end date have abated.
I hope this will happen no later than March, at which time this justification could be removed
from the statement.
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In terms of the broader objectives for our balance sheet policy, I believe our asset
purchases are currently providing some stimulus and are important for helping to maintain policy
accommodation. Should economic conditions deteriorate and fiscal policy not step up, I would
be in favor of providing further accommodation, with maturity extension first and additional
purchases only after extending maturities. Still, the scope for such policy to provide significant
accommodation is limited by the already very low Treasury and MBS interest rates.
On question 2, in view of the legitimate concerns about reserve buildup, I would focus on
purchasing long-duration securities. I would increase the rate of our asset purchases only if longterm rates rose too much in response to a fiscal stimulus announcement or if the economy
deteriorates a good deal as a result of the pandemic and a lack of fiscal support. However, my
own view is that the use of 13(3) facilities may be a more effective tool than additional asset
purchase at this time for lowering costs and making funds more available for potential
borrowers. In fact, I’m actually surprised we’re not talking more about those tools as a tradeoff
with these tools, because I think the 13(3) facilities still have plenty of potential to actually
provide further accommodation.
Regarding question 3, we have already provided firm state-based guidance, in terms of
when liftoff of the federal funds rate from the zero lower bound will occur. Thus, a statement
that is state based should be preferred to be consistent with the funds rate guidance. I would also
prefer to maintain more optionality with our asset purchases. We should not increase the rate of
purchases unless the economic outlook deteriorates, and we should not taper purchases until we
are clearly on path to meet our mandated goals. At the same time, my preferred communication
approach is for the statement to be vague, similar to example 6 in the staff memo, with the
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internal expectation that tapering will begin by the middle of next year, assuming that a robust
recovery is under way at that time.
And finally, with regard to question 4, I do believe that we have sufficient tools. If we
are seeing reserve problems, I would first move to longer maturities. Were the economy to
deteriorate sharply, requiring more asset purchases than expected, my preference would be to
remove excess reserves from the required capital ratio calculations. There is no default risk on
reserves, and the growth of reserves is a monetary policy action, which the banking system has
no option but to accommodate. If we see the growth of reserves presenting a problem, we would
not want banks to adjust other assets in a way that is counterproductive to our monetary policy
accommodation goals. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Mester, please.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I want to thank the staff for the memos and for
the presentations today that I think really helped frame the discussion we’re having. Our asset
purchases are fulfilling two roles. At the start of the pandemic, we began purchasing Treasury
securities and agency MBS to help restore orderly functioning in financial markets. The Desk
indicators at this point suggest that these markets have essentially returned to normal
functioning. But with interest rates at the ELB, our asset purchases are also adding to monetary
policy accommodation in support of economic activity and attainment of our goals of price
stability and maximum employment.
The bulk of research evidence suggests that the effect of the purchases depends on the
economic environment. For example, the first LSAP program implemented in response to the
Global Financial Crisis is estimated to have had a larger effect than the next two programs, partly
because financial market conditions were quite strained at the time.
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Another factor that can affect the efficacy of LSAPs is Treasury security issuance and the
stock of Treasury debt outstanding. As pointed out in the staff memo and in the memo provided
to the Committee in July—and Governor Brainard pointed this out as well in her remarks—in
light of projected fiscal budget deficits, both the volume of Treasury debt issuance and the
weighted average maturity of Treasury debt are expected to increase over the next few years,
putting upward pressure on yields. So for any given amount of assets we purchase, Treasury
security issuance will be a countervailing effect on longer-term yields that we’ll need to
consider.
I think about the purchases in terms of the degree of accommodation we’re trying to
achieve rather than the size of the program per se. Unfortunately, we don’t have very precise
information that links purchases to economic effects. The estimates vary across studies and
across time periods, and I think that severely limits our ability to implement a rules-based
purchase program that links the flow or size of the program to precise economic conditions.
I also think that we should be wary of trying to align the guidance on purchases too
tightly with the guidance on the funds rate. Communications are difficult enough, and this could
confuse things rather than clarify. However, I do favor communicating the rationale for the
purchases, and that means making it clear that we’re now purchasing these assets mainly to
support the recovery and promote attainment of our goals of price stability and maximum
employment. For this purpose, as shorter-dated securities add little in the way of
accommodation, I would favor shifting our purchases toward longer-term securities.
Now, though there’s uncertainty about the precise effect of the program, I do believe that
purchases are accommodative, and I’m comfortable with the current pace of purchases. I agree
with Vice Chair Williams that we do have room for further asset purchases. Treasury yields are
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quite low, and I don’t think we have that much scope for bringing them down further. But the
current low level of long-term yields partly reflects market expectations that we’ll continue the
purchases.
Market expectations are well aligned with my own. That said, I would like to maintain
some flexibility so that we can adjust the program, if necessary, in response to changes in
economic conditions—in other words, to be able to scale it up if needed and if market
dysfunction arises again.
In terms of the current statement language, I believe we should plan to change the
language as early as December to something more reflective of our policy intentions. We
currently indicate that we’re planning to continue purchases at least at the current pace over
coming months, but we’re likely going to continue the program for longer, given the outlook.
The current language also does not link the program to our policy goals, so it does not yet segue
from purchases intended to restore well-functioning markets to purchases that support the
recovery.
In terms of the examples provided in the memo, I would prefer language that blends
elements of example 3 and example 6—something like “The Federal Reserve will increase its
holdings of longer-dated Treasury securities by at least $X billion per month and of agency MBS
by at least $Y billion per month to support the recovery. It expects to continue these purchases
of longer-maturity assets until substantially more progress has been made toward the
Committee’s employment and inflation goals.”
Now, one reason for qualifying the degree of progress is that it gives us a way to signal
future policy intentions. As we get closer to slowing down the pace of purchases, we could
change the language to “until more progress has been made” as a signal. And then, once we
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decide that it’s time to taper our purchases, we can indicate that, in our view, substantial progress
toward our goals has been made. This frames the guidance language in terms of our progress
toward those goals and also provides some advanced signaling of our intentions for changes to
the policy.
Although it may seem far away, there will be a time when it will be appropriate for the
Committee to slow and eventually end LSAPs. We should discuss how we are viewing the
timing of that with the timing of a change in our policy rate. The ECB has been explicit about its
intentions to continue asset purchases until shortly before it starts raising its policy rates. The
Bank of England is reviewing its earlier guidance, which said that it will not unwind its
purchases until after it’s raised its policy rate, with Governor Bailey suggesting it might be better
to do this in reverse order to ensure there’s enough balance sheet space to address market
dysfunction.
Although this is not an immediate concern for us, in light of our recent experience of
using the balance sheet to address issues of market functioning, I do think it would be helpful for
the Committee to discuss the approach we’ll follow with respect to our policy rate and balance
sheet tools once the economy is on a sustainable expansion path. Coming to a common
understanding on that will help inform our forward guidance on purchases and whether guidance
as suggested in the staff memos or the guidance that Governor Brainard suggested today would
be the most effective way to communicate. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Barkin, please.
MR. BARKIN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’m hesitant to move too quickly to make too
much of an additional forward commitment on asset purchases. We’ve done quite a lot over the
past couple of meetings to “land” a new monetary policy framework and strong forward
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guidance. Our current level of asset purchases is significant by historical standards. The
environment is still very uncertain. The markets don’t appear to be misaligned. That said, I
know it’s important for us to plan how our guidance might evolve, and so I value this discussion.
Why is patience my bias when it comes to adjusting our programs or communicating
more forward guidance about asset purchases? Partly because I don’t think there’s more value to
add by more specificity, with rates as low as they are. Partly because I believe market
participants are overindexed to what might be our next trick, and they will then jump to the one
after that. Partly because times are uncertain, and I’d prefer to husband our few additional tools
for when they might be most needed—I do value that flexibility. Partly because some of the
justifications for acting border on yield curve control that I’d rather not pursue. Partly because
specificity is really complicated to get right and to communicate seamlessly, or at least I find it
so. And partly because, despite the memo describing how we would manage a balance sheet
expansion, there must be some limit to what we can do, and I’d rather delay testing those
boundaries.
In truth, perhaps like President Bostic, I see purchases as playing a strong signaling role
but maybe less of an economic role than others might. Estimates of the effects of asset purchases
on term premiums range widely, and the confidence intervals are quite large. I do accept that
“over coming months” is phrasing that likely needs some clarification at some point. Last time,
we conditioned asset purchases on continued strengthening in the labor market.
When we do feel the need to clarify, this kind of qualitative state-based guidance would
be fine with me. Examples or guidance like “until we weather the virus,” similar to what’s been
done by the ECB for the PEPP, or “until the recovery is well underway,” as the Bank of Canada
has done, or “substantial progress” in example 6 are all comfortable notions to me. I just find
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more specific state-based guidance, in conjunction with our current forward guidance, quite
unwieldy to think about. So I’d suggest a simpler path—something like the ones I suggested.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Harker, please.
MR. HARKER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Let me also thank the staff for their work on
this. So, with the very low level of long-term interest rates, I think there’s very little scope for
additional policy accommodation through asset purchases. In the current environment, as others
have said, asset purchases are likely to be a weak tool for implementing further monetary
accommodation. Their primary value is to ensure that market functioning remains robust and
efficient, and, to that end, the Desk, I believe, has done an excellent job of maintaining the
smooth and orderly function of the financial markets. So a shout-out to the Desk.
An important component of our asset purchase program is the role of signaling—
enhancing our forward guidance language by making it more credible. It is difficult to know the
degree to which this is the case, but we do run the risk that any significant and immediate
deviation of our purchase plans from the current pace could be misinterpreted and lead to an
adverse market response. Perhaps now is not the time to venture down that path. And as
Governor Clarida said, this is not the time to fix it. It may be better to wait until early next year
when we have a better take on the path of the virus and the likelihood of a vaccine as well as
what future economic stimulus is enacted.
My modal outlook is optimistic on both fronts. And if it becomes increasingly likely that
we will begin returning to a more normal economic environment in the second half of 2021, then
it would be appropriate to start scaling back asset purchases and start unwinding the balance
sheet in 2022. As well, absent any significant increase in inflation, I actually see no need to rush
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the decision with the pace of the scaleback. For now, market expectations are consistent with the
belief that monetary policy will remain accommodative, and any additional clarity can wait until
next year when we will have a better sense of how the economy will evolve. There is just a lot
of uncertainty right now.
I do, however, see arguments for future altering of the composition of our purchases in
favor of a greater percentage of Treasury securities. With residential real estate activity robust
and mortgage interest rates quite low, there is little reason for favoring the housing sector.
Indeed, we might run the risk of contributing to another asset bubble in real estate. I would also
support shifting our purchases to longer-dated securities.
I also believe that any guidance we give regarding the direction and pace of asset
purchases should be based on our economic outlook. However, we should not base policy on a
desire to actively manipulate risk premiums. As President Bullard has emphasized on many
occasions, risk premiums are largely an expression of our ignorance. We simply do not know
enough to use risk premiums in a state-based way. As well, I would be wary of countering real
rate effects induced by fiscal policy. As others have said, increases in real rates induced by
expansionary fiscal policy should be welcomed, as they would signal a successful stimulus being
given to the economy.
Finally, the memo pertaining to the risk of very high reserve balances could indicate that
we should leave some “headroom,” in case the economy faces additional adverse shocks. Now,
though it is likely that our existing monetary policy and regulatory tools can be adapted to meet
any future challenges, overly large reserve balances may not be without consequences.
So, to summarize, in the current economic environment, our asset purchase program’s
primary purpose is a technical one, in my mind: to ensure the smooth functioning of financial
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markets. Under my modal forecast of the economy, it likely will be time to start scaling back the
program in 2021 and unwinding it in 2022. Of course, that is subject to change. The unwinding
could be linked, as others have said, to progress on the vaccine or therapeutics that make the
return to a more normal economic environment more likely. For now, it is probably best not to
get ahead of ourselves or we may run the risk of inadvertently weakening our forward guidance.
Lastly, Governor Brainard’s comments on integrating our asset purchases into an overall
monetary policy stance and the related language is something that I think is worthy of support.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bullard please.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’m actually going to answer the questions
today—a rarity for me.
Question 1 had these four different categories of what we’re doing with our purchases:
maintaining policy accommodation, providing additional accommodation, guarding against
potential tightening, or maintaining smooth market functioning. Of these descriptions of our
current policy, in my judgment, we are maintaining policy accommodation in addition to
maintaining smooth market functioning. And so I guess I am agreeing with President Mester’s
characterization of where we’re at here. I would say, some fraction of the purchases is being
devoted to each of these purposes. And, for simplicity of discussion, you might just say, well,
it’s 50 percent to each of these purposes.
Now, as some have mentioned, it’s not really necessary to devote a fraction of purchases
to the maintenance of smooth market functioning any longer. If you look at the St. Louis
Financial Stress Index, along with other indexes in this class, they have generally returned to
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January 2020 levels. We did not think that we had to maintain smooth market functioning with
major asset purchases in January 2020, and so it makes sense that we do not have to do so today.
So, logically, we could reduce the pace of purchases by the fractional amount that is
devoted to this particular purpose. However, I’d advise against taking such a course of action at
this time. We are still in the middle of a crisis, and I agree with Governor Brainard that pulling
back on the pace of purchases at this juncture would probably have negative signaling effects, as
mentioned by President Harker and President Barkin, leading to higher long-term yields, and the
signaling effects are likely much stronger than any direct effects of the purchases themselves.
And I would remind the Committee that the taper tantrum, centered on the June 2013
FOMC meeting, caused an increase in real yields of around 100 basis points, according to TIPS
markets. It was very persistent. So the lesson from the taper tantrum, in my mind, is that these
QE programs are explosive, and the taper tantrum experience is inconsistent with the idea that
these are bland, benign policies that have little effect on financial markets. I don’t think that’s
the case. I think that they can be very explosive if they’re mishandled, so we want to be very
careful about that.
Now, as for providing additional accommodation through a faster pace of purchases, I
don’t think it’s necessary at this time, which echoes other comments around the table this
morning. Current longer-term interest rates, and, in particular, longer-term real interest rates, are
quite low by historical standards and are unlikely to be pushed still lower by an enhanced
purchase pace. As for guarding against the potential tightening of financial conditions, as I see
it, we are likely accomplishing this objective already with our current pace of purchases. It
seems to me that the mere threat that we could take additional action, if necessary, is, by itself,
enough to lean against an unwarranted increase in longer-term rates over the near term.
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I do expect, however, that longer-term nominal rates will continue to rise, as they have
during the intermeeting period, as the economy continues to improve and markets come to more
solidly expect higher real growth along with higher inflation. This increase in longer-term rates
will, in my view, be welcome, as it is and will continue to be a natural consequence of continued
recovery in the U.S. economy. It would only be increases in yields above and beyond this
natural level that the Committee may want to protect against, and, in my view, we are already
providing that type of protection with the current pace of purchases and the implicit threat to do
more if necessary.
The second question was, under what circumstances should the Committee alter the pace
or composition of purchases or both? First and foremost, we are still in a crisis, and the hallmark
of any crisis is that new twists and turns can develop in unexpected ways. Our current
constellation of a near-zero policy rate, coupled with asset purchases and 13(3)-based liquidity
programs, has been successful in keeping financial stress at a low level along with low longerterm yields. I would not try to mess with success at this point, and on this I agree with Governor
Clarida. Nevertheless, there will come a time when the economy has made sufficient progress
toward our goals that it will make sense to reduce the pace of asset purchases. This can probably
be done at an appropriate juncture in a gradual way.
The actual taper that began at the December 2013 meeting with the decision—and the
implementation in the first part of 2014, which continued throughout 2014—was executed fairly
seamlessly and without significant problems. And I think this is a fact that we may wish to stress
in the current environment even though there was confusion and volatility earlier in 2013. An
actual taper executed at the right moment and with sufficient understanding by markets will
likely be quite successful.
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There are reasons to think even today, before the crisis has ended, that an eventual
reduction in the pace of purchases may be warranted, and it may not be quite as far as away as
people think. As I’ve already emphasized, by some measures, market functioning today is no
different than it was in January 2020.
In addition—and I’m echoing President Bostic and President Harker here—an important
portion of our current purchases is in mortgage-backed securities in a situation in which the U.S.
residential housing market is actually quite strong. We may at some point hear criticism that we
are trying to buoy markets that do not seem to need much help. For this reason, I think it may be
wise to note that, eventually, a reduction in the pace and composition of purchases will be
warranted; that such a program can be carried out seamlessly, as it was in 2014; but that the
Committee will likely not be in a position to make a judgment about the pace of purchases until
there’s more clarity on the path of the pandemic and the recovery.
Should forward guidance be date- or state-based? A classic question for the Committee.
I agree with Vice Chair Williams. I’ve been a consistent advocate of the idea that any forward
guidance on purchases should be state based, and so we should be tying the decision to reduce
the pace of purchases to the Committee’s progress toward its goals.
Date-based guidance does not work if the economy does not cooperate. You might think
you can say “end of the year,” or “end of next year,” or whatever, but conditions at that moment
will dictate whether you can actually follow through. And, in my opinion, the Committee has
been burned significantly on several occasions in the past decade by saying we would do
something at some juncture, and then the economy doesn’t cooperate with us and we get into
having to renege on that previous commitment. So that gets us out of sync with markets, and I
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think that’s not a good way to do business. And that’s why I’ve been a consistent advocate of
state-based forward guidance.
My preference here—and I’m agreeing with President Rosengren and Alan Greenspan—
is to be suitably vague about what will constitute an appropriate level of progress. Greenspan
was once asked a question, and his response was, “I think I’m on the record as being vague about
that.” Why should we be vague? I guess I have a good reason at this particular juncture. I
would stress that we remain in a crisis. There may be many surprises ahead, and those surprises
may include permanent effects on key aspects of the economy that we cannot fully anticipate at
this time.
So, because of this possibility, I think it might be unwise to be too specific about exact
conditions under which the Committee would alter the pace of purchases. Instead, this will
simply have to be left to the Committee’s judgment as we progress through the crisis and the
recovery. And, in my view, financial markets will give us a lot of sympathy on this, because
they are uncertain as well. So they will understand this aspect of the situation.
And the last question is, are you comfortable with the tools that the Federal Reserve has
to manage pressures on bank balance sheets and money market rates associated with increases in
bank reserves? I thought the two scenarios on reserves discussed in the memo were instructive
and informative and well done. For the near term, I found the conclusion that possible pressures
on funding markets can be managed to be compelling. However, I would also stress to the
Committee that we should eventually move toward standing facilities as a way to manage shortterm interest rates without creating potential problems from large levels of reserves that could
interfere with intermediation activity. I think if we made a transition in this direction these kinds
of issues would be greatly mitigated. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
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CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kaplan, please.
MR. KAPLAN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And I also want to thank the staff. Your memos
really helped me and my team come to grips with these various issues and have good debates and
ensure that we were debating the right issues. One of the things I did with my team is—and I
think it echoed President Evans and the comments of others—we went back and studied what
actually happened from 2013 to 2018 and ’19. And, for me, it was particularly useful to see that
we started the taper—and we actually finished the taper—before we commenced federal funds
liftoff in 2015.
And then, obviously, we had to be comfortable that we achieved sufficient liftoff before
we began to address shrinking the balance sheet. And I think looking at that template helped, at
least for me, frame my thinking about what we should do here. And I’ll just say at the outset,
while we’re in the teeth of the crisis—which I believe we are—I would support continued
purchases at the current pace with the current composition. I think we should be giving clarified
guidance, but I’m happy with it being vague—although I’ll come back to that—until we have
more confidence about the future path of the economy, which we don’t yet, and we may not for
at least some period of time.
I listened carefully to what Presidents Bostic, Evans, and Rosengren said about this, and I
believe we should, over time, be transitioning away from the “maintaining market function”
language to rely more on the language about providing accommodation. But I’d be happy to be
patient on that and wait until the spring, as President Rosengren suggested.
In terms of beginning the taper, and as we look ahead to forward guidance, I believe
conditions for beginning the tapering of asset purchases should be based on language something
like “weathering the pandemic,” “economy on track to meet our dual-mandate objectives,” or
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maybe “substantial progress” language that I think was in the memos. But the point of it is, it
should be short of the standard for federal funds rate liftoff but consistent with that standard—in
other words, make clear that we’re on the way to meeting that standard. I don’t know that we
need to complete our taper before rate liftoff, but I think that’s something that this Committee
should be discussing as the months go on—whether we want to complete the taper before rate
liftoff as we did before.
In the future, I like having more tools in our pocket. And I could see a scenario, if things
don’t go well, where we may need to provide additional accommodation. We’ve got a great
option here in lengthening the period over which we conduct our purchases and extending the
maturity of our current Treasury purchases in order to generate a greater level of
accommodation. And we’ve also got, as was suggested, our existing portfolio, and we could also
do a maturity extension program under which we could sell shorter-dated maturities and replace
them with longer-dated maturities. I’m glad we’ve got those options, and I’m glad we’ve got
those tools in our pocket and are seen to have those tools.
On the final question about confidence in our tools regarding maintaining interest rate
control and bank reserve management, I guess I would have said, on the one hand, I’m not sure
about the $5 trillion scenario, but having read the memos and heard the presentation today, I
have a lot of confidence—and, again, echoing President Evans—in the staff.
Your potential policy responses made sense to me, and I have a lot confidence we’ll find
a way to figure it out. But I do believe if we get to the point—which I hope we don’t—when we
need to increase the actual size beyond the additional $2½ trillion, I hope we’ll seriously
consider these maturity extension options first before we actually increase the size of the balance
sheet. We can talk more at a later time, but I think there is a political-economy sensitivity to the
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size of our balance sheet, and I’d love to be able to find other ways to create accommodation that
are short of increasing it further beyond the additional $2½ trillion. Those are my comments.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President George, please.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to join others in thanking the staff for
these clear and concise memos. I, too, found the analysis helpful in framing the important and
difficult decisions we face.
With market functioning having returned to normal and the pandemic having transitioned
from a panic to a persistent grind, the continuation of the purchases we launched in March,
especially at the current pace, has shifted to providing accommodation. I sense that the market
came to this conclusion months ago. Providing guidance as to how these purchases fit into our
overall monetary policy strategy and how best to communicate this to the public and the markets
will be important not only as a matter of transparency and accountability, but also as an essential
element of ensuring the effectiveness of these purchases. Not doing so is likely to result in
repeated rounds of chasing the market, rather than guiding it.
Under different circumstances, the resumption of stable market functioning might have
allowed us to ease back the purchases, understanding that they could be ramped up quickly if
conditions were to deteriorate again. But persistent public health concerns and continued calls
for further fiscal support have rendered that option moot and leave us with continuing these
purchases as policy accommodation.
The question, then, is how to consider their role in the context of our overall strategy. In
deciding between date-based and state-based frameworks, let me be the first here to say I see
some appeal in a date-based approach. Part of this reflects my own preference to keep the
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purchases tied to the evolution of the pandemic rather than to the achievement of our dual
mandate. The ECB offers an example of making this link between its purchases and the
pandemic explicit, and I’m sympathetic to that motivation.
Under a state-based approach, I believe we could run the risk of overcommitting this
policy tool relative to our understanding of what it is able to achieve. Promising asset purchases
until we achieve an inflation overshoot, for example, risks losing control of our balance sheet
with ever-expansive purchases, as has been the experience with the Bank of Japan.
A more general framing of balance sheet guidance might allow us to recalibrate
purchases as we judge the economy’s progress. When considering guidance options, I prefer the
general to the specific. And I prefer an implicit tie to the economic disruption of the pandemic,
along lines similar to our guidance on the policy rate earlier this year, rather than a link to our
longer-term objectives, as is our current guidance on the policy rate.
When discussing state-based guidance, as I looked at the memo options, I prefer a guide
of “substantial progress toward” rather than “substantially closer to” our employment and
inflation goals. Of course, if conditions deteriorate substantially, we do have the option of
increasing the pace of purchases or extending a date.
With our recent forward guidance, we have essentially set the policy rate on autopilot,
and so I see some advantage to maintaining optionality with asset purchases. By adjusting the
parameters in response to developments in the economy, we have a mechanism for showing the
public that we will deploy policy tools as necessary.
One adjustment that we might consider is the extension of duration with a simultaneous
reduction in the overall size of purchases. This recalibration is consistent with the transition of
the basis for our purchases from maintaining market functioning to the provision of
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accommodation. The Bank of Canada showed last week that such a “pivot” is possible without
disrupting markets. We could benefit from their example. That said, I would set a high bar with
respect to further increases in the pace of purchases. With long-term interest rates as low as they
are, I believe the capacity for purchases to further lower rates is largely tapped out. It’s quite
possible, however, that an increased pace would further boost asset prices.
With the pandemic already contributing greatly to a widening of economic disparities, in
terms of both the wealth distribution and the split between hard-hit small businesses and betterperforming large firms, monetary policy accommodation that works primarily by boosting asset
prices could only further advantage the already advantaged at the expense of the disadvantaged.
Although our typical assumption is that accommodation lifts all boats, I believe we have to be
particularly aware of the distributional consequences in the current uneven environment.
Finally, our consideration of asset purchases as a tool of monetary policy must also
include an understanding of the constraint on our actions. Historically, it was well accepted that
inflation was such a constraint. And although I continue to believe that inflation may constrain
us in the long run, it seems likely that inflation in the near term will not be that signal to ease
back on asset purchases. One potential constraint was featured in the staff memo on the
operation of banks in high reserve environments even though it focused more on the technical
aspects of monetary policy implementation. I think about the overall effect of a large balance
sheet on the ability of the banking sector to sustain its traditional role in supporting economic
growth.
When does our “footprint” become so large that it alters the functioning of the financial
system in ways that are difficult to reverse? And when do we own such a large share of the MBS
market that the Federal Reserve will forever be confined to playing a key role in housing market
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finance? I don’t have answers to those questions, but I don’t think it’s too soon to start thinking
about how we get out of this. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Bowman, please.
MS. BOWMAN. Thank you, Chair Powell. I’d also like to add my thanks to the staff for
the excellent background memos. As always, they really helped me shape my thinking in
advance of our discussions. But I’d like to start with an observation that others have made and I
also think is quite relevant for today’s discussion. Economic and financial conditions have
significantly improved, though unevenly, since the severe disruptions last spring. In retrospect, I
think our asset purchases have played a role in generating these improvements. As we look
ahead, considering the gains in financial and economic conditions, this is a good time to begin
the process of assessing the purpose of further asset purchases. I’ve heard, as all of us have,
from the staff and from outside contacts that market functioning appears to have essentially
normalized. If that is the case, tying our ongoing purchases to sustaining smooth market
functioning may no longer be the best approach.
Regarding the economy, if employment and economic activity continue to recover at a
faster pace than in the staff forecast, we may need to reassess the degree of accommodation
provided by our asset purchases sooner than we currently anticipate. But let me be very clear:
I’m not saying that we should start scaling back our purchases now. Although the recovery thus
far has been impressive, downside risks remain. And some of the improvement in financial
conditions may very likely reflect expectations of further purchases. But, at some point in the
not-too-distant future, I hope conditions will allow us to begin gently guiding expectations
toward a gradual reduction in the pace of our purchases. And in the months ahead, my views on
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the appropriate pace will be informed by their effect on risk-taking behavior in the financial
markets.
I realize that one of the goals of this tool is to encourage lenders and investors to
rebalance their portfolios toward risk assets, which in principle would result in lowering
borrowing rates for businesses and households and increased spending. But at what point does
additional risk-taking become excessive? In this context, I take some signal from the staff’s
latest assessment of the risk to financial stability, which points to elevated business debt
vulnerabilities and increased asset valuation pressures.
One additional consideration that informs my views on this topic is that I’m mindful of
the effects of our purchases on the size of the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet. I’d like to see us
consider ways to make our asset purchases more efficient in the sense of providing
accommodation while reducing the need to expand the size of our balance sheet. We should not
take for granted that we can continue to rapidly expand the size of the balance sheet, as we have
so far this year, without attracting outside attention or generating adverse side effects.
And with this in mind, I’m also intrigued, as many others have noted, by last week’s
changes to the Bank of Canada’s asset purchase program. The Bank reduced the size of their
total purchases, while increasing the purchases of longer-term securities. And the Bank noted
that it judged that the new configuration of its purchases would provide at least as much
accommodation as the old one. So I would definitely like to hear more about the applicability of
this experience to our circumstances here. I’d also be interested in the scope for something like
the maturity extension program that the Committee implemented in 2011, when purchases of
longer-term securities were matched by sales of shorter-term ones.
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A more efficient implementation of our asset purchase program—where buying fewer
assets while focusing more on purchases of longer-term securities—could also help address some
of the issues raised in the third staff memo. For example, with a more efficient asset purchase
program, aggregate bank reserves wouldn’t have to increase as much, which could help mitigate
the risk that overabundant reserves pose to our influence over the federal funds rate and other
money market rates.
And, finally, recognizing that communications with the public about our asset purchase
plans can be very tricky, we would of course want to be very careful to avoid unwelcome
financial market reactions or another taper tantrum. That said, it’s still worth considering
potential strategies for guiding market expectations, first to a more efficient asset purchase
program and ultimately to scaling down the accommodation that we are currently providing with
our purchases.
Regarding guidance, I see greater promise in state-based guidance than in date-based
guidance. State-based guidance could provide greater clarity to the public about our purchase
strategy as well as give us greater flexibility to adjust in response to changing conditions. In
thinking about state-based guidance, I prefer approaches that clearly emphasize that we expect to
end our current asset purchase program well before we start raising the target range for the
federal funds rate. I’ll stop there, and I’ll look forward to future discussions on this topic. Thank
you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Quarles, please.
MR. QUARLES. Thank you, Chair. We always say this, and all of us always say it, but
I don’t think it can be said enough. We have a great staff. These were excellent memos. They
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were both clear and clarifying, and they have set up, I think, a really interesting discussion this
morning, and I’m very grateful for it.
So, what’s the context in which we’re evaluating these questions on asset purchases? As
Governor Bowman noted, the economy has continued a robust recovery through October. But
we are still far from meeting our full employment goal. And even a sunny optimist like me will
recognize that downside risks related to the COVID-19 event have increased somewhat in recent
weeks. So the economy continues to benefit from support. And although I want to reflect more
on President Bostic’s always interesting thoughts from this morning, I think that maintaining the
current pace of asset purchases is an important part of that support.
Governor Brainard went through a comprehensive review of the Treasury security
issuance situation, which I fully agree with. I don’t know if that’s the first time in one of these
meetings that I have said that. Long-term interest rates in the United States are very low, but the
memo details how the market’s expectations about future purchases are preventing premature
and meaningful increases in longer-term rates.
You know, the Congressional Budget Office’s latest projections for the federal deficit
and debt include a $1.8 trillion deficit for next year. And, of course, I always look at that in the
context of—in my last year as the domestic undersecretary of the Treasury, responsible for the
debt management among other things, we had a $116 billion deficit, and people were losing their
minds over the profligacy of it all.
And, on top of that, the ratio for publicly held federal debt to GDP will reach its highest
level ever, according to CBO projections—higher than in World War II—by 2023. So the staff
estimate that that level of issuance and, as Governor Brainard emphasized, and very importantly,
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the expected increases in the weighted average maturity of the federal debt would add between
85 and 150 basis points to the term premium over the next few years.
But an asset purchase program that met the market expectations given in the September
Desk survey would offset that increase in the term premium about exactly: It would add about
0.7 percentage point to GDP through 2023. So, against that backdrop, I would not want our
communications about asset purchases to be materially less accommodative than the
communications in our current policy statement. But, as many of you have said, I would like the
guidance on purchases to remain more flexible than the commitment that we made in our
forward guidance on rates.
Now, that may be a difficult needle to thread, because the Desk survey indicates that
market participants are interpreting our intention to continue the current pace of asset purchases
“over coming months” quite expansively, with significant asset purchases continuing well into
2022, which is quite a few months coming. But Oliver Wendell Holmes famously said that the
Constitution does not exist to enact Herbert Spencer’s Social Statics, and, similarly, the Federal
Reserve does not exist to validate market expectations. So we shouldn’t put undue weight on
them if they’re out of sync with our forecast.
Now, in that case, the staff’s baseline forecast for 2021 already includes continuing the
current level of purchases through the end of next year. And those projections, that baseline
forecast, is consistent with that pace and duration of purchases. But we are seeing continued
outperformance of the economy relative to each projection. And the current projection does not
assume any additional fiscal policy support to the economy.
I think that whatever is happening on the interactive maps while we are meeting here, I
think there is going to be additional fiscal support. So I put significant weight on the support
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scenarios in the Tealbook. And those alternative or additional support scenarios have
unemployment reaching 4.6 percent or lower by the fourth quarter of next year, 2021, and I
would hope that we had at least begun tapering asset purchases by the time unemployment
declines to those levels.
And, conversely, if the economic outlook were to weaken substantially, I wouldn’t
necessarily oppose a decision to increase asset purchases. I’d want to be careful that the benefits
continue to outweigh the costs. I am already beginning to reflect on President Bostic’s
comments. I see uncertainty about the effects of asset purchases as quite high right now. And
our experience in coming months may suggest the need for a better understanding of the
mechanisms that are at work here.
Moreover, in light of the level and trajectory of the federal debt, the public may view an
expansion of our asset purchase program, especially if it coincides with another large spending
package, as fiscal accommodation rather than monetary accommodation. That hasn’t become a
drumbeat yet, but it could easily become one. So because the current market expectations about
the size of purchases and the high level of uncertainty in the outlook make date-based guidance
difficult to calibrate relative to the existing guidance on rates, I prefer state-based guidance at
this time.
My generally more upbeat assessment of the outlook and a desire for asset purchases to
fully taper before the conditions to increase interest rates are attained would lead me to choose a
potential date at which to begin tapering purchases that likely would be much sooner than what
markets currently expect. And so for those reasons, I prefer language that’s similar to that in
example 6 of the staff memo, which says that asset purchases would continue “until substantial
progress has been made toward the Committee’s employment and inflation goals.”
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On the question of market functioning, I’m somewhat hesitant to put on the flight suit on
the deck of the aircraft carrier and declare a victory or to reduce purchases on the short end of the
curve just yet. I indicated that market functioning and liquidity obviously have generally
returned to normal. In the absence of further shocks, markets seem to be absorbing the current
pace of Treasury issuance.
But the continued substantial issuance of securities by the Treasury—which a large fiscal
package in coming months would exacerbate—combined with the increased uncertainty in the
outlook and associated higher volatility argues for caution, in my view. Over recent weeks, I’ve
had a number of public exchanges with Darrell Duffie and others who have expressed concern
about whether during a stress event the private sector currently has the capacity to absorb the
flows generated by the much larger stack of Treasury securities. Overall, I prefer wording close
to that of example 4 in the memo, “The Committee will adjust purchases to maintain
accommodative financial conditions and support the attainment of its employment and inflation
objectives.”
So then, finally, turning to the related issue of whether the banking system has the
capacity to absorb a large quantity of central bank reserves, I thought the memo and the briefings
on this topic were comprehensive, very informative. I agree with the analysis that at the lower
level, at the $2½ trillion level, the banking system would have the capacity to absorb those
reserves.
I am somewhat more skeptical, maybe materially more skeptical, that it will absorb even
the smaller $2½ trillion of additional reserves without some unintended effects. So you’ll all
remember, there was a lot of concern in the spring about the limitations of the leverage ratio on
the significant increase in deposits. That was a particular problem for the processing banks.
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And then the pressures of the spring abated. The universal banks had generally said,
“We’re comfortable with where we are.” The large universal banks have begun, over the course
of the past month, coming in to say, “We are now concerned about our compliance with the
leverage ratio, with the supplemental leverage ratio, and significantly with the tier 1 leverage
ratio.” And we could look at that from our vantage point and say, “Well, they’ll just issue some
more capital then.” You know, they can continue to absorb these deposits and deploy them in
loans if necessary, and they’ll issue some more capital in order to comply. And they can do that,
but I do not believe they will. If I were the CEO of a bank, I would not do that. I would find
some other way of managing my reserves so I didn’t run into those leverage ratio constraints.
And that’s a problem, again, that’s been raised—not with folks’ hair on fire, but it is being raised
currently as something that large banks and smaller banks are saying: “We need to begin
managing our reserves down now so that we don’t run into these limits.”
You all know we provided temporary relief from the supplemental leverage ratio for the
large banks—they were subject to that regulation. And we have the authority to do that simply
as a matter of regulation. But the tier 1 leverage ratio is becoming an issue for some of these
firms. And we cannot change the tier 1 leverage ratio without a legislative change. That would
require a change to the Collins Amendment.
Over the course of the summer, in light of what happened in the spring, I proposed a
change to the law that would allow us to make just temporary variances in an emergency to
prevent this constraint on financing. I was immediately met from some quarters on the Hill with
hyperventilating outrage that would have been equally appropriate had I offended decency in a
public park. So I think that actions on the leverage ratio will be hard as a matter of political
economy. And, as a result, I see the options for funding asset purchases through alternatives to
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reserves as likely to be necessary, and necessary sooner rather than later—probably sooner than
is indicated in the staff memo.
We have the overnight RRP option. That could be expanded to include additional
counterparties. But that means we’d be draining deposits and reserves from the banking system,
in which they’re generally considered to be stability enhancing, and creating a larger money
market fund sector. Now, in one sense, money fund liquidity is enhanced when they hold
Federal Reserve assets. Jeremy Stein and others have argued that for some time. But one of the
principal lessons of March was that simply having larger and more liquid liquidity buffers in
money market funds does not necessarily ensure stability if the regulatory framework does not
allow those buffers to be usable.
And, indeed, we had larger liquidity buffers in the money market funds that were subject
to pressure in the spring. But the regulatory framework implied that people needed to be worried
about gates or fees being imposed in order to preserve those liquidity buffers, and that created a
whole set of contagion pressures on their own. So, without broader reform in the money market
fund sector, I think vulnerabilities remain high if our solution was to push the liquidity there.
Another option would be to establish a special financing program with the Treasury.
This avoids the potential financial stability risk associated with market participants flocking to
the overnight reverse repo facility in a stress event. That brings its own concerns about
coordination with the Treasury and could raise questions about our independence. I think, there,
the coordination would be in the service of our objectives. I remember one of the first lessons I
learned about federal bureaucracy when I arrived 30 years ago, working for a young assistant
secretary named Jerome Hayden Powell, was that coordination is what you do to the other guy.
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And so as long as the coordination is in favor of our principles, I’m not sure that I would be
concerned about it.
So, to summarize, I think our asset purchases are providing necessary support for the
economy. They’re insurance against renewed market stress. So a revised communications
strategy should maintain the current level of accommodation but be based on a policy that can be
adjusted to both upside and downside risks. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. First Vice President Feldman, please.
MR. FELDMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And thanks to everyone who helped prepare
the memos. Like everyone said, they were very helpful. We’re going to largely be repetitive of
what’s gone before. I’ll have to talk to Neel about picking when to go last next time I have to do
this.
We said that the current objective is maintaining policy accommodation as opposed to
market functioning. We are comfortable with moving to that language. It doesn’t have to
happen immediately, but we’re comfortable with making clear to market participants and the
public that that’s really what our objective is. In doing so, I think we want to be careful not to
somehow suggest that we wouldn’t step back in if market functioning was the issue. I don’t
think that’s going to be difficult, but we should just keep that in mind.
In terms of the factors that we’re considering, we view the asset purchase program as just
being part of our tool set to achieve the right level of accommodation toward the dual mandate.
Right now, we believe that the current program is effective; it is consistent with the right level of
accommodation; and, as many have said, we wouldn’t change it—it seems to be working. That
said, if conditions worsen, then we would, with all of our tools, respond to current conditions and
our forecast.
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In terms of communication, we are also in favor of a state-based approach. We would
want to synchronize what we’re doing with asset purchases so that it’s at least consistent with the
general direction of what we’re doing with regard to rates. And maybe building on what
President Kaplan said, we would want to be clear about the process that would be used not just
as we continue asset purchases, but as we decide to reduce them before interest rates change.
And then, finally, in terms of the tools that are available to us, we’re comfortable with
those tools and, in particular, increasing the ON RRP or changing the maturity composition of
what we’re buying—those seem like the most effective of the ones that were available.
Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Daly, please.
MS. DALY. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I promised Neel I would channel him a little bit and
go last on at least one of them, so here I am. And it goes without saying, then, that all of my
remarks will have callouts to all of you as if I were at the Oscars, so just consider yourself
acknowledged on that.
But I really do want to second the sentiment that Governor Quarles put forth about the
thanks to the staff. It can seem like, if you hear it a lot, it’s just the pro forma part of our jobs,
but it’s actually not at all. I think the staff memos through the long-run framework review,
through the crisis, and now have just been top notch and really contribute so materially to the
debate. So I’m going to just second that sentiment.
Now, as financial markets have recovered from the severe stresses from earlier this year,
the role of our asset purchases, to my mind, has just naturally evolved. At this point, I see our
asset purchases primarily providing policy accommodation and further support to the economy.
Although, as many have noted, I don’t want to discount the fact that just their presence is a
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backstop that gives us a sense of insurance to the financial sector even if it’s not the primary
reason they’re there. All of this that I just said seems largely in line with market commentary on
the subject, so I think the markets are aligned on those views and probably have been for some
time.
So then the question to my mind is, what more is needed, and what’s the best way to
communicate this to the public? So let me start with what more is needed. Even in the
optimistic scenarios—and I do have a little bit of that sunny optimist in me as well—it seems
clear that the economy will require some additional support to return to full employment and to
2 percent inflation on average. And, because of the size of the hole we’re in—which I’ll talk
about later—even with the rapid recovery we’ve had, we now have a recession that looks a little
bit more like the financial crisis recession, which I think most of us hoped would be the worst
thing we saw in our lifetimes. So, taking into account the size of the hole, we’re going to
probably need to extend our asset purchases, along with the low federal funds rate and the robust
forward guidance we’ve already put into place. To me, that’s appropriate policy.
On when and how we should best communicate our plans, I’m influenced by the lessons
drawn from the previous crisis, which many people have already mentioned. A key “takeaway”
for me from that experience is, our policies are most powerful when they’re used holistically, in
coordination, as the staff memos highlight. So now with the long-run framework and the
September funds rate guidance in place, I see it as the next appropriate step to provide more
clarity about the future time path of our asset purchases.
And, again, the markets are mostly there. The yield curve is virtually flat, and the
10-year Treasury rate is below 1 percent despite improving economic data and an expected flood
of Treasury issuance. But the Desk survey also suggests or confirms that primary dealers and
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other market participants expect us to continue purchases of Treasury securities at the current
pace at least through next year. And those expectations are providing important support—in
fact, contributing to the yield curve being relatively flat and to the 10-year Treasury rate being
low. So they’re endogenous, essentially, and we can’t really take, I don’t think, a lot of comfort
from the place that markets are in today, given that they have those expectations built into why
they think that. And when I think about that, I find the range of current disagreement on
expected purchases just to be uncomfortably large, especially when we know markets can be
fickle.
So moving away quickly, as early as December, from the “in coming months” language, I
find to be important. It will clarify our plans and ensure that markets hold on to our policy views
and not be pushed around by the volatile changes in the news—which can go from very good to
very bad very quickly. And I would rather them stay highly centered on our own views even as
our own views evolve.
In terms of specifics, I think it’s important to solidify our expectations, as I said, around
our other policy goals, the policy stance. And I think the way Governor Brainard said it is right.
We want these to be integrated, right? We want them to be holistic. So I’m attracted to the
example from the ECB or the Bank of Canada—or, if we’re looking at the memos, example 6 or
example 4—but, basically, things that say, “We are going to continue to support the economy
through all of our tools, asset purchases included, until we are nearing our full employment or
our full recovery goal.”
And regarding the timing that many have laid out where we taper before we lift off, that
all makes sense, but we have some time ahead of us before I think those things are likely. I
personally would also like to shift the composition of our balance sheet toward longer-dated
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assets, following the “more bang for your buck” policy. But, also, it’s consistent with our lowerfor-longer stance. We want to keep the long rate low, in my opinion, to further stimulate the
economy. It also, if you think about reserves, is one of the tools we can use to not have reserves
be too high and then have to use tools we’re less confident in.
So if we do all of this, to my mind, this would confirm in writing, in our statement, what
we’ve already implied with our stated commitment that, Chair, you make regularly, that we’re
committed to using all of our tools to achieve our goals.
Finally, I’d like to say a few words about the costs and benefits of a larger balance sheet.
I know this has come up repeatedly. It came up repeatedly in the previous debates and is coming
up now. On the cost side, I understand the argument that a large and expanding balance sheet
can lead to financial fragilities or political concerns. But, for the past decade, we’ve been
thinking about those things and examining the potential issues. And, so far, at least my reading
of the evidence does not reveal a strong link on either of those fronts. Moreover, I’d say our
financial stability monitoring that we’ve put in place, our “tabletop” exercises, have proven to be
effective tools for identifying risks and thinking about how best to mitigate them more directly
without using the blunt tool of monetary policy.
I’d also note that our expanded outreach to the Congress—and, Chair Powell, you’ve
done this, but so have many others—and to the public have helped improve understanding of our
actions and reduced the concerns that we are overstepping our role or that we’re simply
financing the debt as opposed to performing monetary policy. The work is still ahead of us, but I
think we have proven that we can do that effectively. So, in other words, though the potential
costs are well known—the theoretical ones are possible—the actual ones have really been harder
to see and find in the data.
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In contrast, the benefits of our asset purchase programs seem clear. They are already
adding valuable support to the economy. Whether it’s the signaling channel or another channel,
all of those channels have power. So it is just one of our tools in the toolkit, and using it, even if
its effectiveness is lower in a stack ranking than the funds rate or forward guidance, assures that
we are doing all we can to achieve our dual-mandate goals. And with the economy, again, in
such a deep hole and us not fully out of the coronavirus crisis, doing all we can is imperative.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. And let me echo what a great job the staff did here with
the memos and also in the Q&A today. I’m really proud to be associated with you. And it has
been great all along. A principal goal of this meeting, though, was to explore different ideas
about the path forward for asset purchases. And I feel very much that this has been a great
discussion from that standpoint. I hear a lot of good ideas—a number of them had not occurred
to me—and a lot of common ground as well.
I haven’t personally reached definitive conclusions and will reflect a lot on what’s been
said today. And I do expect that the path forward will become clearer as events evolve, as is
always the case. So I’ll offer just a few current thoughts, though. I guess I see our highly
accommodative policy stance as appropriate for the current state of the economy and for the
baseline outlook. Policy, as we sometimes like to say, is in a good place for now.
In recent months we’ve completed our monetary policy review and unanimously
approved a revised policy framework now embodied in the revised consensus statement. And
we’ve implemented forward guidance on rate policy that’s consistent with the new consensus
statement. Our lending programs have done a lot of good and are now mainly operating as
backstops. The facilities set up under the CARES Act terminate on December 31 unless
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extended. We would likely support such extensions, of course, but that decision requires the
agreement of the Treasury and is something we will turn to in coming weeks.
That leaves the asset purchase program, and there’s a growing focus on how our plans
will evolve. I do not see an urgent need to adjust the program, which is delivering substantial
support for market function and economic activity. On “market function,” I would just add that I
do think that the life expectancy of the market function language has longer to run. I wouldn’t
be eager to take that out, but I do think its time will come, and that could be in the first quarter or
second quarter of next year. But, for now, I would keep it for the reasons that others have said.
Also, the environment can change very quickly, as it has in Europe. So it’s timely for the
Committee to be thinking carefully about our next steps. So I thought the memos did a great job
of laying out the considerations regarding this question as well as ways to think about adjusting
the many parameters of the asset purchase program. And we’re going to face a series of
questions that will begin soon and last for several years about the evolution of the program.
While we’re mainly focusing on the near term today, I find it helpful to consider the next steps in
light of a broad conception of the program’s path from start through ultimate balance sheet
normalization, as a number of you have mentioned as well.
I see the program evolving through a series of phases like those that played out in the
previous cycle and that markets are likely to come to expect unless we guide them otherwise. Of
course, we’re not bound to the path from the previous cycle, and “this time will be different,” to
coin a phrase. In particular, policy is likely to remain accommodative for longer under flexible
average inflation targeting as we seek inflation that runs moderately above 2 percent for some
time and as we react to shortfalls from maximum employment.
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So, in this first phase, which is the one we’re in now, asset purchases are providing, in
my view, significant support for market function and economic activity. They are an important
tool and a component of our overall policy stance, albeit in a supporting role for our main tool,
the federal funds rate. During this phase, we have the ability to provide additional
accommodation, for example, by increasing the size of purchases, by shifting purchases toward
longer maturities, or by changing the composition of purchases. Though all of these options are
available to us, if the economy performs worse than expected, I would hold off on those for now,
at least in the short term, and I would resist the temptation in any case to make small moves that
can be easily misunderstood generally—something I’ll come back to.
It may, however, in my view, be desirable to update the guidance on asset purchases
fairly soon—in particular, to modify the language “over coming months.” And this will likely be
the first of many decisions we’ll need to make over time. That language has served us well,
putting us in a holding pattern while we awaited evidence on whether the recovery would gain a
solid foothold.
Surveys show that markets broadly expect purchases to continue at least at the current
pace through the end of next year, and that seems about right to me in the base case. So we
could, at an upcoming meeting, change the guidance to say that we expect purchases to continue
at least at the current level until we reach some state-based goal. And I would like to link it to a
state-based goal, referencing perhaps further progress toward our statutory goals and confidence
that we’re on track to achieve them. I think there are a whole bunch of different elements.
The idea of integrating that set of goals into our longer-run goals and into our broader
guidance on rates is a good one, and I think we’ll look at a lot of language over time to see how
that might work. I’m not proposing language here today, just the general idea. I would not try to
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be too precise about when that will be—I would not. And the reason is, there’s so much
uncertainty about the path of the economy. Although it might be appropriate when the time
comes to note that market expectations, as I mentioned a minute ago, were consistent with the
baseline case, assuming that is still true.
Of course, we won’t simply stop asset purchases cold. The second phase will very likely
begin when we announce a gradual taper, stressing that purchases are not on a preset course. No
doubt. The taper for QE3, as others have mentioned, took about a year to complete. And this
time, markets will be looking for something like that and will be open to guidance or to different
approaches. It may be longer, as some of you noted.
Anyway, once that taper is complete, there will likely be a third phase, which can be
short or long, in which we’re holding the balance sheet constant. We would presumably
announce guidance about the timing of balance sheet normalization, presumably linked to the
conditions for liftoff that we specified at the previous meeting. And the length of this phase will
depend on the path of the economy and on progress toward our goals as specified in the guidance
that we’ve given.
In the case of QE3, another full year passed between the end of the taper and liftoff.
Under our new approach, our new framework, it may well be appropriate for that to be shorter,
because we will have held policy accommodative for longer. But I think that’s something we’ll
be exploring.
So this broad sequence of events will be familiar to the public and pretty much as
expected. It’s essentially what we did in the previous cycle. And I think it’s useful and
appropriate, as a number of you mentioned, that we just keep this broad sequencing in mind,
even though we would not be making or announcing all of the other decisions that are best
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made later. But I think we do need to be mindful of the path forward when we start making the
first decision.
So I guess I would consider changing the asset purchase guidance fairly soon. We know
we’ve got to be very careful with communications about asset purchases, telegraphing our moves
well in advance, and moving at a stately pace when the time comes. Communicating our
intentions fairly soon, well in advance of taking action, will minimize the chances of an
unwanted tightening in financial conditions. In addition, there’s a risk that markets will just push
expectations further out if we fail to provide clear guidance.
The performance of the economy in the period ahead is, of course, highly uncertain. It’s
possible the economy will recover strongly in 2021 and bring us much closer to our goals. It’s
also possible that the current spike in cases or a substantial delay in the arrival of a vaccine will
bring far less positive outcomes, and all of those are illustrated in various alternative simulations.
We need to be ready in case a downside scenario does come to pass, and our response may
require a forceful strengthening of our asset purchase program.
Finally, on the baseline path, I am reasonably confident that the costs and risks of
expanding the balance sheet would not pose significant concerns at present. There’s uncertainty
about that. We saw what happened in September 2019. But we do have the tools to manage the
balance sheet and reserves implications of purchases under the sort of plan I’ve been describing.
Banks can adjust. We can adjust. And I think we’ve been able to figure it out, as some of you
noted.
I will close with a couple of smaller points. One, in what we do and what we say
publicly, I think it’s extremely important not to send negative signals—for example, that we’re
losing heart or that we doubt the efficacy of our tools. I think it’s always going to be appropriate
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for us to perpetuate the view that the market now has that we are strongly committed to using our
very powerful tools until the job is well and truly done. So I do think that that is itself a tool, and
I think we’ve learned, to the extent that we deviate from that and show a lack of resolve, if you
will, you’ll wind up having to do more, not less.
The last thing I’ll say is that, particularly when it comes to asset purchases, you’ve got to
be so careful and risk averse on changes. So I would lean heavily toward the “don’t mess with
success” school of approach to changes. Nonetheless, I will just close by saying, this was a
really excellent discussion—very much what all of us had hoped to achieve. So thank you very
much for it. And, with that, at almost exactly noon, we will break for lunch, and we’ll get back
together at 1:00 sharp. Thanks very much.
[Lunch recess]
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. And welcome back, everybody. Next we’ll have our
discussion of economic and financial developments, including financial stability, and we’ll start
with the briefing on domestic economic developments from Paul Lengermann. Paul, please.
MR. LENGERMANN. Thank you. Can everyone hear me?
CHAIR POWELL. Yes.
MR. LENGERMANN. 3 All right. My materials are going to start on page 38 of
the packet. I’ll begin with a quick review of the near-term data and outlook in light of
the news we’ve received since the October Tealbook. As you can see in panel 1, real
GDP rose at a 33 percent annual rate last quarter, though the level of GDP remains
well below its previous peak. This record growth was surprisingly strong in all the
main categories of domestic final demand. Consumer spending, line 4, contributed
the bulk of the Q3 increase, but both residential and business fixed investment, line 6,
also snapped back and by more than we anticipated in September.
The stronger GDP data, combined with the slight deterioration in equity prices
since the October Tealbook, left our medium-term projection for economic activity
little changed. The bulk of the Q3 rebound reflects the jump in activity in May and
June as the economy reopened following COVID-19 lockdowns. Since then, the
3
The materials used by Mr. Lengermann are appended to this transcript (appendix 3).
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recovery has been proceeding more moderately. We now expect GDP growth of
3.4 percent in the fourth quarter and then expect growth to slow to just under
1 percent in the first half of next year as fiscal support unwinds.
We have only limited data on activity in the current quarter. Weekly retail
spending data from market research company NPD, the black line in panel 2, have
been choppy but suggest sales held up through late October. Business spending is
bouncing back much faster than in previous recoveries. As shown in panel 3, capital
goods shipments, the black line, quickly ramped back up to pre-pandemic levels. The
flattening out of orders, the red line, at a level a bit above shipments signals more
moderate investment in the months ahead.
Panel 4 shows alternative measures of the monthly change in private payrolls,
which exclude the swings to Census employment in government payrolls. The blue
bars are the BLS estimates, while the red bars are our estimate from the ADP
microdata on paid employment. As indicated by the hashed blue bar, we project a
gain of 825,000 jobs in October in the BLS report due out this Friday, well below the
ADP–FRB estimate of 1.4 million. While this discrepancy could indicate some
upside risk, the lower BLS figure we project is consistent with a shrinking pool of
workers on temporary layoff and a limited recovery in the hardest-hit service
industries.
Your next exhibit reviews recent developments for inflation. Friday’s release of
PCE prices through September surprised slightly to the downside, leaving the
12-month change for core PCE prices, the black line in panel 5, at 1.5 percent, lower
than our October Tealbook projection but still up markedly from the trough in April.
The other two lines in the panel show alternative measures of inflation that attempt to
abstract from volatile or idiosyncratic factors.
Comparing the three series shows that the bulk of recent fluctuations in the core
index reflects idiosyncratic factors, such as changes in categories vulnerable to social
distancing, like accommodation, airfares, and apparel, as well as a strong acceleration
in used vehicle prices. Still, according to all three measures, inflation is lower than
before the pandemic.
As shown by the black line in panel 6, a sharp rebound in goods prices this
summer was strong enough to push the 12-month change close to zero, which
historically has been unusual and transitory. Within goods prices, price increases of
durable goods—most notably, motor vehicles and major household appliances—were
particularly strong, consistent with surging demand for many of these goods along
with some supply disruptions. We expect that the high inflation rates in these
categories will prove transitory. Indeed, durable goods prices slowed in September.
In contrast to goods, panel 7 highlights the recent soft readings on housing
services. While these prices had risen steadily in recent years, shown on the left, they
have moved up more slowly since the pandemic and have been contributing less to
overall core inflation, shown on the right. Rent inflation could be slowing for many
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reasons, but—in addition to the usual effect of labor market slack—a rapid shift in
housing demand away from urban centers may be playing a role.
Putting it together, panel 8 shows that core inflation slowed in September as
goods prices, the red bars, flattened out, and soft readings on housing services
weighed on overall services inflation, the blue bars. As shown by the bars in the
shaded area, we expect modest monthly inflation for the next few months as these
trends continue.
Turning to the next exhibit, I’ll summarize our medium- and longer-term
projections. Because the revisions since the September Tealbook are relatively small,
here I focus on how our projection has evolved over the course of the year. Though
still historic, we expect the 2020 contraction to be less severe than we did in May. As
shown in the inset box in panel 9, we now project a decline in GDP of 2.6 percent this
year, nearly 4½ percentage points less than we projected in May.
What have we learned? For one, the goods sector has been surprisingly resilient:
Consumer spending on goods is well above pre-pandemic levels, and home sales are
at their highest level since 2006. Beyond 2020, the outlook remains tremendously
uncertain. We now anticipate the recovery will be flatter through the middle of next
year. In part, this reflects our interpretation that much of the surprising strength since
May was a pull-forward of gains we expected to see later. Also, relative to May, we
expect a bit more restraint from social distancing early next year.
By the middle of next year, we’ll have reached a point at which more rapid
progress requires an end to the health crisis. This same pattern of surprising
resilience followed by moderating improvements also shows up in unemployment and
inflation in panels 10 and 11. Panel 12 highlights the large revisions the staff has
made to its federal funds rate assumption. The revision from January to May of
course reflects the policy actions taken in response to COVID-19. The revision since
May reflects the staff’s adoption in September of an interest rate rule meant to be
broadly consistent with the updated consensus statement. This change has the funds
rate lift off much later and rise more slowly.
The revisions to our policy rule, along with our assumption this round that SOMA
purchases will continue through 2021, add to the already substantial support we
expected from accommodative monetary policy in the May Tealbook. By the end of
2023, we project that output and unemployment will have largely returned to their
values in the January Tealbook. Beyond 2023, our projection is stronger than in
January. Core inflation briefly breaches 2 percent in the middle of next year—
reflecting the swings this year—before settling back down below 2 percent through
2023 and rising to 2.2 percent in 2027.
Of course, other outcomes are possible, and in the next exhibit, I’ll discuss two
especially salient risks to our projection. The first and most obvious is COVID-19.
Once again, cases are rising sharply in the United States. Panel 13 shows that the
number of hospitalizations, the blue line, is moving up, along with the positivity rate,
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the black line. And although the number of deaths has remained stable, the numbers
typically lag the spread of the virus.
Our baseline assumes the spike in cases will be contained as in the summer
without the need for costly mitigation measures, but the risk of such measures has
risen. Indeed, as Paul will describe shortly, new lockdowns have been announced in
Europe.
A second, but upside, risk is fiscal policy. Panel 14 illustrates just how much we
think the withdrawal of the unprecedented support enacted earlier this year will weigh
on activity early next year. In the October Tealbook, the staff removed the $1 trillion
in additional fiscal support we previously assumed would be enacted this quarter. But
regardless of how the election results play out, the prospect of additional stimulus is a
clear upside risk. In the November primary dealer survey, the median respondent
attached a 75 percent probability of additional stimulus over the next six months, with
the median expected size around $2 trillion.
Panels 15 and 16 contrast our baseline outlook for GDP and the unemployment
rate with the corresponding outcomes from the “Second Wave” and “Additional
Fiscal Support” alternative scenarios. The “Additional Fiscal Support” scenario
considers the effect of a $2 trillion package that begins later this year. It greatly
accelerates the recovery early next year, with the level of GDP 2¼ percent higher
than the baseline by midyear and the unemployment rate 1 percentage point lower.
In the “Second Wave” scenario, broad reinstatement of social distancing in the
fourth quarter, along with a deterioration in financial conditions, depresses household
and business spending, while a slump in foreign demand and a stronger dollar lower
exports. By the middle of next year, the unemployment rate reaches 8.7 percent and
GDP falls nearly 5 percent.
The next two exhibits dive a little deeper into consumer spending and why we
expect growth to moderate in coming quarters. Panel 17 shows the quarterly contour
of PCE growth through next year on the left side and the annual growth rates on the
right. Growth is decomposed into contributions from factors like fiscal stimulus and
social distancing. For example, the historic decline in PCE in the second quarter was
largely driven by social distancing, as shown in the green bars, and would have been
considerably larger were it not for the outsized support coming from fiscal stimulus,
shown in the orange bars.
In 2021, the unwinding of fiscal stimulus imposes a significant drag in the first
half of the year, but spending accelerates later in the year as that drag fades and social
distancing lifts. Over the first half of 2021, we project PCE to decline modestly.
This may seem unusual, in light of the ongoing labor market improvement that we
expect and the elevated saving rate, shown in panel 18, which should lift spending.
Two factors are at play. First, panel 19 shows that durable goods spending has
been above the pre-COVID trend for several months, even though lost second-quarter
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spending has already been made up. While households’ desired stock of durables is
likely above its level before the pandemic because they are spending more time at
home and interest rates are low, it seems unlikely that households will continue to
accumulate new furniture and cars at a pace so far above trend indefinitely.
The second factor is that the saving rate masks considerable heterogeneity among
households. Panel 20 shows our estimate of the aggregate “excess” savings accrued
by households through the third quarter. As discussed in a Tealbook box, excess
savings are savings above what we projected in January. These savings cumulated to
a whopping $1.2 trillion by the end of Q3, as consumption has been depressed, the
red bars, and unprecedented support being provided by fiscal policy, the yellow bars,
has more than offset earnings losses, the blue bars.
Panel 21 decomposes accrued excess savings across income quartiles. Somewhat
surprisingly, the savings cushion appears quite evenly distributed. In the case of lowincome households, as seen on the left, fiscal policy support has more than offset
earnings losses, while in the case of higher-income households, on the right,
spending declines are an important reason for increased saving.
The implications of these different patterns are summarized in panel 22. We
estimate that, on average, lower-income households have accrued enough liquid
assets so that savings will not be exhausted until early in 2021. Of course, some
households, particularly those ineligible for unemployment insurance, are already
struggling financially. Thereafter, and with joblessness heavily concentrated in the
bottom income quartile, we expect that spending for many such households will
decline.
Another consideration informing our forecast is the expiration of forbearance
programs and eviction moratoriums, though it is possible that they could prompt even
sharper cutbacks than we have assumed. Our forecast is supported by analysis,
shown in panel 23, using the Survey of Consumer Finances. We find that
continuously unemployed households in the bottom two income quartiles, the blue
and red dots, have accrued enough savings to maintain regular expenses through early
next year.
One potential downside risk, shown in panel 24, results from a study based on
checking balances for JPMorgan Chase bank account members, which found that
balances for unemployed account holders dropped very sharply in August. However,
the fact that spending has held up through October suggests a somewhat later savings
“cliff” is more likely.
For higher-income households, we expect discretionary spending will recover
only once social-distancing restrictions end and fears of the virus ease. Even then, we
expect the saving rate for this group will remain elevated because of precautionary
motives. An upside risk is that they may tap into accrued savings more quickly over
the medium term. I’ll now turn the presentation over to Paul Wood.
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MR. WOOD. 4 Thank you, Paul. I’ll be referring to the materials starting on
page 46 of your packet. Since the September FOMC meeting, we learned that foreign
economies rebounded more sharply than expected from their first-half collapse but
that the way forward looks less favorable. Page 47 shows real GDP levels for key
economies that have reported data for the third quarter. As shown to the left, real
GDP in Canada and the euro area fell much more sharply than in the United States in
the first half amid more severe lockdowns to combat the coronavirus, but strong thirdquarter rebounds put their net output loss not much greater than that of U.S. real
GDP.
As shown to the right, China’s economy, the blue line, has recovered its entire
first-quarter decline, boosted by effective virus containment and moderate policy
support. Korea and Taiwan, the yellow and red lines, faced much smaller downturns,
as their effective virus responses avoided widespread lockdowns, and their economies
are now near or above pre-COVID levels. In contrast, Mexican real GDP, although
also rebounding, remains much lower than at the end of last year, as uncontrolled
virus spread in that country has depressed services activity even as manufacturing
recovers along with exports to the United States.
As shown on page 48, the recovery in manufactured exports has been strong for
Asian emerging market economies, particularly in electronics, the blue line, and,
more recently, vehicles, the green line. Those economies and sectors have benefited
from a rebound in the global economy, and they could be particularly vulnerable to a
reversal of that trend. In the euro area, as shown by PMIs on the right, manufacturing
activity continued a solid recovery through October, but services activity turned down
as consumers pulled back amid a resurgence of the virus in Europe, the subject of
your next slide.
Following the spring lockdowns, new coronavirus cases in the euro area and the
United Kingdom, the yellow and red lines in the top left panel, were at low levels
over the summer, but as Lorie discussed earlier, the autumn brought a sharp rise in
cases throughout the region. Hospitalizations and deaths remain well below their
levels in the spring but are on the rise and likely to follow new cases higher, even
with improved treatment protocols that may reduce the lethality of the virus.
As shown on the bottom right, mobility connected to retail activity and work,
which had recovered substantially over the summer, has slipped since September
amid voluntary social distancing and government restrictions that were initially
localized and limited As discussed on page 50, as recent health trends deteriorated,
government restrictions have become more widespread. Just in the past week,
France, Germany, and England have imposed nationwide restrictions on activity.
Though broad based, these restrictions are less severe than in the spring. They
mainly target mobility and social activities, effectively closing nonessential services
such as bars, restaurants, cinemas, and gyms. Essential services, such as grocery
4
The materials used by Mr. Wood are appended to this transcript (appendix 4).
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stores, pharmacies, gas stations, and hairdressers, remain open in many countries.
While teleworking is strongly encouraged, mobility for work reasons is permitted,
and schools are still open in many regions. Moreover, in contrast to the spring
lockdowns, factories are allowed to continue operating in most areas.
The table shows our “heat map” of the stringency of restrictions in the euro area
and the United Kingdom this year and our assumptions about future steps. After
severe lockdowns, the red bars, in April, restrictions loosened to a notable level,
orange, in the following months and to moderate, yellow, over the summer. The
return to “orange” in November represents the reimposition of widespread notable
restrictions.
We assume that current restrictions will largely remain in place through January,
and that governments will be able to control the virus spread with these measures and
stabilize their health systems. We assume these measures will be relaxed to “yellow”
starting in February, and the virus will be controlled from June onward, with a
vaccine available to certain subgroups in the population, although not widely
available until the second half of the year. The plus signs indicate that we have
increased our assumed restrictions in these countries through May of next year.
The extent of economic damage will depend in part on the degree of fiscal policy
support, discussed on page 51. As European governments announced new
restrictions, they indicated new income support for households and businesses.
France and Germany announced new aid to small businesses, and the United
Kingdom extended its job retention scheme, instead of phasing it out as originally
planned.
These extensions add to the significant contribution of advanced foreign economy
fiscal policy to GDP growth, the red bars, this year and help avoid a fiscal cliff, with
only a modest drag on GDP next year as fiscal support lessens. Fiscal policy in
emerging market economies, shown in blue, also has boosted GDP this year but is
subjected to more limited fiscal space. Brazil is an example in which active fiscal
policy has helped the economy this year, but the increase in debt will limit future
support.
As discussed on page 52, central banks abroad are exploring options to address
the renewed economic headwinds. With the U.K. economy facing a new lockdown
and Brexit negotiations sowing uncertainty, we expect the Bank of England to
increase the size of its Asset Purchase Programme and extend its end date into next
year—probably at its policy meeting tomorrow.
The Bank has also openly considered other policy tools, including a negative
policy rate. Preliminary analysis, published in the Bank’s Monetary Policy Report,
highlighted potential drawbacks of negative rates, but market policy expectations, the
red line on the left, suggest that market participants see some chance of negative rates
next year.
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Last week, the ECB signaled that, in December it “will recalibrate its instruments,
as appropriate, to respond to the unfolding situation.” We expect a €500 billion
addition to the ECB’s Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme that I discussed
this morning and a six-month extension to the end of next year. We also expect the
ECB to improve the terms on its targeted longer-term refinancing operations, possibly
by lowering further the most favorable rate, the dashed red line on the right, at which
banks can borrow if they meet their lending objectives. That rate is currently 50 basis
points below the ECB’s deposit facility rate.
Page 53 discusses our assessment of the near-term forecast for Europe, which we
have been progressively revising down since September, as restrictions have become
more widespread and severe. Several major European countries are shutting down
large parts of the services economy for at least one month. With factories still open,
recent solid manufacturing growth may continue, but, even with support from fiscal
and monetary policies, uncertainty and loss of income threaten demand.
We now see real GDP in the United Kingdom and the euro area contracting
significantly in the fourth quarter, around 10 percent at an annual rate. Although we
have not yet built in widespread spillovers to other economies, the European
contraction could be a significant drag on the global economic recovery, especially if
financial stresses increase.
The red line in the left panel of page 54 shows our forecast of the path of real
GDP in the euro area. After contraction this quarter and a timid recovery next
quarter, we expect GDP to rebound more significantly through the rest of next year,
as the economy more fully reopens and confidence returns. Our forecast for other
foreign economies is a mixed bag. At one extreme, we expect China’s real GDP to
resume its pre-COVID path. At the other extreme, Latin America is likely to suffer a
long-lasting loss of GDP as those economies struggle with continued fallout
associated with this year’s disruptions and the run-up in public debt reduces space for
fiscal policy support.
Altogether, we project that foreign GDP, the black line on page 55, will flatten
out over the next couple of quarters before resuming a recovery with above-trend
growth over the next few years. With a resurgence of the virus in Europe and, to a
lesser extent, in Canada, our baseline forecast is moving closer to the Tealbook’s
“Second Wave” scenario, the blue line, in the near term.
This scenario, however, involves lockdowns that are more widespread across
countries, with tightening of financial conditions that amplifies the economic effects,
leading to more prolonged stagnation in the foreign economies. This scenario is less
severe than that in the September Tealbook, but we now consider it to be more likely
than we did in September.
There’s also a risk of a still more-adverse scenario if the development of effective
vaccines is delayed and confidence among businesses and households deteriorates
significantly amid doubts about the capacity of fiscal and monetary policies to
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support the global recovery. In this scenario, shown by the orange line, the adverse
financial shock is greater, with particular fallout for vulnerable emerging market
economies that have limited policy space and structural problems, and foreign GDP
in this scenario falls back to its second-quarter low by early 2022. Thank you.
MR. KILEY. 5 All right, Paul, thanks. I will pick it up with the materials that
begin on page 56 in the consolidated deck, which summarize our view on conditions
affecting the stability of the financial system. I will focus particularly on
vulnerabilities that could amplify an adverse shock over the medium term, but I’ll
begin with near-term risks, summarized on page 57.
Outreach to a range of institutions conducted over September and October for this
month’s Financial Stability Report, or FSR, indicates that respondents’ core concerns
have shifted since the first half of the year. A greater number of respondents cited
political uncertainty, corporate and SME defaults, and insufficient policy response—
notably, fiscal policy response—while fewer cited COVID.
Note that the outreach was conducted before the recent upswing in COVID cases.
Respondents also cited increased concerns about stretched asset valuations. Time will
tell whether yesterday’s election will lead to a diminution in some of these concerns,
but the course and economic effect of COVID is likely to remain unclear for some
time. Moreover, respondents’ concerns over corporate and SME debt and asset
valuations echo some of the issues discussed in the forthcoming FSR.
The next page turns to the staff’s assessment of asset valuations: Accounting for
low interest rates, valuations appear moderate, but prices remain vulnerable to
significant declines. The importance of low interest rates jumps out when looking at
equity prices and associated risk premiums, reported on page 59. Despite renewed
volatility recently, equity prices relative to earnings are near historic highs, as shown
in the left chart.
At the same time, measures of the compensation for risk associated with equities
lie in the broad middle of their typical range, as can be seen in the two measures
reported at the right. The black line reports a simple measure—the 12-month forward
earnings–price ratio minus the real 10-year Treasury yield—which sits somewhat
above its long-run median, while the blue line reports an estimate from a staff
dividend discount model, which sits somewhat below its long-run median.
The story is much the same in corporate debt markets, discussed on page 60.
Bond prices are high and yields are low, the left panel, reflecting the low level of
Treasury yields. But compensation for risk is within typical ranges, as can be seen in
the excess bond premium to the right. This measure estimates the compensation for
risk embedded in bond prices above and beyond default risk and sits moderately
below its historical median.
5
The materials used by Mr. Kiley are appended to this transcript (appendix 5).
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Overall, risk spreads do not point to excessive risk appetite. At the same time,
uncertainty remains palpable, and the staff judge the risk of sizable declines in asset
prices should an adverse shock hit as sizable. Moreover, commercial real estate is an
area in which prices may decline even in the absence of negative shocks, as discussed
on page 61.
To date, commercial real estate price indexes have started to decline in some
sectors, as shown in the left chart. Market conditions, including rising vacancies and
declining rents, point to a risk of further declines, especially in severely affected
sectors. These risks can be seen in the prices of equity REITs for various sectors, the
right chart, which show a sizable deterioration in the office, retail, and residential
sectors. Some financial institutions may have substantial exposures to CRE,
especially smaller banks.
The next page shows vulnerabilities associated with household and business
borrowing. Overall, historically high levels of business debt and the weakening in
household finances could pose a significant medium-run vulnerability for the
financial system.
Page 63 reports total nonfinancial credit relative to GDP, which jumped during the
first half of the year, reflecting increased borrowing and, to a larger extent, the drop in
nominal GDP. The role of the decline in GDP in the ratio’s jump can be seen by
comparing the black line, where the denominator of the ratio is nominal GDP, with
the blue line, where the denominator is nominal potential GDP as estimated by the
CBO.
Relative to potential GDP, the increase in debt is much more modest. This
comparison illustrates that policies that support the rapid return of income to potential
are among the most important steps that can be taken to ameliorate vulnerabilities
associated with private-sector debt—one example of the general point that policies to
support full employment are often those that also support financial stability.
Regarding the next page, the staff judge that vulnerabilities associated with debt
may weigh on households and businesses in coming years. Household finances may
become increasingly strained. The left chart illustrates an aspect of these risks:
While the set of mortgages that are delinquent is low, many mortgages are currently
in forbearance programs—as are other types of household debt—and repayment
challenges may rise.
In addition, business debt levels were high before COVID, as shown in the right
panel. Net leverage for the subset of firms in Compustat, which are primarily
publicly traded firms, sat near historic highs in 2019. Note that gross leverage of
these companies, not shown, rose considerably in the first half of this year, but this
increase is not apparent in net leverage, as it appears much of this borrowing was
precautionary and went into cash holdings. The high level of business debt remains
an important vulnerability that could amplify an adverse shock, as we have reported
for some time.
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Page 65 turns to financial leverage. To date, solvency concerns have not emerged
for key financial institutions, but the pandemic will likely weaken balance sheets.
Page 66 illustrates the story for banks. As shown in the left panel, banks had
substantial loss-absorbing capacity before COVID and generally remain resilient,
with common equity tier 1 ratios edging up so far this year. Nonetheless, losses may
accumulate, especially should adverse shocks materialize. Moreover, the weakened
economy and low interest rates will weigh on bank profitability even along a baseline
scenario.
Markets signal increased concerns of this type. For example, price-to-book ratios,
reported to the right, point to investor concerns about a worsening in banks’ mediumterm prospects since COVID. The next page looks beyond banks. Though banks
have generally been a source of resilience, nonbank financial intermediaries, notably,
corporate debt mutual funds and money market funds, amplified the turmoil earlier
this year; much of this reflected funding and liquidity pressures—issues I will turn to
shortly.
Looking forward to potentially underappreciated vulnerabilities, we find that life
insurers are relatively highly levered compared with historical norms, as shown in the
left panel. Moreover, life insurers hold a substantial quantity of illiquid and risky
corporate and CRE debt, the right panel. This combination—elevated leverage, risky
assets, and limited liquidity—could spell funding troubles under a very adverse
scenario. Nonetheless, at this point, these concerns simply bear watching and remain
an area of staff research and focus.
Page 68 turns to funding risk. The big-picture story is that structural
vulnerabilities in markets for short-term funding and corporate bonds remain. As
shown on the next page, flows into money market mutual funds, the left panel, and
into mutual funds investing in corporate debt, the right panel, have largely reversed
the sizable outflows seen in March.
Emergency facilities were critical in restoring functioning and remain as
backstops, but usage at all of the short-term funding facilities has declined
dramatically since the spring. Nonetheless, the susceptibility of money funds to runs
and liquidity mismatch at investment funds may require structural reforms. Shoring
up funds that offer daily redemptions will require changes to reduce or eliminate the
first-mover advantage that redeeming investors enjoy during stress episodes, and the
staff is currently evaluating options for money fund reforms.
My final page wraps up. To summarize, high asset prices could fall sharply if
adverse shocks are realized. Vulnerabilities in CRE and business debt are high. The
resilience of the financial sector—including the banks—has arguably taken a hit and
will be watched carefully. And structural vulnerabilities related to short-term funding
and liquidity transformation remain, although emergency facilities likely limit nearterm risks.
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That concludes the set of presentations for this go-round. Both Pauls and I would
be happy to answer any questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Thanks very much. Questions for our briefers? President Kaplan,
please.
MR. KAPLAN. This is a question for Paul Lengermann. I appreciate your presentation.
One question I had, and this goes to page 44, which tries to estimate when households—
particularly lower-income households—are going to run out of savings.
I guess one concern we have here is recent weakness—and I mean in the past two or
three weeks—in consumer spending. We are wondering if that doesn’t indicate that maybe these
lower-income households are running out of savings faster than we may have estimated. I am
curious what your reaction is to that.
MR. LENGERMANN. That’s certainly a possibility, though we haven’t seen too much
weakness yet in some of the high-frequency indicators we’ve seen. And so maybe the jury is
still a little out on that, but certainly that’s kind of why I showed the results from JPMorgan
Chase Institute, which showed a possibility that excess savings are running down a bit faster than
we’ve assumed.
The spending data were kind of mixed in October. It’s messed up by, you know,
Amazon Prime week and things like that, so it’s hard to tease out what’s happening in the highfrequency data that we’re seeing. But, certainly, if we saw a more consistent downturn in some
of those indicators, it might be a reason to worry.
MR. KAPLAN. Okay. Thank you, Paul.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Daly, please.
MS. DALY. Thank you. This is for Paul Lengermann and maybe Mike Kiley. So—and
I apologize if I just forgot or didn’t hear it in your presentation—when I think about the fiscal
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stimulus that you have penciled or not penciled in, do you think of those as symmetric? So if we
get fiscal stimulus, the economy goes up by a certain amount, and if we don’t get fiscal stimulus,
it goes down by a certain amount? Because when I was listening to Mike’s presentation and
from what I’m hearing from my contacts, it seems like the downside risk to no fiscal stimulus is
far higher than the upside gain, just in the sense that you can get this spiral: that there are
evictions, there are forbearances that can’t be paid, and this just sort of multiplies itself. So I
didn’t know how you thought about it in the domestic forecast.
MR. LENGERMANN. It’s certainly a possibility that there’s this interaction between the
delay or lack of additional stimulus and a lot of the risks that we’ve been worried about and that I
tried to highlight. To some extent, we are assuming that there are some recessionary dynamics
that are coming—with the amount of—in early next year already that, because we’re seeing an
absence of fiscal stimulus, it’s certainly possible that those could become worse. But it’s
unclear, too—aggregate excess savings are pretty high.
MS. DALY. Okay. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Okay. Any further questions? [No response] Okay. If not, we have
an opportunity to comment on financial stability, and we’ll begin with President Mester, please.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And I want to thank the staff for continued
impressive work in monitoring risks to financial stability in these really unique times. I really
appreciate the materials that were provided.
I appreciate the update on the System’s efforts to increase our understanding of the
implications of climate change for financial stability and how we’d be able to incorporate those
risks into our financial stability monitoring framework. And I really encourage the staff to
continue to work on this, as these risks are going to become larger over time.
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I also appreciate the review of the turmoil that afflicted the Treasury security and MBS
markets in March. These are very illiquid markets, but that didn’t protect them from market
dysfunction, which required action by the Fed to quell. These markets are critically important to
the overall functioning of the global financial system, so it’s critically important that we consider
what types of structural changes are needed in order to make these markets more robust. And
I’m very supportive of the work that’s going on across the System along these lines.
Now, as the draft of the Financial Stability Report shows, so far the financial system has
come through this shock much better than expected. Bankers are routinely telling me that they
were expecting—they are experiencing very low delinquency rates, much lower than they
actually anticipated they’d see. And they also are telling me that their customers’ balance sheets
remain quite healthy.
Partly this reflects the low interest rates that make debt service easier for households and
businesses, but partly it reflects the forbearance that bankers have offered their customers and
then the fiscal support that we just talked about as well. Bankers tell us many customers have
been able to weather through without asking for the forbearance, and bankers are surprised that
households and businesses have fared as well as they have. But, that said, the bankers are
increasing their loan loss reserve levels in anticipation of problems they expect to see in six
months’ time.
The regulatory framework put in place after the Great Financial Crisis, which
implemented higher capital and liquidity requirements, meant that banks were better able to
handle the negative pandemic shock. But firms went into the pandemic already with very high
levels of debt, and as the pandemic wears on, it’s going to be harder for some of these firms to
manage this debt. The levels of nonperforming loans and insolvencies can be expected to rise.
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Now, this may not lead to bank failures on a large scale because of the capital positions
of the banks at the moment. But the pressure on those capital levels could lead to a reduction in
banks’ ability and willingness to lend. The potential for capital pressures to lead to reductions in
lending was highlighted in recent research sponsored by the Conference of Presidents Financial
Stability Committee, which I chair and on which Presidents Rosengren and Harker and Vice
Chair Williams serve as members.
The staff’s review of the empirical literature on banking indicated that most studies find
that lower capital levels are associated with less lending. Across the studies, for each
1 percentage point decline in the capital ratio, the decline in lending growth ranged from
0.7 percent up to 10 percent. Most estimates fall in the lower part of that range, but the effect
was larger for smaller banks.
Part of the staff’s study extends this work using a structural model to help distinguish
supply and demand factors, and it finds results similar to those in the literature. Model
simulations suggest that in a U-shaped stress scenario similar to the COVID-19 stress-test
sensitivity analysis, bank lending declines more than 19 percent. Relative to this drop, a capital
injection consistent with a 1 percentage point increase in bank capital ratios during the stress
scenario would imply an increase in loan growth of about 2½ percent next year and in the
following year, with much of the adjustment coming from banks below the top 10 in terms
of assets.
Another part of the staff’s study used syndicated loans data and the Shared National
Credit database and estimated that a 1 percentage point decrease in bank capital is associated
with a 1 percent decline in bank loan supply. Now, if you define a resilient banking system as
one in which banks not only remain solvent but continue to lend in the face of downward shocks,
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then we should be particularly attuned to what happens to bank capital levels. Given the
forecast, we should continue to restrict dividends and share buybacks.
The staff’s study finds that the relationship between capital levels and lending is strongest
at the smaller-sized banks. Commercial real estate makes up a sizable share of assets for many
of these smaller banks, and those in the commercial real estate market are expecting problems to
arise over the next year. To the extent this leads to losses at smaller banks, it could result in a
pullback in lending that would disproportionately affect small firms already hit hard by the
pandemic. Such a pullback in lending would mean less support for the recovery. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Rosengren, please.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I have two comments on financial stability.
First, I want to highlight the results of the October Senior Loan Officer Opinion Survey on Bank
Lending Practices. It shows that banks have continued to tighten lending conditions and terms
on both commercial real estate loans and on commercial and industrial loans. It is important to
note that it is not necessary to experience widespread bank failures to, nonetheless, suffer a
significant reduction in loan supply that has serious consequences from a macroeconomic
standpoint, something that President Mester has just highlighted.
Too much of the financial stability discussion tends to focus on the solvency of large
banks. However, the focus should really be on credit availability. In particular, the driving
factor may not be the current level of bank ratios, though comments by Governor Quarles
indicate that buffers may already not be sufficiently large regarding the leverage ratio, but the
extent to which banks have a cushion of excess capital beyond their required capital ratios.
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Thus, the question should not be “Do banks have enough capital to avoid insolvency?”
but rather “Do banks have sufficient capital to ensure they do not significantly tighten credit
availability during a downturn?” In a second-wave scenario, particularly one more severe than
the “Second Wave” scenario envisioned in the Tealbook, this may become even more pressing.
A second comment concerns our current financial stability framework. Much of our
framework seems focused on the metrics of possible asset price bubbles. A more useful
framework would be to focus on directly measuring financial imbalances and excessive risktaking, which can contribute to subsequent real and financial distortions, including asset price
bubbles. It is relatively straightforward to determine that firms or households have much more
leverage than in the past, exposing them to possible tail events, or that mismatches of maturities
make financial intermediaries more susceptible to runs.
Focusing on asset price bubbles alone, which are quite difficult to clearly identify a
priori, has made it too convenient to argue against taking action, even when excessive risk-taking
is apparent. These two areas of concerns, which are apparent in this downturn, are one reason
why I would’ve preferred to have implemented a robust counter cyclical capital buffer (CCyB)
during the recovery period.
Unlike with fixed capital requirements, the ability to reduce required capital ratios
quickly as allowed by the CCyB provides a pressure release valve so that banks do not have to
tighten credit availability to the same extent in a downturn, thus easing the restrictions on credit
availability that can retard economic activity during the recovery.
It is important for us to research the amplification of current problems that has occurred
because we did not create policy space using our financial regulatory tools before being hit by
the pandemic shock. I hope that in subsequent meetings we can have a more robust discussion of
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financial stability concerns and whether our supervisory and monetary policy actions could be
made more robust in the future. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. First Vice President Feldman, please.
MR. FELDMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. We remain concerned about the condition
of large banks. And we’ll talk briefly about three points that people have raised to suggest that
banks are in good shape and then talk about why we don’t find those compelling, building on
what Presidents Mester and Rosengren said, as well as what Mike Kiley said.
First on that, pointing to the accounting measures that banks have, in terms of their
capital levels as evidence of their strength. Second, people have pointed to the lending that
banks have been engaged with during the pandemic. And, finally, and admittedly a low bar,
people have pointed out that the banks did not need to be bailed out. In all three cases, we have
concerns.
The Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis recently had a virtual event focused on
transparency and an assessment of large bank conditions—topics on which Sir John Vickers,
former chief economist at the Bank of England, spoke. And his point was very similar to what
Mike Kiley showed in one of his graphs: We should be looking more seriously at measures like
price-to-book or more sophisticated versions of those which look at market value of equity
instead of book value of equity.
And as Mike’s graph showed, for all of the domestic GSIBs, they are—except for
JPMorgan—below 1 by that measure. And if you look across these kinds of measures, you’ll see
that Citicorp and Wells Fargo show up as having very low measures, which suggests at least that
markets have material concerns about their condition. Now, certainly, these measures aren’t
perfect, but they’re informative, and they suggest that a high degree of concern is merited.
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Second, in terms of lending and the fact that banks continued to lend during the
beginning part of the COVID crisis, it is worth taking a look back at bank lending in the period
from mid-2007 to the end of 2008. During that period, when generally it’s believed that firms
drew on their unused committed lines, we saw a pretty large increase in lending, about
20 percent. And then shortly after that, bank lending collapsed.
So the fact that you can see a large increase in bank lending, particularly as people are
drawing down on their lines, is not necessarily evidence of the long-term ability of banks to
continue to lend. And if you look at the more recent data for the largest banks around C&I
lending, it does look like, I think it’s the general consensus, that what’s going on is, banks—that
their borrowers are pulling down on their lines. And those are the lines that were committed
many years in the past for potential aid.
So I think there is a little bit of caution about whether we should view that increase in
lending as something suggesting that banks will continue to lend at the same rate. And you were
going to point to the same SLOOS data that Eric discussed to suggest that we’ve already seen a
tightening of conditions.
And then, finally, to the point that banks have not been bailed out as a sign that maybe we
shouldn’t be as concerned as we might be otherwise, I think we find that a little bit misleading in
that the substantial amount of fiscal policy support as well as all of the activities of the Federal
Reserve clearly benefit the banks as much as anybody else. So while it’s not a direct bailout, the
support was clearly there.
In sum, I think we hope that banking conditions remain strong, but we think that there are
important warning signs already. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President George, please.
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MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. This most recent QS report makes clear that
fragilities in the financial system continue to be present despite improving economic data.
Highly leveraged businesses and unemployed households pose significant default risk to lenders
as policies support fades and the pandemic persists.
Beyond the banking system concerns, nonbanks face substantial funding risks should
conditions deteriorate again. While asset prices have increased, household balance sheets have
strengthened by some measures, and the outlook for corporate defaults has improved, the extent
to which these developments rest on stronger fundamentals as opposed to the benefits of policy
support remains unclear. Indeed, while the memo notes that the outlook for corporate credit
quality has stabilized among sectors not directly affected by the pandemic, it assumes no
additional COVID waves and the benefit of further policy support, a questionable assumption at
best with today’s uncertainties and risk.
Against this backdrop of great uncertainty about possible future stresses and losses, bank
dividend payouts continue to slow capital growth. Even though recent stress-test results suggest
that banks would be adequately capitalized through the hypothetical severely adverse scenario,
supervisory observations on the sensitivity analysis conclude that bank capital outcomes strongly
depend on additional stimulus and that several banks face near-minimum capital levels. This
analysis suggests further capital conservation would be prudent.
Finally, the report notes the observed dislocations in the Treasury market precipitated by
stresses at many nonbanking entities across the financial system. Although beyond the Federal
Reserve’s direct regulatory reach, addressing this vulnerability remains a key priority. Thank
you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kaplan, please.
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MR. KAPLAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I’m going to make a comment regarding
financial stability among nonbank financial firms. I’ve mentioned in previous meetings that
back to March, part of what happened in the markets that caused them to seize up was clearly
COVID and related shutdowns. But part of it was forced selling due to excess risk-taking,
particularly by nonbank financial firms.
And I like the comment that President Rosengren made. This issue of excess risk-taking
for me is less about assessing whether valuations are excessive and more about understanding
positioning and how firms are positioned. And what I mean by that is, a nonbank or a financial
institution or market participant could be taking excessive risk, and it looks benign until
volatility spikes, credit spreads gap out, and liquidity dries up.
Now, the good news for me is, while it’s not perfect, we have a good regime for banks in
assessing their positioning. We have tough capital requirements, but more importantly, we have
stress testing. So even if positioning looks benign, we can see it’s not benign when we stress test
it. We don’t really have that same regime, or even authority, for nonbank financials. And I think
a lot of what happened in March was in the nonbank financial area.
This is why I strongly support—and I’ve heard Governor Quarles talk about some of the
work that’s being done at the G-20—efforts to debrief and better understand what happened in
March: I think that’s great. To the extent that, in the future, there are FSOC efforts to debrief on
what actually happened in March and slow down and really dissect this and see what lessons and
potential reforms would be appropriate as a result, I think that would be a great development.
I’m very mindful that in these meetings in the past, many of my colleagues have said—
and I understand their point—that, really, monetary policy should keep its focus on how it affects
the economy and how we achieve our goals. And I get that. But I think, with this—for me— bit
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of a blind spot we have and lack of authority on nonbank financials, it’s easy for people like me
to get distracted in trying to look at how monetary policy also affects financial stability.
With the good work that others are doing to take a harder look at what happened in
March and we hope develop some reforms that will also affect nonbank financials, I think it’ll be
easier for us and, for me, personally, in the future to keep my focus on monetary policy, on how
it affects the economy and achievement of our goals, and a little less on worrying about how it
affects financial stability. So thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Quarles.
MR. QUARLES. Thank you. Thanks, Mr. Chairman. I’ll address three parts of the
financial system that I’d see as key to sustaining financial stability as we’re navigating through
the recovery. First, the large banks at the core of the financial system continued to show
substantial resilience through the end of the third quarter. I noted that President Mester said they
showed more resilience than expected. That might depend on who was doing the expecting.
Second, the potential damage related to some of the vulnerabilities stemming from high business
leverage appears to have been contained by the forceful actions of the Federal Reserve in March
and April and by the stronger-than-expected recovery, which, obviously, is significantly driven
by the first. And, third, on a cautious note, the vulnerabilities revealed in the Treasury market
and in nonbank financial intermediation when panic set in during March remain salient and will
have to be addressed.
So, first, the banks. Earnings reports for the third quarter revealed a banking system that
continues to weather the COVID event. Large banks’ CET1 capital ratios and loan loss
provisions are now materially above where they were at the beginning of this year. And that’s
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each of them, not the capital positions and loan loss provisions together as a single cushion. But
both capital ratios and loan loss provisions are higher than they were before the COVID event.
The previous aggressive provisioning in the second quarter and the much better-thanexpected economic performance have allowed banks to moderate provisioning in the third
quarter, which has supported continued profitability and, therefore, continued accumulation of
capital. As we look forward, measured credit quality has held up much better than expected,
even than I expected, with delinquency rates not having shown substantial increases. In some
cases, they’ve even declined despite the economic damage that we absorbed last spring.
Now, that resilience has been attributed in some cases to forbearance programs and to the
support for households and businesses in the CARES Act. So there’s a certain amount of
uncertainty about underlying credit quality. But I think it’s significant that both the Senior Loan
Officer Opinion Survey on Bank Lending Practices and bank earnings reports indicate that the
share of loans in forbearance has decreased significantly from the second to the third quarter.
And we haven’t seen cliff effects in quality resulting from that exit.
Bank of America declared that the deferral story is largely over in their most recent
earnings report. Some large banks reported that most, 85 to 90 percent, of their auto and credit
card customers that exited deferral have remained current. And the further tightening of lending
conditions that’s been reported in the SLOOS that a number of you have commented on, the
recent declines in outstanding loans at banks, does make ongoing credit availability a concern.
But I don’t see evidence that, right now, bank lending is being unduly constrained by
their capital or liquidity positions. And that’s consistent with the SLOOS, in which banks
continued to cite the uncertain economic outlook and industry-specific problems as the most
important reasons for tightening conditions on business loans. The SLOOS, in fact, showed
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some easing of standards for GSE-eligible residential mortgages—which suggests that banks are
looking for opportunities to expand lending profitably.
And most of the declines in bank loans are concentrated in areas in which demand is
unarguably weak. Declines in business loans at large banks are mainly attributable to
repayments of previous draws on corporate credit lines, and business loans at small banks have
been about flat. Credit card loans have decreased sharply this year, which reflects higher
payments from borrowers who received fiscal support, as well as lower transaction volumes.
Now, there remains an overarching concern about banks’ ability to generate consistent
profits during a very long period of ultralow interest rates. We’ll have to be closely monitoring
the adjustments that banks make in response to those challenges in order to be sure that they’re
just not adding risk in ways that they don’t understand or that contribute to systemic
vulnerabilities. But the largest area of vulnerability for banks right now—and not just for banks,
for many other financial intermediaries—is in their exposure to business debt, particularly
commercial mortgage debt.
Businesses entered the COVID event highly leveraged. A good number have added
significantly more debt, although as Mike Kiley noted, in many cases, firms may have held the
proceeds as a precautionary cash balance to ride out the disruption in economic activity.
Businesses in sectors most exposed to disruptions relative to COVID-19 are likely to continue to
struggle. Long-standing retailers have filed for bankruptcy. Hotel occupancy rates are still
depressed. The high-frequency data show a high and growing share of restaurants that have
closed permanently.
But aggregate data have painted a picture that, like the broader economy, suggests more
resilience to date than, again, even I had thought. The pace of corporate bond and leveraged loan
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downgrades has continued to slow considerably. It reached pre-COVID-event levels in
September. The three-month trailing default rate on corporate bonds is now only modestly
elevated.
And as the current low interest rate environment is unlikely to change over the medium
term, maybe longer, I’m comfortable putting significant weight on indicators that adjust for the
current levels of interest rates. By that standard, valuations on corporate bonds and equity are
near the middle of their historical distribution. And although the resilience of the bond and
leveraged loan markets surely reflects the availability of support from the Federal Reserve, the
actual active use of the facilities remains quite low.
Third, the Financial Stability Report highlights the dysfunction in the Treasury market
and the substantial weaknesses in the liquidity and resilience of nonbank financial
intermediaries, particularly those engaged in liquidity and maturity transformation like prime
money market funds and even longer-term bonds and bank debt funds.
And, as I noted in my remarks on the asset purchase round, I see continued vulnerability
in the Treasury market, as the Financial Stability Report details. We saw a generalized dash for
cash on a scale we’ve never seen. Many people point to hedge funds as a significant factor in the
March dysfunction, but the Financial Stability Report provides evidence that direct selling by
hedge funds was not likely the predominant factor.
Among other factors, I suspect these fragilities stem in some significant part from the
massive current and expected deficits. The resulting burgeoning of the total volume of Treasury
securities appears to have outstripped the private sector’s ability to handle those flows during
times of crisis, like in March, or in periods like September 2019, when different factors led to
significant strains, even in an otherwise healthy economic environment.
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The Financial Stability Board is also currently studying the disruptions in government
bond markets around the world that occurred this spring. And I think clearly one of the
recommendations from the FSB here has to be that we need better data on government bond
markets. As President Kaplan noted, as I’ve noted in our previous financial stability discussion,
the Financial Stability Board is also reviewing more broadly the vulnerabilities revealed in the
nonbank financial intermediation sector and will make recommendations with regard to potential
responses, not just a study.
In the context of considering those recommendations, some have been tempted to fall
back on the reforms that we implemented for large banks: higher capital requirements, higher
liquidity requirements for large and interconnected firms, especially because they appear to have
worked well for banks. But we know that the macroprudential framework for banking is not
easily adapted for the types of intermediaries that are under the most scrutiny: money market
funds and longer-term bond funds. Banks benefit from traditional backstops: deposit insurance,
the discount window.
Little support exists currently for the expansion of that type of government support to
funds. Additionally, the strains that arise across funds that are marked to market daily have
similar structures and the same investment objectives can’t be alleviated just by enforcing higher
prudential standards on the largest funds or fund complexes in the same way that we focused on
the largest banks with higher regulation, higher liquidity, and capital standards.
So regulators around the world took steps after the Global Financial Crisis to address
some of these issues, such as imposing fees and gates on mutual funds. The COVID event
revealed that vulnerabilities still exist. Indeed, it’s at least arguable—I mean, the jury’s still out,
but it’s arguable—that some of those measures actually exacerbated the problem as opposed to
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alleviating it, because some reports suggest that the existence of gates led investors to rush to
withdraw funds before those gates were closed.
In closing, I see banks and households remaining resilient. Nonfinancial businesses not
directly affected by the COVID event are holding up surprisingly well thus far. And I’m looking
forward to the continuing work of the FSB and others as to how to best address the ongoing
vulnerabilities in nonbank finance. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Daly, please.
MS. DALY. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thanks to the staff again for the analysis and to
Mike—that was a great presentation. I want to make just four quick points. The first one is
something that Mike said, which I want to just re-emphasize, that our policies and our actions,
our facilities, and those things have all helped with reaching our full employment goals and
supporting the economy. And, ultimately, that is one of the foundations to financial stability. So
that’s such an important point I wanted to highlight it. It’s not that we’re taking on more risk by
doing this; we’re actually mitigating risk if I’ve read the report correctly there.
The second thing, and I’m saying this point just after Governor Quarles and others, my
contacts are telling me, especially in real estate but also in places in which forbearance was given
and things, that they’ve been surprised at how resilient businesses and consumers have been.
But they’re not sure that the past 6 months predict the next 12—a point I’ll come back to later in
the economic statement—just because you eat through all of the foundational buffer you have,
and then you’re in a more vulnerable position. So I think I take a lot of solace from how resilient
it’s been so far, but I think there are still risks ahead that we’ll have to continue to watch in
the FSR.
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Now, regarding the two other points, it’s clear from the analysis that our actions and our
policies have been helpful. And something that my staff did led me to believe they’ve even been
more helpful than some of our aggregate measures might describe. And so I wanted to just point
to this research and offer that this is something we could probably look at.
So on this point about credit lines, it was clear that many of the credit lines were drawn
down. These are predominantly held by large firms. They draw them down, and there’s a
persistent reduction in bank lending then to small and medium-sized firms. That’s what my staff
found in the data. But they went on to do this research and said that once we opened our credit
facilities, some of these drawdowns are put back because now they can access the capital
markets more easily. And then lending to small and medium-sized businesses went back up.
Now, it might not be at levels that we’re all satisfied with, but it was still that reaction
that suggests that our credit facilities, even if they’re not targeted toward a group of small and
medium-sized businesses, have positive spillovers. And it seems like factoring in those types of
distributional effects would be important in just evaluating where our facilities have been very
effective, where they’ve been less effective, and which ones we want to, I guess, double down
on.
The final point I want to make is that I was very pleased to see the box in the
accompanying memo on climate risk in the FSR. As I mentioned in the past, I see climate
change as an important challenge to financial stability both as a source of shocks and as an
underlying vulnerability. The tragic wildfires in my District—and you can think of hurricanes
and others in other parts of the country, but the wildfires in particular in my District illustrate just
how quickly climate change can abruptly erode balance sheets and financial institutions.
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One of my contacts, who owns a smaller bank but still a very well capitalized one, said
that he had 2 percent of his loans in the areas affected by wildfires, but he was spending
100 percent of his attention on that because his expectation was not only that those loans would
be at risk, but that, importantly, there’d be repricing more generally in the aftermath of that as
people internalized the risks to their asset holdings.
So as regulators and supervisors, we need to ensure that banks are prepared for this risk.
And so I second the sentiment in the FSR that more study is needed to build our capacity to do
this accurately and identify vulnerabilities and prepare for future shocks. Ideally, I think we
would use this expertise to formally incorporate climate risks into our stress tests and our
regulatory framework down the road, largely because, as we’ve learned in the past, reducing
vulnerabilities and doing that intentionally is just as important—in fact, probably more
important—to reacting to the shocks once they’ve occurred. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Brainard, please.
MS. BRAINARD. Thank you. My compliments to the authors on an outstanding
Financial Stability Report. I want to mention three “takeaways.” First, the resilience of
financial markets at present is premised at least in part on market confidence associated with our
backstop facilities. Prudence would argue for extending these facilities beyond year-end. The
report reminds us there are two ways in which the emergency facilities support the flow of credit.
At times of peak stress, the facilities directly help meet credit demand in the classic
lender-of-last-resort mode. But even when they’re not actively in use, the capacity of the
13(3) facilities to step in provides investors with confidence that there is a backstop buyer. The
FSR concludes that strains in credit markets were eased by the mere announcement of the
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facilities, well ahead of their first credit extension. And it assesses that money markets would
still be fragile today without the facilities in place.
December 31 is a uniquely poor date to end any backstop facility. Allowing all of the
facilities to expire at a time of rising virus spread and elevated uncertainty about fiscal support,
with the added complication of year-end market dynamics, could invite run risks and a pullback
from intermediation. As noted by the Chair, I hope we can work with the Treasury to extend
these facilities into the next year.
Second, I agree with President Kaplan and Governor Quarles that the first financial crisis
since the GFC has revealed important vulnerabilities in short-term funding markets and has laid
out an agenda for future reform. As Mike Kiley noted, the need for emergency interventions
during the COVID shock in some of the same nonbank sectors as in the GFC and the fragilities
in the Treasury market highlight the priorities for future reform.
Vulnerabilities associated with risk at nonbank financial institutions have increased
because of the renewed growth in prime money market funds in the preceding two years, as well
as the increase in corporate debt held by open-ended mutual funds. Earlier reforms to prime
money funds appear to have accelerated runs as liquidity levels fell close to their required
30 percent weekly liquid assets requirement. Over the worst two weeks in mid-March, net
redemptions from institutional prime funds amounted to 30 percent of assets—similar to the
26 percent in the worst two weeks in September 2008.
A similar concern exists for certain mutual funds that offered daily redemptions against
$1.7 trillion in the corporate bonds they held in the second quarter, which is about one-sixth of
outstanding corporate bonds at that time. The record outflows in March caused considerable
strains for those funds, and their forced sales contributed to a deterioration in liquidity in fixed-
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income markets that was alleviated only by our intervention. This structural vulnerability had
been previewed extensively. Similarly, mortgage REITs also appear to have contributed to
market dysfunction in ways that had been well anticipated before the crisis.
In addition, March saw renewed fragility in the critical Treasury securities market as
participants attempted to raise cash by liquidating the securities that they viewed as least liquid.
Bid-ask spreads for off-the-run Treasury securities widened as much as 20-fold. Market depth
for on-the-run 10-year Treasury securities dropped to about 10 percent of its previous level, and
daily volume spiked to more than $1.2 trillion at one point, roughly four standard deviations
above daily average trading volumes in the previous year. It looks like foreign institutions
liquidated about $400 billion in Treasuries in March, more than half from official institutions.
Domestic mutual funds sold about $200 billion during the first quarter. And hedge funds
reduced cash positions an estimated $35 billion—somewhat less, as Governor Quarles noted,
than many outside observers estimated.
Procyclical margining may also have been a contributor. Absorption on the other side of
those trades appeared to have been impaired, possibly in part because of constraints on dealer
balance sheets imposed at the top of the house during a period that may have been complicated
by the move to work from home. Those fragilities necessitated about $750 billion in Treasury
purchases by the Federal Reserve during the second half of March.
That puts a high priority on a future reform agenda that could include wider use of central
clearing in Treasury cash markets and the potential for wider access to platforms that could
promote all-to-all trading and less dependence on dealer intermediation, as well as the important
FIMA repo facility that was put into place.
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Third, like President Daly, I welcome the analysis recognizing that climate change could
pose important risks to the financial system and exacerbate financial stability vulnerabilities.
The box does an excellent job of explaining why financial markets have difficultly analyzing and
pricing climate risks. A lack of clarity about true exposures to specific climate risks for both real
and financial assets, as well as heterogeneous beliefs across market participants about the sizes
and timing of these risks, can lead to widely dispersed valuations.
An important feature is the possibility of nonlinearities, or tipping points. A slow
evolution toward a threshold that generates an abrupt shift to an entirely new regime of shocks
poses considerable modeling challenges, especially in cases in which there’s little to no data on
historical distributions of such shocks. Chronic hazards like a slow increase in mean
temperatures, or sea levels, or a gradual change in investor sentiment about those risks could
produce abrupt repricing events.
Acute hazards such as storms, floods, or wildfires may reveal shifts that may cause
investors to update their perceptions of valuations abruptly. Anticipating the timing of those
swings in sentiment is extremely difficult. Our supervisors expect banks to have systems in
place that appropriately identify, measure, control, and monitor all of their material risks, and I
look forward to a point at which banks can have effective modeling in place for climate risks and
we are able to use hard data and analytical models to talk about the magnitude of risks to their
portfolios and what that means for vulnerabilities to the financial system.
Incorporating climate risks into our financial stability assessments will necessitate
considerable investments in data collection and model development. Standardized disclosures
will be crucial, and our work with the TCFD and the FSB is very important. The Board’s and
New York Fed’s staff are leading efforts on the FSB, as Governor Quarles mentioned, and on the
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Basel Committee. I’m hoping we’ll be able to join the NGFS, and we’re working with U.S.
agencies and foreign central banks to learn about climate scenario analysis and stress testing.
Substantial work remains to get from the recognition that climate change poses financial
risks to a stage at which the quantitative implications can be clearly assessed and managed, and
I’m delighted to see all the good work around the System.
And finally, just briefly, I appreciated the comments of Presidents Mester, Rosengren,
and George and First Vice President Feldman on the importance of retaining strong capital
buffers, rather than making payouts, in order to ensure that banks will continue to extend credit.
The sensitivity analysis that we performed a few months ago suggested many banks
would be operating within their stress capital buffers and close to their minimum requirements in
the U-shaped and W-shaped scenarios. Banks operating close to their regulatory minimums are
much less likely to meet the needs of creditworthy borrowers, and I would not want to see
tightening of credit conditions that could impair the recovery. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. And that concludes our round of comments on financial
stability. We’ll go straight into our comments on the economic outlook. And we’ll begin with
President Rosengren, please.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. At our previous FOMC meeting, significant
uncertainty about the likelihood of a second wave of infections was expressed. It seems that we
are experiencing that second wave right now. What remains uncertain is the size and persistence
of the wave and how severely the economy will react to it.
In Europe, as Paul described, hospitals are already being stressed. Europe’s more modest
interventions, such as limited curfews, proved insufficient, and now France, Germany, Spain,
and Italy, among other European countries, are applying economic shutdowns of varying
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degrees, although less restrictive than last spring. Mobility data for these countries had already
started to slow, even before these additional closures, showing that voluntary reductions in
activity were increasing. Once these added economic restrictions are in place, mobility will
likely decrease further.
In the United States, most states have seen a rise in infections, and many states began the
fall with higher infection rates than most European countries had at the end of the summer.
While most states have not reached the same level of hospital capacity constraints currently
faced in the worst-hit European countries, hotspots around the country are beginning to run out
of hospital beds. In fact, some locations have already begun opening field hospitals.
In more rural areas, medical personnel and facilities may start to become a more severe
constraint. While state leadership of some severely affected states may prefer to ration adequate
medical care rather than throttle the economy, self-preservation may contribute to additional
behavioral changes in individuals even in the absence of any comprehensive public health
response that restricts activity.
Consistent with growing economic concerns, stock prices have slumped. Until more
recently, oil prices had fallen, and Treasury rates had wavered. There is little doubt that the
economy has partially adapted to this pandemic, in part because of what we’ve learned about the
virus and better therapeutic treatments. Hence, I would not expect the magnitude of the effect of
the second wave on the economy to be as strong as last spring.
Still, under my underlying assumption of a significant second wave of infections taking
hold in the current quarter, I expect a rockier road on our path back to full employment than the
rapid recovery depicted in the Tealbook baseline. Specifically, I expect only limited progress in
labor markets over the next two quarters and a more gradual return to full employment. My
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forecast still has unemployment well above 6 percent by the end of next year, a substantial
difference from the Tealbook projection.
As we enter the second half of next year, however, I expect that the rollout of a vaccine
and the effects of my assumed substantial fiscal stimulus package will cause a significant
rebound in activity that continues into 2022. My near-term forecast pessimism is due in part to
the variety of ways a prolonged period of high infection rates will take its toll on the economy.
In the labor market, we have already seen labor force participation rates decline. A
widespread and significant second wave of infections likely ensures that most schools remain
closed and the ones that are open shut down at least part of the time. Many families, therefore,
will be forced to continue to juggle educating and caring for their children with conducting their
work. In extremis, parents working in occupations in which work at home is not possible will
simply be forced out of the labor market.
As a result, I expect the decline in labor force participation rates to persist for some time.
The longer the pandemic continues, the more problematic this becomes, and the need for some
parents to drop out of the labor force highlights the lack of good childcare options, particularly
for low- and moderate-income families. Workers dropping out of the labor force for caregiving
purposes also has implications for long-term growth, should people be reluctant or unable to
obtain similar jobs after a substantial period outside the labor force.
A prolonged period of high infections is also likely to result in more bankruptcies and
firm closures, which are likely to lead to more long-term unemployment. Hence, in the short
run, monetary policy must be as accommodative as possible to ensure a relatively quick return to
full employment. Despite the need for near-term policy accommodation, the implications of
long periods of low interest rates pose some serious long-term risks for the economy. My staff
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has looked at the role that high debt levels are playing on the depth of this recession despite a
significant policy response.
Work with macrodata finds an amplification effect on unemployment from a previous
period of rapid credit growth or low-risk premiums. A more micro approach looked at the
differences between publicly traded firms that declared bankruptcy this year and those that have
not—at least yet—in the consumer discretionary sector.
Both groups had debt-to-EBITDA leverage ratios less than 2 from 2007 until 2012.
However, the debt-to-EBITDA ratios of the firms in these two groups then diverged, with the
median debt-to-EBITDA ratio for the first set of firms that failed in 2020 steadily increasing
from 2012 onward and peaking at more than 7 in 2019. Note that the Main Street Lending
Program, designed for troubled borrowers, only allows a maximum debt-to-EBITDA ratio of 6,
as of the end of 2019, and only if there is collateral.
The consumer discretionary sector that relied more heavily on credit after the Great
Recession includes retail establishments and restaurants, sectors that employ many low-income
workers, women, and minorities. If low interest rates encourage excessive risk-taking and
excessive risk-taking results in firm bankruptcies that, in turn, contribute to significant losses of
employment for the most disadvantaged members of society, then prolonged periods of low
interest rates should be undertaken only with solid guardrails against excessive risk-taking.
The linkage between low rates, excessive leverage, and firm failures in economic
downturns should be explored more, both how it is affecting labor markets now and how it might
affect labor markets in the future with our new policy framework. Despite the unnecessary
suffering caused in part by the public health failure and the likely economic distress caused by a
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further prolonged period of high unemployment, I do expect that expansionary fiscal and
monetary policy will be reinforcing once the public health situation improves.
It is important, however, to begin examining whether the pandemic shock will have a
more long-lasting effect on the economy than the typical recession. The ability of many firms to
continue to operate efficiently with many more remote employees may have a lasting effect on
the business and office space landscape. On the positive side, more employees will stay in the
labor force if they have more flexibility about where and when they work. However, creativity
arising from informal employee interactions around the office is likely to be adversely affected
by the loss of serendipity when people interact less spontaneously via planned Zoom meetings.
It’s not just a coincidence that supercities were great creators of innovation and wealth.
Similarly, much of our urban infrastructure, from tall buildings in which to live and work to mass
transit to get workers into major downtown areas, could become stranded assets if firms
transition to a business model that minimizes the demand for expensive downtown real estate.
Finally, the most flexible workers tend to be those who are highly educated and adept
with computers and other technology. This means that workers with less educational attainment
may be disproportionately left behind if some of these economic shifts become more permanent
features of the economy. Such patterns will not be healthy for our economy or our democracy.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Clarida, please.
MR. CLARIDA. Thank you, Chair Powell. The flow of macrodata received since our
September meeting has continued to surprise on the upside, and GDP growth in the third quarter
was reported last week at a very robust 33 percent annual rate. Although spending on many
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services continues to be held back by voluntary and mandated social distancing, the rebound in
the GDP data has been broad based across goods consumption, housing, and investment.
For the third quarter as a whole, consumption expenditures are up 40 percent, residential
investment 59 percent, and equipment investment 30 percent, and, of course, all of those
annualized. These are, of course, the components of aggregate demand that benefited most from
robust fiscal support as well as low interest rates and our successful efforts to sustain the flow of
credit to households and firms.
In the labor market, private payrolls in September were up 877,000, and the
unemployment rate fell to 7.9 percent. Both were better than expected. But the unemployment
rate fell for the wrong reason—a decline in labor force participation, as pointed out by President
Rosengren. And total payroll gains at 660,000, while very healthy, fell short of consensus
expectations.
Core PCE inflation, which has rebounded strongly since May, came in weaker than
expected in the third quarter and is now running at a 1.5 percent annual rate on a year-over-year
basis. As I look ahead, notwithstanding the decline, if not collapse, in prospects for the passage
of a fiscal package before year-end, the economy does appear to have entered the fourth quarter
with very good economic momentum. And I’ll talk about the coronavirus in a moment.
Increases in personal income and outlays in September were much stronger than
expected, as were housing starts and durable goods. While Q4 GDP growth will downshift from
the once-in-a-century—we hope—33 percent growth rate in Q3, it is clear that, since the spring,
the economy has, at least so far, turned out to be more resilient in adapting to the virus and more
responsive to economic policy support than many, including myself, feared.
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In particular, I would note that while the buffer of aggregate savings accumulated by
households is starting to be drawn down, especially by lower-income households, the household
savings rate remains elevated at 14 percent, and the staff projects—and we can see that in the
exhibit—that the aggregate savings rate will return to its pre-pandemic level of about 7 percent
over the next three years.
Now, this is just a forecast, but if it happens, as a matter of arithmetic, this implies that
aggregate consumption will be growing much faster than disposable income, on average, over
the next three years, and that will, of course, be a material tailwind for the economy. Another
potential tailwind for the economy would, of course, be any fiscal package that the Congress
might ultimately deem to pass. As I understand it, the staff has built in zero incremental fiscal
stimulus to its baseline. While I will defer to others on assessing the odds, they clearly are
positive and not likely to be offset by a scenario with incremental fiscal contraction relative to
the baseline.
As I pointed out in September, the Committee’s SEP baseline and staff projections
foresee a relatively rapid return to mandate-consistent levels of employment and price stability,
certainly compared with the GFC. In particular, a return to mandate-consistent levels is
projected by the end of 2023 in the SEP, and the staff projections are similar. But to put these
projections in some context following the GFC, it took more than seven years to achieve roughly
comparable levels. Of course, these are projections, and a lot can go wrong as well as right.
My baseline outlook remains close to this, but I must acknowledge that the economic
outlook is remarkably uncertain and really more uncertain than I would’ve thought at our
September meeting. In particular, the surge in new cases and hospitalizations in the United
States and the news out of Europe regarding the second wave and shutdowns reminds us all that
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the downside risk to the outlook will remain until the arrival of an effective and widely deployed
vaccine is a reality. Thank you, Chair Powell.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Daly, please.
MS. DALY. Thank you, Mr. Chair. The large and unprecedented jump in third-quarter
GDP caps a string of upside data surprises, at least upside data surprises to me, and confirms that
the economy has made up a good fraction of the lost ground that it experienced in the initial
stages of the pandemic. But as I said earlier, this means that we now have a recession that looks
more like the Global Financial Crisis, which we thought was really bad and we wouldn’t see
again. So that just puts some perspective on it.
And similar to what President Rosengren said, this is also one that is heavily tilted toward
those who are least able to bear it—those at the bottom of the wage distribution and earnings
distribution. So it’s the same size as the Great Recession but more heavily tilted toward the low
end. And so this leaves us with a question of how protracted the remaining part of the recovery
will be, and I don’t sense a lot of optimism among my contacts on this front.
We spent a lot of time talking to a wide range of people about what their view is on this,
and they’re very nervous about the prospects for continued growth. They’ve given me several
things that they feel worried about, and they dovetail nicely with the things that I also worry
about, so I’m going to go over them in order. First, we’re in a much weaker position now to
weather any additional shocks. So whether there is a COVID shock or some other kind of shock,
we’re just in a worse position to weather it. When the pandemic started in the spring, the
economy was very strong; balance sheets were healthy, by and large, all around; and the strong
fundamentals helped cushion the recessionary blow. But from now on we won’t have this kind
of insurance or buffer.
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Second, the economic rebound that we have seen over the beginning months—the first
six months of the recovery—has been supported by tremendous monetary and fiscal stimulus.
And some of that support remains—for example, our monetary stimulus. Home and car sales are
still being boosted by low interest rates. I think one of the strengths of the housing market has to
do with the fact that we have low mortgage interest rates, so I think those are really good
outcomes. But the fiscal stimulus from the CARES Act has declined, and the size of any new
fiscal package remains highly uncertain, although I’m not as pessimistic as the baseline. I’m
more on the idea that the probability is we’ll get something that’s positive. I even think it’s
likely.
Finally, an important pre-condition for continued recovery—and others have mentioned
this—is that the virus remains well contained. And, unfortunately, the public health trajectory
here is very worrisome. COVID caseloads and hospitalizations are trending higher across the
country, and a resurgence of the virus, even if there aren’t lockdowns associated with it, will
damp people’s willingness and ability to engage in economic activity. And the associated
economic slowdown will weigh on balance sheets and financial markets. Balance sheets of
households and small businesses, in particular, I think would suffer if consumer demand falls off
in any material fashion.
To get a sense of this, we only need to look abroad. Right now, most of those in Europe
are in the midst of a second wave, and they are already seeing measures of economic activity
starting to slow. So although I am not penciling in a dramatic slowdown in the United States as
my modal forecast, I do think that the next 12 months are very unlikely to look like the past
6 months. And I see this especially in the labor market, for which it’s easy to get ongoing realtime data.
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During the first six months of the pandemic—and here I’m saying things we all know—
the unemployment rate spiked as we all went to our homes to try to fight the virus. As it became
safer to engage, unemployment then fell sharply, retracing two-thirds of its rise. And this is
something that we’ve all seen. It’s highlighted in the Tealbook.
More recently, though, data on the labor market recovery have been less vigorous as
more conventional recovery dynamics take hold. So, if you were just looking at a simple picture
of the past six months, it would look like a “1980s”—sort of a V-shaped—recovery:
Unemployment goes up sharply, then it comes down sharply. And you think we’re in good
shape, but then the recent data are pointing to something that looks much more like the past two
so-called jobless recoveries.
If you look for a reason for this, well, there is ongoing uncertainty holding back
aggregate demand. Layoffs remain elevated, and the job finding rate has dropped. So these are
things that are just part of normal recessionary dynamics. Importantly, if you look at the data,
the composition of laid-off workers has also changed—sorry, my cat has just decided to get up
here, sorry, guys—shifting from largely temporary to mostly permanent, meaning that the ties
to—hopefully she won’t turn this off. Come here. Just sit here. Okay. So using—sorry, guys.
She always comes at the wrong time. Basically, if you shift from temporary layoffs to
permanent layoffs, you separate the ties from all the workers, and they don’t have their
employment relationship anymore. So there’s just a slower onboarding once they do get into a
position to find jobs.
If you take all of the data I just mentioned before my cat made her debut and you put
them in a model—the San Francisco Fed staff have found that using past historical dynamics and
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the data that are incoming in the past several months—then the unemployment path will slow
quite considerably over the next 12 months relative to what it’s been over the previous 6 months.
So, of course, slower progress in unemployment is bad news for workers, households,
and also for potential output, as highlighted by President Rosengren and as also shown in the
special box in the Tealbook. Protracted recoveries leave lasting damage that takes effort to
unwind. The longer that people are out, the harder it is for them to get back in. Skills depreciate,
organizational capital falls as firms fail, and businesses reduce capital and labor investment as
they reassess the future.
But the size of these effects and their duration depend, in part, on our policy response,
and here I find the experience of the Great Recession to be very instructive. In the wake of the
largest economic decline since the Great Depression—and as I said earlier, the one we hoped
would be the deepest in our lifetime—there were pervasive concerns.
I’ve spent years of my life, actually, studying these—about skill mismatch and scarring,
and when we permanently push workers out and when the labor force participation rate never
recovered because there had been some lasting damage. And what we saw in the previous
expansion was that those concerns proved to be unfounded. Supported by monetary policy, with
a long expansion, people came back into the labor force, and the unemployment rate fell to
historic lows.
And the same is possible now. While it’s true we can’t turn retail, travel, and hospitality
workers overnight into coders doing technical work, a robust economy and robust job market
will provide opportunites to encourage firms and workers to take them. In my view, the real
lesson, if you boil it down, about the Great Recession for the labor market is that firms and
workers are flexible. They reinvent themselves regularly, and they prove much more adaptable
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than our models would predict. And that’s evidence-based optimism, I think, more than just our
good disposition, Governor Quarles. So I see no reason the same thing can’t be true this time.
Finally, let me say a few words about our other mandate: inflation. An improving
economy has contributed to encouraging views on inflation. Although higher prices partly result
from transitory factors like a surge in pent-up demand for durable goods—also known as used
cars—San Francisco Fed analysis points to a steady inflation recovery in sectors most directly
affected by the pandemic, and I think the Tealbook analysis also shows that. But even with these
increases, inflation is barely back to its pre-pandemic levels. So, clearly, more progress is
needed, especially under our new framework of flexible average inflation targeting.
To sum up my remarks, there is no doubt the economy is in a better place—a better place
than I expected just a few months ago. But continued progress toward our goals is far from
guaranteed, and it will take our continued efforts to ensure that we eliminate employment
shortfalls and achieve average 2 percent inflation over time—a topic that I will return to
tomorrow. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Harker, please.
MR. HARKER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’m in general agreement with the baseline
forecast in the Tealbook. And like the staff, I acknowledge the unusually high degree of
uncertainty surrounding this forecast or, frankly, any forecast. It is an uncertainty that we have
never dealt with, and the medical landscape is one that can change rapidly and unexpectedly as
we are seeing. But I remain cautiously optimistic that an effective vaccine will be widely
available in a year’s time, and that life will slowly return to a more normal setting.
The strength in consumption that is reflected in the staff’s forecast is borne out by the
high-frequency credit and debit card data that we collect at our Consumer Finance Institute. And
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we’re seeing little evidence that the end of government stimulus has, as yet, affected
consumption. Consumption growth has not varied much across Zip codes and we are
experiencing varying degrees of unemployment in the District, but we’re not seeing that
consumption growth is really varying. It’s not really varying much between consumers who had
low, as opposed to high, credit scores before the pandemic, so it’s pretty widespread.
The data we collect on credit and debit card purchases are also consistent with fairly
strong consumer spending, with some data showing noticeable improvement over the same week
a year ago. Strength continues to be concentrated in groceries, other nondurables, and home
improvements. Relying on our fifth national survey conducted between September 1 and 17, my
staff has taken a deeper look at personal income and saving behavior. Compared with the first
week of April, we observed a decline in the percentage of workers furloughed from roughly
18 percent to 12.6 percent.
And the profile of personal income has remained remarkably stable. Slightly more than
half of respondents reported no change in income, and the percentage reporting that they have
received no income declined from 11.2 percent in April to 4.8 percent in September. However,
roughly half of the respondents reported some disruption in income at some point during the
crisis. And although the percentages reporting some disruption are remarkably similar across
income groups, they are disproportionately affecting the young and people of color.
On a positive note, 72.4 percent of people who were employed before the pandemic
reported being employed consistently since the outbreak of COVID-19, and 22 percent have
returned to their old jobs. This is actually consistent with national statistics on reemployment.
Thus, a large fraction of those who were working pre-COVID remain employed. More troubling
is the fact that nearly 30 percent of all respondents indicated they worry that they will not be able
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to make ends meet over the next three months. There does appear to be a good deal of
uncertainty hanging over many families.
Regarding consumption and savings, over the next three months, 76.3 percent of those
surveyed plan to spend at least as much as they are spending now, even though 34.5 percent of
respondents saw a decline in their liquid savings since March 1. Based on this result, fourthquarter spending should remain fairly strong. The biggest drivers for the decline in savings were
the loss of income and an increase in living expenses. For those who experienced an increase in
savings, the main reasons were stimulus payments and a decrease in both living and
transportation expenses.
Regarding the Third District, the regional economy continues to improve but does remain
below its pre-pandemic levels. The service sector and manufacturing surveys are at or above
their nonrecessionary averages, and manufacturers are experiencing robust activity. The indexes
for general activity, new orders, and shipments are at healthy levels, and manufacturers remain
optimistic, with plans to increase future employment and cap-ex. The service sector is also
improving but, of course, at a slower pace.
One highly diversified manufacturer reported some extremely upbeat news about current
circumstances and his outlook for 2021. While most lines are still below pre-pandemic levels,
activity is significantly stronger than he expected five months ago. His Asian business is
experiencing a V-shaped recovery, and growth should, on net, be positive over 2020. High-tech
and autos have been especially strong. In Europe, despite the resurgence of the virus, there has
been a nice rebound in activity, and he is experiencing his first positive backlog in 18 months. In
the United States, the rebound is slow and steady, with activity still below pre-pandemic levels.
He has two months of solid orders, and the intermediate goods he produces are selling through to
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final users. He also cannot meet all of his current demand. With saving on contractors and
travel, there has been solid growth in cash flow, and he is actually expecting income growth of
10 percent in 2021. As a result, additional investments are being contemplated. According to
this contact, the experience of COVID-19 is nothing like the pain his firm underwent in 2008 and
2009. And barring further lockdowns due to COVID-19, he expects 2021 to be a strong year.
Regarding Pennsylvania, consumption in Pennsylvania appears to be somewhat above
pre-pandemic levels but is still lagging in New Jersey. It has been especially robust in lowincome Zip codes, perhaps reflecting the fact that 69 percent of CARES Act recipients were
receiving income at or above their pre-pandemic levels, and that the median replacement rate
was 134 percent.
A special regional survey of small businesses shows that we are seeing significant
improvement in hours worked, in the number of locations open, and in the number of people
working. Small business revenue has also been improving since April, but the trend in these
series has flattened in recent months.
In summary, with a few exceptions, the regional economy continues to improve. But,
again, it is below its pre-pandemic levels. There appears to be some breadth in the improvement,
and contacts remain fairly upbeat, fairly optimistic. And the available high-frequency data that
we have examined lead me to project continued but somewhat slower growth. Thank you, Mr.
Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Mester, please.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Overall economic activity in the Fourth District
continued to improve over the intermeeting period, but firms indicated that a high level of
uncertainty is clouding their outlook, notably the recent surge in COVID-19 cases. So far, that
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uncertainty has mainly affected planning horizons, which have become much shorter than they
are in normal times.
The Cleveland Fed’s staff diffusion index of business conditions was plus 39 in
November, its highest reading since the spring of 2018. The increase reflects a shift among
companies that previously reported declining conditions to now reporting stable conditions. On
average, revenues across firms are about 90 percent of pre-pandemic levels, but this continues to
be a tale of two cities, with some sectors doing very well and others still in a deep hole.
For example, through the beginning of October, spending at hotels and restaurants in the
District’s states remained about 20 percent lower than a year ago, while spending on
entertainment and recreation remained at least 35 percent lower. A recent survey of Ohio
restaurants indicated that nearly two-thirds expect that, if they continue to operate at current
restricted capacity levels, they will go out of business within the next nine months. In contrast,
sellers of consumer durables, such as automobiles, appliances, and furniture, reported robust
sales in recent weeks.
Apparel and general merchandise retailers also reported that their recent sales had been
better than expected, with more in-store traffic than had been expected even as COVID-19 cases
have increased again in District states.
Manufacturing in the District has also picked up, with District auto production in
September about 6 percent above year-ago levels. And several producers noted that some of
their orders reflect customers acting to replenish their inventories.
The housing market in the District remains strong, and there was some improvement in
activity among nonresidential builders. Several reported that projects that had previously been
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put on hold had been restarted. The outlook for office and retail construction continues to be
weak, but demand for warehousing and industrial space remains relatively strong.
Now, the pickup in activity has begun to strain available freight capacity, resulting in
much longer delivery times to receive shipments and sharp increases in freight spot rates. One
freight company has increased its per-mile rate for truck shipments by 30 percent compared with
a year ago, while rates to ship containerized cargo across the Pacific have reportedly more than
doubled since the start of the year. Capacity is expected to remain tight through the middle of
next year.
The District’s labor market continued to improve at a pace similar to that of the nation.
The District’s unemployment rate fell again in September to 8.1 percent. But despite high
unemployment, many firms report they’re having trouble hiring workers, and some are raising
wages in response. Auto production has been hard to maintain at some plants as COVID cases
led to quarantines, and it’s been difficult to attract enough workers with temporary replacements.
Contacts are unsure of what the main driver of the labor scarcity is. Some cited the
expanded unemployment benefits offered earlier in the pandemic as being a factor, but they
haven’t seen an improvement since these benefits have been scaled back since the end of July.
Others cited the workers’ need to provide childcare for preschool children or those being
schooled remotely, similar to what President Rosengren reported on.
Recent results from the Cleveland Fed’s daily national survey of consumers indicate that
compared with workers without children, those with children were considerably more likely to
report a change in their normal work schedule since February and, conditional on a change, were
more likely to report a reduction in hours.
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Even firms that are not looking to hire more workers are finding labor market conditions
challenging. Several District contacts reported they’re finding it hard to maintain their
productivity because of the variability they’re experiencing in their workforce levels where, on
any given day, there are some workers who unexpectedly have to stay home because a school is
closed or because they’ve been exposed to the virus. These labor market dynamics are
something that I think we need to look into more to understand what’s really happening there.
Regarding the national economy, incoming data continued to surprise to the upside, and
the economy is proving more resilient than expected. As anticipated, real GDP growth
rebounded in the third quarter, with strengthen in consumer spending, housing, and business
investment and equipment.
Labor market conditions have improved faster than expected, with strong gains in
employment and declines in the unemployment rate. But, remember, this is really the reopening
part of this recovery. The levels of output and employment are still far below their pre-pandemic
levels. As of the third quarter, the level of real GDP remains 3½ percent below its peak in the
fourth quarter of last year. As of September, payroll employment is 7 percent below its level in
February, and that’s almost 11 million jobs.
The recovery continues to be very disparate across sectors, and I expect that to continue,
because of the nature of the pandemic shock. The service sectors that are relying on person-toperson contact are going to languish until a trusted vaccine is developed and widely distributed,
and this is going to take some time. Sectors that benefit from the country’s move to online work
and the need for social distancing are benefiting, with many operating at levels that are higher
than those they saw before the pandemic.
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The disparities are also being seen in the inflation data, in which strong demand for goods
such as used cars, furniture, and appliances has pushed up durable goods inflation to its highest
level since 1995, while weak demand has led services price inflation to be at the lower part of its
range over the past 10 years.
Now, the disparities in the recovery are going to cause some challenges for monetary
policy. The natural policy response in a situation like this is targeted fiscal action that can
provide relief to the households, firms, and state and local governments that have been bearing
the brunt of the effects of the virus on the economy and are finding it harder to recover.
There are some limits on the ability of monetary policy to support particular parts of the
economy. And despite the stronger-than-expected data we have seen so far, I’m less sanguine
than the Tealbook about the recovery without further fiscal action. But I also continue to think
that we’ll see another fiscal policy package either late this year or early next year. In fact, there’s
some chance of a package that’s larger than anticipated, which is an upside risk to my baseline
forecast that sees the recovery continuing over the next few years, supported by accommodative
monetary policy.
I agree with the sentiment that’s been expressed that the pace of the recovery is going to
be slow from this point out and slower than we’ve seen already, because we’re entering more of
a kind of recovery phase as opposed to a reopening phase. The recent surges in virus cases in the
United States and Europe continue to suggest there’s significant downside risk to the outlook.
Now, another challenge for monetary policy is disentangling the demand shocks from the
supply shocks that have been unleashed by the pandemic. A drop in demand is clearly affecting
some parts of the economy, while other parts are experiencing an increase. On the other hand,
supply constraints are affecting output levels in some sectors. Some workers have had to pull
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back on their labor supply to care for children, and, as the Tealbook points out, automation of
work may accelerate, affecting the economy’s productive potential.
I agree with President Rosengren, these are longer-run effects that we need to know more
about and to analyze. To the extent that supply-side forces weigh on the economy’s potential,
even if that’s only temporarily, they are going to place some limit on what monetary policy can
do to support attainment of that potential. I don’t mean this to mean that we should pull back on
the accommodation that we have in place. I think it’s definitely needed. But I also think that
fiscal policy needs to be applied as well. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. We’re going to take a break now, and we’ll come back
at a quarter after three East Coast time. The rest of you can do the arithmetic. It’ll be a
20-minute break. So thanks very much. See you in 20 minutes.
[Coffee break]
CHAIR POWELL. All right, let’s get going. And we’ll go back with President Bostic,
please.
MR. BOSTIC. Thank you, Mr. Chair. In what is unfortunately becoming too much of a
pattern in 2020, I will start off my comments with an update on the latest in a string of hurricanes
that impacted the Sixth District this year. There have been nine Gulf storms so far in 2020.
With Hurricane Zeta’s landfall on October 28, five of those storms made landfall in Louisiana.
I’ll add that this most recent hurricane led to significant power outages for over 2 million
households across the Southeast, and my household was one of them.
The collective toll of the storms has been great. According to the Claims Journal, preZeta, storm damages so far in 2020 had totaled $26 billion, and this number will undoubtedly
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rise. Hurricanes Laura and Delta brought devastating housing damage, causing a mass relocation
of thousands of residents that will continue for months.
Businesses were also severely affected. One of my New Orleans branch board directors
summarized the small business sentiment by saying, “Owners are exhausted. They’re done.”
Along similar lines, the string of storms has made this hurricane season one of the costliest ever
for Louisiana’s agricultural sector.
Regarding the broader economy, while I am pleased to see that the aggregate indicators
continue to signal that the recovery is under way, I continue to believe that the best
characterization of the underlying economy is the “less than” symbol. On the upward trajectory
of that symbol, a significant swath of the economy either largely escaped the effect of the
pandemic or actually benefited from pandemic-induced shifts in demand. On the downward
slope of the symbol, there are many households and businesses that have few prospects for
recovery as long as the coronavirus remains as a health threat. The challenges for this group are
twofold. First, the recovery hasn’t reached them yet. Second, the initial fiscal relief that they
received has mostly ended, and the backstop of funds from that support is rapidly being depleted.
Regarding this latter point, while my banking contacts say the deposit growth has been
extraordinary, now that fiscal relief programs have expired, it is becoming clear that households
are rapidly drawing down those support funds. One credit union contact in the District analyzed
accounts at their bank that received stimulus checks in April and May. While deposits rose
significantly in May and June, by the end of September, only 10 percent of those stimulus check
funds remained.
This is consistent with a recent report from the JPMorgan Chase Institute, which was
cited by the staff this morning. This study found that the expiration of federal unemployment
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relief support at the end of July was associated with a 14 percent decline in spending by the
unemployed in August, roughly back to the pre-pandemic baseline. The study also found that
nearly 70 percent of the extra funds from the relief had been drawn down. Taken together, these
studies clearly suggest that financial constraints could escalate rapidly in the absence of
additional relief funds or a quick resolution of the pandemic.
On the business side, extensive outreach to contacts from across the District, in
combination with insights obtained from the Atlanta Fed’s Economic Survey Research Center,
reveal a cloudiness about the future. Recent data provided in the Atlanta Fed’s Survey of
Business Uncertainty highlight the fact that firms’ expectations of future sales are much more
diffuse relative to the pre-COVID period, with a clear movement of expectations toward the tails
of the distribution. This diffusion of sales expectations is perhaps a byproduct of heightened
uncertainty among firms, which in the October survey remains nearly as high as it was back in
April. And this uncertainty is driven not just by those firms on the downward slope of the lessthan symbol, but also by firms currently experiencing strong sales. For example, several District
contacts noted that despite strong current business activity, they will remain quite cautious
moving forward. This caution was driven in part by a recognition of the deep distress of some in
their communities.
Indeed, some contacts noted that absent fiscal relief, firms that are already struggling
under the weight of the pandemic will falter completely. This is consistent with what President
Mester commented on just a moment ago, and this is especially true for smaller firms and
nonprofits. This broad business sentiment has put a major drag on cap-ex decisions. The vast
majority of District contacts indicate that nearly all strategic investment plans have been shelved,
and that only maintenance investment expenditures are being green lighted until the current
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uncertainty is resolved. On balance, firms in the Survey of Business Uncertainty anticipate
slashing capital expenditures more than 15 percent in light of the highly uncertain landscape.
More broadly, many businesses are reporting that steps they have taken to reorient their
activities during the pandemic are likely to remain in place moving forward. As noted in the
Tealbook box on “Possible Long-Term Effects of the COVID-19 Recession,” the Atlanta Fed’s
Survey of Business Uncertainty showed that firms expect remote work by employees to triple
post-COVID relative to pre-COVID levels.
And a contact in the warehousing and distribution industry noted that companies plan to
permanently adopt many of the health safety measures implemented in response to the
coronavirus—which means that firms will need to find ways to raise prices or cut costs in order
to avoid having margins permanently squeezed by the significant additional costs of these
measures.
Looking forward, I see growing headwinds to the next stage of the labor market recovery
even as business revenues return to pre-crisis levels. District contacts observed that businesses
in industries most negatively affected by the pandemic are downsizing their headquarters.
Contacts also noted a similar trend among companies that are currently benefiting from strong
sales that are paring back at executive levels while continuing to hire at lower levels to meet
surging demand.
Finally, the steady stream of comments from business owners telling us that they are
focused on cutting costs and finding increased efficiencies in part through innovation strongly
suggests that the recovery in output will not be accompanied one-for-one with recovery in
employment.
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Now, like President Daly, I do think there is resilience in labor markets, and skill
rebuilding is possible. But this is best done with institutional support rather than in a more
haphazard way. And this is one reason why the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta established the
Center for Workforce Development and Economic Opportunity, which seeks to promote
investment in a workforce development infrastructure that can facilitate these transitions more
efficiently. We can play a key role in minimizing the pain of these disruptions moving forward,
and I think we should do so.
I’d like to conclude by turning to inflation. Alongside the dramatic real-side economic
shock, COVID-19 has been incredibly disruptive to underlying inflation measurements, so much
so that we should all have little confidence in the forward trajectory of inflation once the
pandemic is over.
The COVID pandemic has led to some absolutely dramatic relative price swings. The
overall price change distribution has exhibited an unusually high amount of dispersion and
volatility since the onset of COVID. But I want to focus on a few particularly salient relative
price changes to highlight my point. First, due to a combination of increased demand resulting
from commuters attempting to avoid mass transit options, less confidence over future incomes,
and some supply issues in connection with new models, used auto prices as measured in the CPI
have surged, rising at a record annualized rate of 75 percent over the past three months. Now,
I’m not sure that anyone could argue with a straight face that this is inflation as a monetary
policymaker should define it. Yet this single relative price change has pushed up the 12-month
growth rate in the core goods price by nearly a full percentage point and added nearly threetenths to the 12-month trend in core inflation. And we typically quibble over a lot less than that.
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Another perhaps more troublesome price change complicating inflation measurement is
what’s happening with rents. Again, due to the effect of the pandemic, inflation for both pure
rent and the implied rent of owner-occupied homes has slowed more than ½ percentage point
since February. Because of the immense weight that rents have in the consumer’s market basket,
especially in the CPI, and the construction of price changes for rents, which rely on six-month
percent changes, it is very likely this particular price change will influence underlying inflation
measurement for some time to come. And the staff spoke to this in panel 7 of the outlook
earlier today.
Finally, in the eight months since the onset of the pandemic, we have seen some of the
swiftest changes in household spending patterns in history. For example, nominal PCE spending
on durable and nondurable goods have increased 13 percent and 14 percent, respectively, in the
third quarter relative to the same period a year ago. And spending on nominal PCE services has
declined 6 percent over the same horizon.
These huge swings in consumer demand have contributed to significant shifts in the
prices for these categories, yet we have no clear view of the persistence of these shifts in
demands or the response of businesses with regard to pricing and production capacity decisions.
These developments since the onset of COVID, in addition to the increased potential for
mismeasurement due to the changes in the BLS’s method for surveying prices, have gotten me
and my staff thinking more deeply about issues related to the measurement and interpretation of
underlying inflation dynamics.
Given that that these dynamics are central to deriving a view of the appropriate stance of
policy, my team is considering developing a tool for monitoring inflation similar in spirit to our
GDPNow and wage tracker monitoring tools, which we hope will allow policymakers as well as
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the public to see a broader picture of inflation as we continually seek to assess the price stability
portion of our dual mandate. We anticipate having this tool ready to share in the near future, and
we’ll keep the Committee apprised of our progress. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kaplan, please.
MR. KAPLAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. By and large, our Dallas Fed economists
agree with the Tealbook forecast not only for 2020, but for 2021, so I think it’s more interesting
to comment about how we’ve been feeling over the past few weeks. I would say the risks to the
downside, we feel, are much pronounced in the past couple of weeks.
I’m optimistic about the medium term, but I’m increasingly concerned about what’s
going to happen in the next six months. There are two main reasons for that, which are I think
shared around this group. One is whether fiscal stimulus is going to be extended and the effect
that the waiting period has had on particularly vulnerable groups. And two is the COVID
resurgence and how it’s affecting mobility and engagement.
I’ll just comment on the fiscal stimulus front. Obviously, we’re hearing every day, and
I’m hearing every day, how it’s causing some person-to-person small businesses to be very
concerned about their ability to survive the next six months. But beyond that, I’m very worried
that lower-income households are particularly vulnerable to a failure to extend fiscal relief. And
while there’s uncertainty about when their savings will run out, I hear feedback very similar to
President Bostic’s from banks and other contacts that maybe it is already running out now.
Related to that, we particularly note the deterioration over the past several months in
labor force participation among those with a high school education or lower, particularly among
women, particularly among Black women with children. And in our local communities that we
work with in the 11th District, we’re widely concerned, and business leaders are increasingly
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concerned, about the economic vulnerability of those who have less educational attainment,
those who have less access to childcare, less access to broadband, and are going to need to be
reskilled in order to reenter the workforce. And we, like President Bostic and many of you, are
having extensive conversations on how to beef up skills training in order to get prepared for that.
On the COVID resurgence, I’ll just mention, we use a measurement here: a Mobility and
Engagement Index at the Dallas Fed. Just to give you a comparison, that index measured zero in
February, got as bad as negative 100 in April, and, since April, has consistently rallied with some
fits and starts but stalled out at negative 40 around July and August and has really never
improved from there. It reads around negative 40 for the state of Texas and it reads around
negative 40 right now for the country. What we’re starting to notice, though, in the past couple
to three weeks, is that index in certain parts of the country is beginning to move lower. So, close
to home, El Paso is a good example that has been widely reported to have a severe resurgence.
Its Mobility and Engagement Index has gone from negative 40 to about negative 60. Wisconsin
as a state has gone from about negative 40 to the negative high 50s. And there are other
examples in which we’re seeing resurgence lead to a real deterioration of mobility and
engagement.
I guess the good news is, we think deterioration of mobility and engagement most
severely affects only services consumption, which is about 40 percent of GDP. But I mention
this because in our downside case for the economy, it is our estimate that if the rest of the
country ultimately migrates down to a negative 60, which we’re increasingly seeing in spots on
our map that we track, that would mean instead of a contraction of 2½ percent for 2020, it would
be a contraction of 4 percent for the year and negative GDP growth in the fourth quarter. And I
must say, over the past few weeks as we watch the high-frequency data in mobility and
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engagement and we see more and more localities gravitate down, we think that downside
scenario is becoming more likely, not less likely.
Let me just comment—in some of our calls with contacts, and I guess I would echo what
Loretta Mester said about a tale of two cities, and Raphael Bostic talked about it, there’s
obviously those firms that are in person-to-person contact industries that I don’t need to
mention—airlines, hotels, restaurants, movie theaters, entertainment, and some retail—are seeing
very difficult times. Business is not picking up.
The exceptions are those that have been able to use technology to facilitate ordering,
delivery, and pickup, and they’ve been able to offset their demand loss, albeit at lower margins.
And we also see a striking difference in our conversation between those businesses and those
sectors that have leverage and those that do not. We know how difficult it is for those businesses
to get bank loans right now.
The flip side is, those businesses that sell durable goods, cater to residential real estate,
are in the home improvement business, grocery business, or service businesses—professional
services, in particular—who are able to work remotely with their customers are seeing solid
business, and their expenses in most cases are down. And many of them have pruned their staff
and senior executives. So they’re actually seeing very good profitability.
I would say, by and large, though, when we looked at our surveys and the one we just
completed among several hundred businesses and talked to larger contacts, there’s great
pessimism and concern that we’ll have a tough fourth quarter and a tough first quarter of next
year. But there’s a lot of optimism that, in the spring and beyond, business is going to recover.
And a number of these businesses, particularly those that have access to the public markets, are
actively planning to gear up cap-ex and other expenditures to get ready for that resurgence in the
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middle of next year even though they’re braced for a rough fourth quarter this year and first
quarter next year.
Most CEOs I speak with are looking to increase dramatically their investment in
technology and have a heightened awareness that they’re going to have to move very
aggressively here in order to deal with disruptive competitors and, in their view, a lack of pricing
power. Those who have had pricing power in the past six, eight months because of supply
outages do not expect them to continue. They expect these supply issues to get resolved, and
they’re going to have to find ways to lower their costs.
And they’re pessimistic about their pricing power. Size and scale, they tell us, have
never been more important. This is why merger activity is on the minds of most CEOs I speak
with, because they need to increase their size and scale to improve their competitiveness. Loose
conditions in financial markets are very beneficial to these considerations.
Most of these companies are actively working on strategies to continue allowing their
employees to work remotely beyond the pandemic. But, in addition, they are actively looking to
replace people with technologies at the lower end, in terms of their skills, because they want to
increasingly be able to add customers after the pandemic and reduce the incremental costs they
incur to add customers. And these types of discussions, I’m finding, are widespread.
A couple of comments regarding migration—you’ve heard me talk over the past five
years about migration of people and firms to Texas. It has ramped up dramatically over the past
six months to a level that’s—it’s on a whole ’nother level. And while this is nice for Texas, this
trend raises concerns that many high-tech states are simply going to be unable to meet their
budget needs by raising taxes without losing more residents and businesses. This reinforces the
need for more fiscal relief to state and local governments.
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The other trend we’re seeing, in terms of migration, which is interesting, is pre-pandemic,
at least in our District, the trend was away from smaller towns and rural areas to larger
population centers, big cities. We’re actually seeing evidence from talking to our contacts, and
maybe this is a good thing, that those trends are starting to reverse, particularly aided by the
ability to work remotely. And I think it gives hope to some of the smaller towns and cities, at
least in our District, that they’ll be able to maintain their population better than they were before.
So that’s a positive thing.
I’ll make one last comment regarding the oil and gas sector. I don’t really have anything
new to say that I haven’t said before about the drop in production in the United States from about
12.8 million barrels a day at the start of the year to something less than 10½ million barrels a day
by the end of the year. You’ve heard us talk about the shedding of jobs, bankruptcies,
restructurings, greater merger activity, and also the awareness in the industry that size and scale
are going to be more critical, in particular to meet the challenges of reducing greenhouse gas
emissions, which in the oil and gas business means sequestration, which is a very expensive
process that limits greenhouse gas emissions.
The reason I raise this topic, though, is, a lot’s been made public about the damage to the
country and the loss of jobs from the downsizing to this sector. And, in that regard, we’ve done
a deep dive here at the Dallas Fed, and I’ll just tell you what we found. In the extraction part of
the business, oil and gas extraction and related machinery, we see that as being about 400,000
direct jobs in the United States. The pipeline and pipeline construction sector is about 200,000
direct jobs. And the remaining occupations relating to refineries, petrochemicals, plastics, and
rubber products are about 1.4 million jobs.
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Now, those numbers may sound low to you because you’re hearing a lot bigger numbers
thrown around when this is being discussed. Those are the direct jobs. The indirect jobs relate
to trucking, railroad, logistics, et cetera. And when people use bigger numbers, they also include
the income that is generated by the sector, such as from dividends and royalties, and how it’s
invested in other businesses unrelated. So sometimes you’ll hear a number mentioned as high as
10 million jobs in the United States from this sector, but I’m telling you, the direct effect is just a
small fraction of that. I guess, what’s the point? The point is, it’s a reminder that the oil and gas
sector is highly capital intensive versus necessarily labor intensive. The weakness in the sector
does have a significant effect on cap-ex, but that’s the primary way we believe it affects GDP in
the United States, much more so than through the direct employment and indirect employment
effect.
I guess this leads me to believe, while the restructuring in the industry that is well under
way is creating pain and certainly affecting people that are being let go, I think it’s likely, from
an economic point of view for the country, highly manageable. And the cap-ex that is lost is
likely to be transitioned to other sectors, including ESG-related sectors, which should mitigate
the effect of even the cap-ex negative for the country. So this is something we’ll continue to
track and watch, but I thought this deep dive was interesting. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. President Barkin, please.
MR. BARKIN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’ve been encouraged by the rebound in
spending. The residential market has been extremely robust. Consumer durables have been
strong. Retail sales have been buoyant. Equipment investment has been solid. And I see
continued strong support for spending based on healthy personal balance sheets, which in turn
have been fortified by fiscal stimulus and constrained services spending.
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I take the Tealbook point that the trillion-plus dollars of excess saving won’t come into
the economy all at once. But I do believe these savings de-risk the outlook for spending. On the
higher end, I expect continued strength in goods and some release of pent-up services demand
when the economy fully reopens. On the lower end, I think accumulated savings, deferred
payments on loans and rent, and potential stimulus to come will sustain spending. I note the
savings rate in the Tealbook never goes below pre-COVID levels. But I do expect some period
of dissaving to occur at some point, especially as excess savings are evenly distributed across
incomes and those who have lower incomes tend to spend what they have.
The strength in spending has been good for manufacturing. The Richmond
Manufacturing Index hit its all-time high this month. That said, as President Mester said earlier,
the whipsaw in demand has created supply chain challenges in many places. A few to note are
shipping containers, bedsprings, aluminum cans, and lumber. And these shortages are creating
near-term cost pressures.
But the biggest shortages, as several people have mentioned, are in labor, particularly in
sectors like manufacturing, health care, and technology. This is, of course, strange when
unemployment remains elevated. However, labor availability is constrained. Women’s labor
force participation has dropped, with schools and childcare closed or remote and women likely
bearing the brunt of the adjustment costs.
Many employees still have health concerns, and stimulus may have given them the
financial wherewithal to delay returning to the workforce. At least for the near term, there’s a
mismatch between the newly unemployed and the jobs available, in terms of skills and
geography. And so long as this crisis is perceived to be temporary, the incentive for moving or
retraining will be lower. That’s why, for example, the furniture manufacturers in Hickory, North
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Carolina, can’t meet demand, and why I’m hearing employers talk about the need to raise wages
as if unemployment was at year-ago levels.
Looking forward, I’m watching the COVID case rate closely, like everyone else.
Unfortunately, the escalation in the past few weeks suggests, as the Tealbook compellingly
shows, that colder weather, which drives people indoors, could be exacerbating the spread of the
virus. State governments are surely reluctant to fully shut down the economy again. Even so,
the personal contact–intensive parts of the economy will remain demand constrained. And the
resulting uncertainty, along with questions about the size and timing of further stimulus, risk
damping hiring and investment.
I’ve heard a new phrase lately: Businesses are using a dashboard, not a plan. What that
means in practice is that they’re deferring longer-term commitment and trying to pace their
spending to how the year develops. That suggests a wider range of outcomes than normal.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Brainard, please.
MS. BRAINARD. Thank you. We saw a strong and welcome third-quarter bounceback
from the depths of the COVID crisis, with the help of significant fiscal support. Even so, risks
are to the downside, and the recovery remains highly uncertain and highly uneven, with certain
sectors and groups experiencing substantial hardship. These K-shaped disparities risk holding
back the recovery.
The third quarter was exceptionally strong, and spending data have come in stronger than
had been expected consistently. Supported by low interest rates and pent-up demand, residential
construction and home sales have surged above pre-pandemic levels, and business investment in
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equipment and intangibles likewise appears to have bounced back, although investment in
nonresidential structures has continued to decline.
Consumer spending on goods first exceeded pre-COVID levels in June and increased
further in September, although at a slower pace. Staff analysis suggests that purchases during
the recovery likely have increased the stock of durables above the level that would have been
expected at the end of the year in the absence of the pandemic. In contrast, spending on services
is improving only gradually, and indicators like hotel occupancy, TSA passenger screening, and
restaurant reservations remain well below pre-pandemic levels. More broadly, the outlook for
spending next year looks weaker than it did in September. Durable goods spending is expected
to decline toward its pre-COVID trend early next year, and, absent any additional fiscal stimulus,
lower-income households are expected to reduce consumption sharply as their savings are
exhausted.
Similarly, while the labor market continued to improve in September, the pace of
improvement is decelerating at a time when employment is still well below its maximum. While
the unemployment rate posted a sizable decline in September, this was smaller than in preceding
months and partially driven by a stronger-than-expected drag from virtual schooling on parental
labor supply, as President Barkin noted.
Staff analysis shows a 1.8 percentage point increase in the share of parents out of the
labor force for caregiving reasons, driven largely by mothers. More broadly, if we include the
4.4 million individuals who have left the labor force since February, the true unemployment rate
would be 10.7 percent.
Although the number of workers on temporary layoff has fallen sharply to 4.6 million,
the number of permanent job losers has continued to grow and now stands at 3.8 million. The
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rotation from temporary to permanent layoff is likely to slow labor market healing as
reemployment probabilities in a given month are two to three times higher for temporary job
losers than for permanent job losers.
Moreover, COVID-19 is exacerbating existing disparities. For instance, the
unemployment rate for Black workers is 12.1 percent, more than 4 percentage points higher than
the aggregate. The count of longer-term unemployed rose sharply to 2.4 million in September
from 1.6 million in August. Many of the still-unemployed workers who lost their jobs in March
or April are reaching the exhaustion of their unemployment insurance benefits. As a result,
recent declines in insured unemployment may overstate improvements.
Regarding the other side of our dual mandate, readings on price inflation again surprised
to the upside. Durable goods prices, particularly the prices of used cars, rose notably more than
expected as inflation in that category has moved above its pre-pandemic trend. Meanwhile,
services price inflation remains soft, and prices for the categories most affected by social
distancing, such as accommodations and airfare, remain very depressed.
Importantly, we’ve seen a slowdown of housing services inflation. While elevated
unemployment tends to exert downward pressure on housing services inflation, regional data
indicate that that weakening has been more pronounced in the west and northeast than in other
regions, a pattern that could be consistent with pandemic-related transition away from urban
areas. Like President Bostic, I am mindful that the categories in which we have seen the
softening could prove more persistent than those in which we’ve seen unexpected strength.
The most recent readings on longer-term inflation expectations were mixed. While the
median expectation from the Michigan consumer survey moved back down to the lower end of
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its range, the Blue Chip and primary dealer survey measures were unchanged, and market-based
measures moved up closer to pre-pandemic levels.
Regarding the foreign outlook, downside risks have risen with a sharp resurgence in the
virus’s spread in Europe, and the forecast now includes a contraction in the euro area during the
fourth quarter. This contrasts with third-quarter foreign GDP, which showed a sharp rebound.
China posted solid GDP growth at 13.1 percent for the third quarter after recovering to its preCOVID level in the second quarter, and we also saw stronger-than-expected growth for emerging
market economies, like Brazil, India, and Mexico, where exports have returned close to prepandemic levels. Although euro-area real GDP expanded at an annual rate of over 60 percent in
the third quarter, more recent indicators point to a retrenchment. The dramatic rise in case
counts has been met with mobility restrictions in France, Germany, and Italy, and these
restrictions are likely to exert a significant drag.
Finally, while financing conditions for residential real estate and large corporations with
access to capital markets remain generally accommodative, bank lending conditions have
tightened further, as we discussed earlier. In particular, with the end of the PPP, a lack of further
fiscal support amid surging case counts has resulted in a materially darker outlook for small
businesses, with more than half of those responding to the Census Small Business Pulse Survey
reporting having no more than two months of cash on hand.
In financial markets, the fragile equilibrium that contacts spoke about last round has been
disrupted. The virus resurgence and the imposition of restrictions in Europe, along with
uncertainty about the U.S. election and prospects for fiscal support, have driven both realized
and implied financial market volatility higher in recent weeks, with the VIX again touching
40 last week and the stock market down, on net, over the intermeeting period.
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Risks are to the downside, with the virus spread and the government’s response to it at
the top of my list. The risks that cold weather will bring even higher case counts and
hospitalizations that might necessitate the return of more stringent restrictions is more salient in
light of what we have seen last week in Europe. An earlier-than-expected vaccine still is a
legitimate upside risk. But, in my view, changes since the September meeting place more weight
to the downside on net.
Apart from the course of the virus itself, the most significant downside risk remains the
prospect for insufficient fiscal support. The premature withdrawal of fiscal support risks
allowing recessionary dynamics to become entrenched, holding back employment and spending,
increasing scarring from long unemployment spells, leading more businesses to shutter and
ultimately harming productive capacity.
The staff removed a presumption of additional fiscal stimulus from their projections
without too much damage to their medium-term outlook, based on the strength of incoming data,
a change in assumptions about asset purchases, and a reassessment of household balance sheets.
But I share the skepticism voiced by President Bostic and President Kaplan that the stock of
savings in low-income households will prove sufficient to smooth consumption without the
extension of unemployment benefits, forbearance, and eviction moratoriums.
Meanwhile, the outlook for the small businesses that employ a large fraction of the
workforce continue to worsen. And, if services spending remains depressed, many firms who
have weathered the storm thus far risk failure. States and localities also may face difficult
cutbacks if federal support is not forthcoming.
With the third quarter in the rearview mirror, the easiest part of the recovery also appears
to be behind us. Further targeted fiscal support will be needed, alongside monetary
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accommodation, to turn this K-shaped recovery into a broad-based and strong recovery. I look
forward to talking about our part of that response tomorrow. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Evans, please.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. A number of my directors and other contacts
report steady improvement in business activity and expect this momentum to persist for a time.
Still, some sectors of the economy remain significantly depressed, and most of my contacts
continue to be cautious about future improvements. Their collective commentary is consistent
with an economy that will be closing resource gaps over the near term but with a good deal of
uncertainty over what lies beyond the horizon.
The durable goods sector continues to be the brightest spot. Despite tight inventories, a
large automaker continues to expect solid sales. Pricing has been firm, and while the automaker
said they haven’t run into major supply chain issues, parts suppliers report scrambling to keep up
with demand.
Other manufacturers also seem pleased with the progress their companies are making.
The CEO of a manufacturing conglomerate expects that industrial equipment sales will be brisk
for at least a couple of quarters as their customers replenish depleted inventories.
I talked to two major producers of heavy equipment who reported that sales have been
lifted by strong residential construction. As a result of large government support payments, one
also expected strong farm income would boost sales of agricultural equipment. His optimism did
favor grain over livestock interests. For grain producers, this year might be as good as $7 corn
was for income back in 2013.
In contrast, the harder-hit sectors of the economy continue to struggle, and no turnaround
appears in sight. Many small businesses are hurting. The CEO of a regional chamber of
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commerce indicated that numerous small firms in underserved communities have already ceased
operations. Without pre-pandemic bank funding, many of these businesses face significant
barriers to receiving PPP loans. In the meantime, they have limited resources to draw on while
waiting for activity to pick up. He anticipates many more small business failures will be coming.
Even my optimistic directors express a high degree of uncertainty about the outlook and
raise a number of risks that could threaten some of their gains. Everyone is focused on
protecting their bottom line, and I wouldn’t be surprised if these efforts led to a wave of
corporate restructurings that will reach well beyond the leisure and hospitality industry. Of
course, the biggest risk remains the virus.
A large equipment manufacturer lamented the struggles his North Dakota plant was
having with high absenteeism after the explosion of COVID cases in the region. His company
has been operating under strict COVID protocols for months, which generally have been
successful. Indeed, the CEO just returned from a visit to a plant in Texas where he said he’d
never felt safer. Even if he may be bragging a little bit, safety is being taken very seriously
throughout the factory, and production is humming. The kind of comment that he made was,
“This is an area that has been hit pretty hard, and everybody sort of woke up and started doing
things even more safely. And there was 100 percent compliance with masks.”
This company’s experience highlights the remarkable resilience many firms have shown
in working through the COVID challenges. But it also is a stark reminder that the challenges are
not going away, and firms will have to remain vigilant and continue to expend valuable resources
in addressing further outbreaks. And a number of my colleagues have already mentioned that.
Many contacts commented on the need for additional fiscal stimulus. They noted that
without further government support, some consumers and small businesses would be severely
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affected, putting the economic recovery at risk. That said, some potential stress points have been
more moderate than expected, at least to date.
Notably, state and local finances are in better shape today compared with the tsunami-like
catastrophe anticipated earlier in the year. In Michigan, revenues have fallen much less than
expected, and their fiscal year 2021 budget contains less dramatic spending cuts than they had
braced for. Still, this has reduced pessimism—not really optimism, like the sense of relief one
feels when the category 5 hurricane veers away and misses hitting you head on, with apologies to
President Bostic and the experiences that you’ve had in your own region. Looking ahead, state
officials are worried, especially if they do not get additional aid from the federal government.
Turning to the national outlook, I have been surprised by the strength in the economy in
the face of virus outbreaks and the loss of fiscal stimulus. In the end, we left our growth forecast
largely intact despite removing our assumption of another fiscal package. The Tealbook also
made this judgment.
That said, I do not have a high degree of confidence in growth forecasts beyond the next
quarter or two. There are just so many unresolved issues. For example, will businesses and
households continue to successfully adapt to the pandemic, or will fatigue lead to complacency?
And what would be the health and economic effects of such a relapse? We are flying blind with
regard to many such questions. We hope we will know more by next spring.
With regard to inflation, we see it reaching target in 2023 and beginning to overshoot in
2024. I don’t expect to find COVID-related relative price changes affecting inflation
measures—not persistently, but I look forward to hearing more on the Atlanta Fed tracker efforts
in that regard.
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I am hopeful that we will achieve my stronger inflation outcome rather than the much
more modest path found in the Tealbook. As a policymaker, I favor keeping our eye on getting
inflation moving toward 2½ percent in the foreseeable future, not merely inching above 2 at
some far distant date. But the Tealbook forecast highlights how the inflation risks are clearly to
the downside, and that we likely have a lot of work ahead of us to produce an acceptable
outcome. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bullard, please.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I have just a few comments on the economy.
While I acknowledge continuing downside risk as a baseline, I remain optimistic on the
continuing pace of recovery—not quite at the pace of the third quarter, which is plus 30 percent
at an annualized rate, but certainly well above the trend pace for the U.S. economy over the
coming quarters.
I see labor markets as continuing to improve and inflation expectations generally moving
higher in the months ahead as recovery continues to go on. I see monetary policy as well suited
to the current environment, and, consequently, I see little need to alter policy substantially over
the near term. I think global macroeconomic risk is now, again, centered in Europe, whose
recent macroeconomic data and health data have been less robust.
Some of this is coming from my business contacts, who are quite optimistic, I would say.
They make a lot of comments that are consistent with the very rapid growth that we saw in the
third quarter. They have been pleasantly surprised to the upside during this period. They do
acknowledge the K-shape of the recovery. They do acknowledge that certain sectors and certain
groups—Black and Hispanic—are hard hit. But, on the other hand, for many businesses, they
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think that the risks coming from that are manageable, and so if they are on the upside of the
K-shape, they think they are in pretty good shape.
My assessment of the pandemic is that substantial progress has been made in learning
how to manage the disease. While downside risk remains, my base case is that the pandemic
will continue to come under better control in the months ahead in both the United States and
Europe. That means I envision a future with both better health outcomes and better economic
outcomes.
I think you can make progress on both dimensions at the same time, which is essentially
better management of the new mortality risk that has descended on these economies. The U.S.
economy already faces other types of mortality risk, which we are very familiar with and very
used to. We have many, for instance, accidental injuries. We have many risk mitigation
activities in place to try to contain that mortality risk. This pandemic presents us with a new
mortality risk that we are not used to dealing with.
We are getting a lot better at it as time goes on, and the good news is that the types of
activities that you have to take on to keep this under control are quite simple at the end of the
day: Stay away from other people, wear a mask, work from home, and use personal protective
equipment. These are cheap, inexpensive, and easy to use, and they have been employed across
the U.S. economy and will continue to be deployed in the days ahead.
I like the metric of fatalities per million per day to keep track of how the pandemic is
progressing around the country and around the world. We just saw this in a staff presentation.
Accidental injury is 1.5 deaths per million per day, so that gives you a benchmark on these
numbers. For Europe, defined as the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Spain—
321 million people—their peak fatalities per million per day were about 10. You can see a
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version of that in the chart presented earlier. They got it all the way down to one-half, a
95 percent reduction. Now they’re up again and increasing up above the U.S. pace right now.
So we’ll see how they’re able to contain that. But the increase in EU cases and the increase in
EU fatalities are not occurring in a vacuum. It is well understood in Europe that they are going
to have to get tougher and have to be better about managing the disease.
In the United States we have been running at about 2-plus fatalities per million per day,
recently trending up—2.7 the last time I checked. The U.S. peak was about 6½ in the first part
of the pandemic. So, again, accidental injury is 1.5 per million per day, third largest cause of
death in the United States. A pandemic running at this pace would be the third largest cause of
death. So it’s pretty substantial, and it’s still running at a high rate, but I am pretty confident that
we can push that down even while we’re waiting for better therapeutics and a possible vaccine.
Asia Pacific is near zero on this scale, a fact that I think we need to reckon with both in
the macro community as well as in the epidemiology community. They just don’t register on the
same scale. They haven’t had anywhere near the kinds of cases or anywhere near the kinds of
fatalities, and Asia Pacific is a very large area. I am incredulous that they have had stellar
management at every turn. I think, instead, there’s probably some kind of natural immunity in
that part of the world that isn’t apparent in North America or Europe. So, from a
macroeconomic perspective, it means that Asia Pacific is probably going to be the leader in
coming out of this pandemic, the United States will probably be second, and Europe will be
third. That would be the ordering that I would be looking at, because of the degree to which the
different places can keep the pandemic under control.
To be a classic second wave, in my opinion, you’d have to get the daily fatalities up
above the previous peak. That is what happens in a classic pandemic, and in the graphs that you
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look at, I think that that’s a low probability, and that’s why I don’t have a second wave in my
forecast. That’s not my baseline. I understand that there are risks, but that’s not my baseline. I
don’t think that’s going to happen, given the management of this and the information on this.
Confirmed cases and hospitalizations are rising again in the United States. The United
States has had two peaks in hospitalizations, which are also in a graph shown earlier today. The
first one was associated with a big downturn in macroeconomic activity, but the second one,
which occurred in July, was not associated with a big downturn in macroeconomic activity, and
so I don’t think there is any clear and easy correlation between these. Again, the disease
management can be executed in a way that is not necessarily contradictory to better
macroeconomic and better business performance.
Finally, on the disease, I think it’s likely that infections at this point in the crisis are
driven by human interaction in situations that are less tightly managed than a business setting or
a production environment. We just heard an example from President Evans regarding a very
tightly managed production environment, super safe, following protocols exactly. That’s kind of
what you would expect in a factory setting. They are very used to doing this kind of thing. They
are very used to thinking about safety.
I don’t think the infections are coming from those kinds of settings. It’s more coming
from family gatherings, home settings, other kinds of situations that are not tightly managed by
anybody except the family themselves or the individuals themselves. So that cannot be mitigated
by business disruption but has to come through public education, and that’s why I think we’re
still going to have a run of confirmed cases.
Also, the people that are the most susceptible are certainly well aware that they’re the
most susceptible. They are taking extra precautions, and for that reason, I think we’ll see fewer
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fatalities even though we have more infections. In addition, we’ve got better treatments out there
than we used to have, so I think we will not get at least my definition of a second wave, which
would be to get up into the 6½ per million per day peak in fatalities that we saw earlier this year.
On the economy, as many have said, there’s generally been better-than-expected news. I
have been using the Citigroup Economic Surprise Index, which has also shown up in staff
presentations. I take it that the forecasting community is putting too much weight on the
recovery from the Global Financial Crisis. That was an unusually slow and very lengthy
recovery. That is not the norm. And this shock is very different from the shock that caused the
Global Financial Crisis.
I think the forecasting community is still adjusting. I think the Tealbook has done a
pretty good job, frankly, but the rest of the forecast community is still adjusting and projecting
too slow a recovery, given the nature of the shock here. I think this upside surprise will likely
continue through the fourth quarter and out into the first half of 2021—however, not in the EU.
In the EU, the macroeconomic data have taken a turn for the worse, and so that’s why I say the
EU is really the risky place right now from a macroeconomic perspective.
So my theme has been today, as it has been in recent meetings, that businesses continue
to learn how to produce in a way that protects workers and consumers, and that this process is
going to continue. It does have its limits, and so it’s going to be slower going as you get to
businesses that are harder and harder to manage. But, nevertheless, I think this process is going
to lead to fourth-quarter GDP growth in excess of 5 percent.
Some businesses will not or cannot adjust, and they certainly get talked about a lot.
Movie theaters are one of the favorite examples here, but there is going to be substitution to other
goods or services. Netflix is certainly doing very well in this environment. People are
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substituting home theater for conventional theaters. That’s one example of the kind of
substitution that is occurring and will continue to occur. Even in the hotel and motel industry, if
the hotel is close to a beach and you can drive to it, my anecdotal report suggests that that’s
going to be a very successful situation compared with a hotel that is in a downturn that relies on
convention traffic. That is going to be a very bad situation from the hotel’s perspective. So I
think we’re going to have to get more granular in our thinking—even within these categories—
about which types of businesses are being hit hard and which ones are not, because for some,
even within something like hotels, there’s a wide variety of experiences.
On fiscal policy, I agree with the Tealbook that the previous fiscal package is enough for
now through the near term. I think this is because of a combination—as I’ve stressed before, the
Congress authorized on the order of 14 percent of GDP to try to combat this pandemic. It now
looks like national income will only be down 2 to 3 percent by the time we get to the end of this
quarter. You’re filling a hole of only 2 to 3 percent with a pile worth 14 percent of GDP. So it
seems like there are enough resources, at least for now, to get us through the end of the year and
into the first part of next year.
Why did that happen? I think it’s a combination that the package was passed at a time
when the shock was perceived to perhaps be a lot bigger than it has turned out to be, in
macroeconomic terms. It was calibrated for a larger shock than the one that has already
occurred. The economy has done better than expected through this period, as everyone is
acknowledging here. So that’s making the dollars go further from that first package.
I am also expecting a new package in the first quarter. It will be based on the situation at
that time, so we’ll have to get through the holiday season. Nevertheless, I think it will probably
be quite large and bipartisan, so we’ll see where we are in the first quarter. I think once we get
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that package that will help us get closer to the end of this crisis without undue stress—so that
helps—gives me some confidence that we can get all the way through this.
On labor markets, they’re still fragile but continue to improve. I think this temporary
layoff issue is critical for understanding the dynamics. I would recommend the paper by Hall
and Kudlyak that just came out in October 2020 talking about these issues. The temporary layoff
category is sky high compared with where it would be in a normal recession—way out of the
norm. As has been talked about here earlier, the job finding probabilities are much higher for
those on temp layoff, and much of the reduction in the official unemployment rate has come
from people simply being recalled.
We do have millions of people still on temporary layoff. They can be recalled, so I’m
hopeful that that’s what will happen in several months ahead here, and that the official
unemployment rate will continue to fall. I have penciled in 6½ percent unemployment for the
December jobs report, so you can check me on that. In the first week of January we’ll see where
we come out.
I continue to see a relatively rapid fall during 2021—although not as rapid as in 2020—
and maybe we can get below 5 percent by the end of 2021. So that would be pretty successful
for this episode. No one wants to go through a shock like this, but if we could get that to happen,
that would be great.
Permanent layoffs, as has been mentioned, have been moving higher. But I would point
out that permanent layoffs were much higher during the Global Financial Crisis. We are not at
that peak yet. So it is climbing, but I am hoping that the permanent layoffs will hit a peak. It
does take longer for those to get back to work, so that’s what is going to slow down our progress
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on the unemployment rate during 2021. But I still expect it to be more rapid than it was during
the Global Financial Crisis.
The post–Global Financial Crisis situation was the recovery from a financial crisis. We
know that the evidence on that is that it’s very slow. And that was Reinhart and Rogoff, and
they turned out to be right about that. This shock is not coming from a financial crisis, so I
would expect the recovery to be more rapid and more in line with typical recoveries in 2021 once
we get rid of the temporary layoff issue as we go through the end of this year.
I also think there will be a light-at-the-end-of-the-tunnel effect, which is different about
the pandemic compared with other types of shocks. You know, the pandemics will come to an
end at some point. We will get good therapeutics. We will be able to drive the fatalities per day
per million down below the accidental injury benchmark. There is light at the end of the tunnel
about managing the pandemic and bringing it to a close. I think that has important
macroeconomic effects that will increase investment, and we’ve heard comments already here
today about some effects in that direction. If you’re going to build a big plant or make a big
investment, you might be thinking about what the world is going to be like in 2022, and you
might go ahead with your plans, even today.
I don’t think that right now we’re quite to the point at which this is a big effect, but as we
go into 2021, I think we will see more on this dimension. So I think the baseline challenge ahead
may be to adjust policy expectations appropriately during 2021 as the economy continues to
improve more rapidly than expected.
Again, I think Wall Street and financial markets generally have something programmed
in their mind, which is just to replay the 2010–18 experience, which was super slow, and that’s
probably not what’s going to happen here. And sometime during 2021 we may have to adjust
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people’s expectations about what’s going to happen here. But some of that will be done
naturally by the data if what I’m saying comes true here.
So I’m being pretty optimistic here, but I do acknowledge the downside risk that others
have acknowledged. I understand we’re in a crisis and things can go badly, but this is my base
case. So thanks very much.
CHAIR POWELL. Governor Bowman, please.
MS. BOWMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. In the weeks since our previous meeting,
economic activity has continued to rebound dramatically. There is still quite a bit of ground to
make up, and we continue to face sizable uncertainties. But we’ve seen broad-based gains in
consumer spending over the past few months, strengthened by the strong increase in
employment. Spending on goods moved up especially rapidly through September, and indicators
for October suggest continued momentum.
In my recent conversations with bankers throughout the country, many have reported that
demand for homes and purchase mortgages has increased significantly, with many describing
increased loan volumes nearly doubling the previous year’s total during the summer months. At
the national level, September home sales jumped to their highest rate since 2006, as Paul said
earlier, with low inventories putting upward pressure on home prices in many areas. Mortgage
originations are booming, generating a healthy cash injection to financial intermediaries.
Airport traffic has also picked up noticeably, and motor vehicle sales have recovered
strongly. Sales to retail customers have moved well beyond their pre-pandemic levels, and
dealers are reporting very tight inventories. Although car sales to individuals have been strong,
corporate sales have lagged, with fleet sales to rental car companies still very weak, which can be
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explained by the persistent weakness in business and leisure travel due to COVID-19 and related
state and local restrictions.
Even with the restrictions, we’re seeing overall commercial business activity rebounding
much more strongly than many had expected. Business investment rose sharply in the third
quarter, and we have seen a substantial increase in goods exports. The rise in exports was
particularly noticeable in the agriculture sector, with exports of ag products to China rising
sharply in recent months. Overall conditions in this sector are much improved this year,
including significantly increased crop yields in some areas and stronger commodity prices. But I
would note that the temporary government payments also played a significant role in
contributing to the strength in this sector.
More generally, recent conversations with bankers reflect a fairly optimistic outlook
about business prospects over the next year, though they remain worried about the services
sector. Their upbeat outlook is consistent with the October ISM manufacturing survey data,
which was at its highest level in two years and suggested strong growth would continue in the
next several months.
The substantial pickup in spending is reflected in the latest labor market figures, with the
BLS employment data showing strong job growth through September, and the staff’s estimates
based on private payroll data indicate further large gains in October. That said, we are still
seeing a lag in improvement in some conditions for different subgroups of the population. Since
April, the unemployment rate among Blacks has declined 4.6 percentage points, compared with
drops of 8.6 for Hispanics, 5.6 for Asians, and 7.2 for whites.
Looking ahead, I expect the recovery to continue, although uncertainty remains elevated
and risks are weighted to the downside. Most importantly, the rising COVID-19 case numbers
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both here and abroad remain a major public health concern and a major source of uncertainty for
the economic outlook.
At the same time, however, we are seeing the effect of the pandemic on economic
performance lessen as time goes on. This is partly because the broad business lockdowns and
other government restrictions on activities have eased some since the first wave of infections
occurred. It partly reflects the fact that more effective treatment protocols have been developed
over time, resulting in lower rates of serious cases and fatalities. But I believe the effects are
also diminishing because many individuals have reached a point at which they feel they have put
their lives on hold for long enough, and they are now just doing the best that they can to carry on
in a difficult situation.
This is not to say that individuals are not recognizing the risks that their activities entail.
Rather, it’s that people are finding that their lifestyles over the past eight months are not a
sustainable model for human behavior—or, put another way, that the economic, emotional, and
other costs are simply too great. Even if we continue to see rising case loads, it appears
increasingly unlikely that we will see a return to the broad-based lockdowns that we saw earlier
in the year. If those lockdowns are again broadly imposed, there could be resistance and
noncompliance, similar to what we’re hearing lately from Europe.
For better or worse, it seems that individuals are less willing to remain isolated and are
getting on with their lives, and, with the holidays approaching, I expect we will see further
moves in this direction over the next few months. Along with these developments, I expect we
will see increased demand for leisure and hospitality services, which, in turn, should bring about
a much-needed increase in service-sector jobs. Many service-sector businesses have not yet
reopened or they’re restricted from opening at anywhere near full capacity.
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Moreover, the prospect of further severe restrictions on activity presents a major risk to
the ongoing recovery, which, as we know, has some way yet to go. While restrictions on
mobility and commerce may be a good approach to controlling the spread of the virus, in my
opinion they come at a very high cost. As we saw during the previous financial crisis, periods of
unemployment can cause substantial and lasting damage to individuals in terms of their
economic, emotional, and even physical well-being. When people are unable to work, problems
like crime and drug addiction tend to worsen. A recent health study looked at county-level data
and found that a 1 percentage point increase in unemployment was associated with a 3.6 percent
rise in the opioid death rate and a 7 percent increase in opioid-related ER visits.
Another source of downside risk relates to the future direction of public policy.
Economic performance over the coming year will very likely continue to be influenced by
pandemic-related response and mitigation measures. The effects of those decisions on
employment in the services sector and the timing and composition of further fiscal support, if
any, will shape my outlook for the economy.
As an example, we’ve seen that many of those who received mortgage forbearance have
continued to make monthly payments, and delinquency rates on mortgages and rental housing
have not spiked as many had feared. But without return to employment or, in its absence,
targeted fiscal assistance, I’m concerned that these conditions will deteriorate when moratoriums
on evictions and mortgage forbearance programs lapse. So while I’m optimistic that the
economy will continue to improve, we will need to monitor these risks in the weeks and months
ahead. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President George, please.
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MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Following a strong recovery in the third
quarter, I see growing signs that momentum in the economy is slowing. Some of this
deceleration was inevitable, as the reopening of the economy this spring led to record labor
market gains and strong spending on goods. But more recently, there are signs that the economy
may be treading water, with the rise in virus cases while the unemployment rate is still
uncomfortably high and spending on services is stuck firmly below pre-pandemic levels. To
date, this has been a recovery marked by sharp contrasts and uneven experiences.
Reports received from our regional contacts range from those who cite record sales and
face challenges finding the employees they need, to those that at the start of the year were viable
businesses but now are barely able to survive—teetering on bankruptcy, laying off workers,
contemplating closing their doors, or all of the above.
Our regional contacts in the low- and moderate-income community point to growing
concerns about demands for basic services. One United Way office noted that calls have
doubled this year compared with last, with almost half of those calls requesting assistance on
rental payments or utility expenses. The expiration of the eviction moratorium next month will
further aggravate the hardship in these lower-income communities.
Contrary to the downbeat reports I’ve shared about agriculture over the past few years,
the District’s ag sector is currently experiencing a tailwind from higher crop prices and
additional government aid. Since our September meeting, demand from China has increased, as
has domestic ethanol production, resulting in prices surpassing pre-COVID levels by some
15 percent, on average, for corn, soybeans, and wheat.
The path of the virus, on the other hand, has not been good, with cases surging
particularly in the Midwest. As restrictions return and consumers exercise increased caution, the
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recovery is likely to be prolonged, with a growing risk of a general recessionary dynamic taking
place. The number of job losses reported as permanent has been climbing steadily even as
temporary losses continue to fall back.
The risks of labor market scarring, as highlighted in the Tealbook box on the long-run
consequences of the pandemic, are increasing, and the spiking cases in Europe with renewed
restrictions could further delay the recovery in U.S. exports. Overall, the economy is unlikely to
fully recover without additional fiscal support until the virus no longer interferes with the
public’s day-to-day decisionmaking.
Some have downplayed the importance of further fiscal support, pointing to the elevated
savings rate as a sign that households have accumulated a buffer to maintain consumption even
absent further transfers. However, I think this view may be too sanguine. Analysis by my staff
suggests that a substantial portion of the higher savings is likely to be retained as a precautionary
buffer against further shocks and not spent down in the near term. Certainly, households have
learned since March that their incomes are subject to greater risk than they might have
previously thought, and it would make sense that they would want to maintain larger liquidity
buffers.
All of this leaves the outlook for inflation particularly unsettled right now. While overall
inflation is being held down by a few sectors hard hit by a virus-induced collapse in demand,
many other sectors have seen inflation step up because of supply disruptions or strong demand.
If demand continues to strengthen even as supply bottlenecks remain, prices could move up
faster than expected. But I also see some risk that continued high unemployment and the end of
the eviction moratorium could lead to a sizable decline in rents and housing inflation, resulting in
a substantial drag on inflation. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
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CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. First Vice President Feldman, please.
MR. FELDMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Our bottom line is a pessimistic view
consistent with a second wave as the base case, informed in part by our recent experience with
the Ninth District also seeing relatively little pressure on inflation. Let me flesh that out a
little bit.
In the Ninth District we’ve seen some continued slight economic growth. But as many
people have pointed out, it’s been very uneven. Strength in ag, manufacturing, residential
construction and real estate—a lot of weaknesses with smaller firms, for which we’ve seen weak
increases in revenue and employment drops.
But, really, the big news here has been the increase in COVID-related deaths and cases,
as a number of participants have already noted. North Dakota, South Dakota, and Montana have
death rates that are similar to the worst spots in Europe. Wisconsin—this was already mentioned
by President Kaplan—and Minnesota have also seen high increases in case rates. We’re already
starting to see, commensurate with that, decreases in foot traffic and other measures of
engagement.
In some sense, that’s really sort of the early stages of where we’re at relative to Europe,
where we’ve seen a very dramatic increase in cases and getting a new round of lockdowns, as
many people have noted. What does the Europeans’ experience tell us? Well, first, that we’re
nowhere near herd immunity. If you look at places like Belgium and Spain that were hit very,
very hard before, they’re being hit very, very hard again.
Second, to the degree to which our return to “normal economic activity” is associated
with the relaxation of wearing masks and social distancing and all of the other things that have
been shown to be effective, we’re going to see a very large increase in cases and deaths, as
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opposed to what we’ve seen in Asia, where it looks like those mitigants have been maintained,
along with contact tracing.
More broadly for the United States, where—again, this sort of informs our view—we’ve
seen growth in the third quarter, but mostly in the summer—we think we’re going to see an
increase in cases along the lines of what I just said as it gets colder; as there’s a lack of discipline
associated with masks, social distancing, and the like; and as we may get additional spreading
events associated with Christmas and Thanksgiving and other areas in which we might get more
trouble than we would expect. We are expecting maybe not lockdowns along the lines of what
we’ve seen before, but some additional government reaction. In addition, regardless of what
state and local governments have done, there’s a lot of evidence that people are going to distance
themselves.
Building on the comments from Governor Brainard, when we look at unemployment and
the reduction in the people who have been furloughed, we now see that more folks in the
unemployment category are less likely to come back because they’re not really on temporary
layoff anymore. Many people have pointed out also that the fiscal stimulus is unclear and that
the experience in Europe is likely to have some spillover to us.
So all of that makes us think that the Tealbook economic forecast of economic growth is
too optimistic, and we see little pressure on inflation. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Quarles, please.
MR. QUARLES. Thank you, Chair. As many and probably most of you have said,
notwithstanding a robust recovery to this point, downside risks to the economy in the United
States and in Europe have increased since the previous time that we got together. In the United
States, somewhat, in Europe, I think materially more so despite having driven cases to very low
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levels earlier this year or, depending on the epidemiological theories that one subscribes to,
perhaps as a result of having driven cases to very low levels earlier this year, several countries
have recently experienced a resurgence in cases and responded by reinstituting significant
restrictions on economic activity. In the United States, recent announcements would suggest a
possible imposition of additional restrictive measures by state and local governments.
And although it’s not yet apparent in the data—but, again, as a number of you have
noted, whatever the official reaction, more individuals may react strongly to the publicity about
high case counts and pull back from social and economic interactions, which could lead to a
bigger seasonal swing in economic activity as winter arrives in the north and outdoor options
shrink or if people aren’t as willing to engage in winter activities and the the travel associated
with that as they were for summer activities.
And that intensified social distancing, whether mandated or voluntary, would be
particularly damaging to small businesses, many of whom remain vulnerable even without a
second shock. Survey evidence shows that more than half of small businesses have less than two
months of cash on hand, and 20 percent believe that they’ll need additional assistance over the
course of the next six months. And on top of that, our discussions with banks and surveys by the
NFIB and Wells Fargo/Gallup indicate that loans at currently prevailing terms are unlikely to
ameliorate the strains on small businesses, especially those that are in already affected sectors.
And then, on top of that, the resolution of the fiscal negotiations may drag out for some time.
So, now, those downside risks are in an economy with unemployment still at the elevated
level of 7.9 percent—that’s the 90th percentile of the postwar monthly distribution. And that’s
concentrated among multiple particularly affected segments of low-income workers—again, as a
number of you have noted. And on top of that, labor force participation remains constrained by
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several aspects of the COVID event, so unemployment doesn’t give the full picture of the labor
market damage.
And yet, even in the face of that damping news, we continue to get positive news about
treatments, about vaccines, about better-targeted containment measures, and a better and more
widely spread understanding of the stratified public health risks among different sectors of the
populace. As a result, the trends in real-time economic indicators through October suggest that
large portions of the public remain willing to adjust to the risks of the virus in ways that support
the economy. And here I would associate myself with much if not all of Governor Bowman’s
comments, which, if I had any intestinal fortitude, I would have written myself.
So what are some factors related to that? Weekly unemployment claims data declined to
the mid-700,000 range at the end of October. The weekly average of total credit and debit card
spending from Fiserv was above last year’s levels as of October 25. The average of new orders
indexes and regional business surveys that are being conducted by six of the Federal Reserve
District Banks rose further in October from already strong levels in September. And although
obviously still very depressed, total traveler throughput reported by the TSA averaged about 37
percent of 2019 levels through the last week of October compared with only about 32 percent at
the end of September and only about 26 percent over the second half of July.
The composition of the very strong recovery of economic activity in the third quarter also
suggests strong momentum for further growth the rest of this year and the next. Equipment and
intangible spending was stronger than expected in the third quarter, and that continues to show
widespread strength. Projections for subsequent quarters were revised up from the September
Tealbook. Durable goods orders were strong in September, especially in the category of
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nondefense capital goods excluding aircraft, and that supports continued gains in capital
spending for the fourth quarter.
On the household side, consumer spending also was stronger than expected in the third
quarter and the savings rate remains well above normal, which suggests continued support for
consumer spending. Residential investment contributed importantly to third-quarter growth,
with home sales continuing to boom in October, and these investments in homes should also
provide continued knock-on purchases of durables and home improvement products. Low
interest rates are driving an elevated pace of refinancing of existing mortgages, and that supports
future spending. So I would definitely agree with President Daly that there are reasons for
optimism apart from a sunny disposition.
Regarding inflation, PCE inflation obviously is still well below our 2 percent target. And
recent data show some components moderating, but the risk of a downside tail scenario for prices
has diminished amid this very strong third-quarter recovery. Notwithstanding the softer-thanexpected reading on PCE inflation last Friday, the staff has revised the inflation forecast higher
this year, on net, over the summer.
Wage growth measured by the employment cost index has decelerated from the gains that
it was registering during the job market boom of 2017 to ’19, but it’s been well within the range
that we saw in 2011 and 2012, which was the last time that unemployment was as elevated as it
is now. Market-based inflation expectations have also returned to their pre-COVID range, and
the staff’s broader measures of inflation expectations have been stable this year.
Inflation within the services sector, which a number of you have commented on, has been
soft, in part because prices in the hardest-hit businesses remain depressed. But this strikes me as
an upside risk to inflation going into the second half of next year and into 2022, as the
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widespread disruptions to some of those businesses this year may make it difficult for those
sectors to expand supply to keep up with the growing demand, especially if the period of social
distancing were to resolve more quickly than expected.
Pulling that all together, my current views of the likely path of economic activity align
with the staff simulation labeled “Faster Recovery,” which I think balances the upside and
downside risks we face, with inflation likely running somewhere between that scenario and the
“Inflationary Pressures” scenario.
I do place fairly high odds on a material fiscal package after the smoke clears on the
interactive map, and that provides the potential for a “Faster Recovery” scenario. In particular,
I’m assuming that if moves by state and local governments to reimpose measures that led to
significant economic disruptions become common, then that ultimate fiscal package will be
tailored accordingly. As a result, I still see only a small risk of the more adverse scenarios in the
Tealbook, but for all the reasons I outlined earlier, stagnation over the next few quarters, as in the
“Slower Recovery” scenario, is a possibility, just not the prime possibility. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Vice Chair Williams, please.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I briefly considered, after listening
to the fascinating discussion, trying to synthesize and weave together all of the ideas and
thoughts—I assume I have an hour to speak and try to do that. But I have decided instead just to
give my personal views.
I am reminded of the ancient Roman god Janus who had two faces, one facing the past
and one facing the future. Looking backward, the economic data over the intermeeting period
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were substantially better than expected, and it sounds like they were even better than expected by
Governor Quarles. So that’s something.
Growth for the year as a whole looks to be around minus 2½ percent, which is far better
than we feared just a few months ago, and, of course, it’s a significant upgrade from even recent
forecasts. But when you look into the future, a different picture emerges, with a much shallower
path of recovery and downside risks related to the surge in the spread of COVID and uncertain
prospects for fiscal support for the economy.
The news on the pandemic has worsened dramatically both domestically and abroad. In
Europe, after a period of relative calm during the summer, we’re seeing a sharp resurgence of
infections across many countries. Hospitalizations are also rising quickly, rivaling the numbers
in spring and straining hospital capacity in many areas. Governments in Europe are responding
by imposing or making more stringent restrictions, including through partial national lockdowns.
These actions, although necessary and, if anything, overdue, will likely result in some pullback
in economic activity, and we’re seeing some signs of that already.
New cases and hospitalizations are also rising here in the United States. Several factors,
including a large base of active infections, the shift to indoor activities, in which virus
transmission appears higher, and the upcoming holidays associated with family gatherings, risk
making the current wave appreciably worse than the one in the summer. Although the extent to
which rising cases will affect overall economic activity remains highly uncertain—we have had a
discussion of that this afternoon—certain communities, particularly communities of color
working in low-paying industries, less-educated workers, and women will continue to bear the
brunt during this surge, as they have throughout the pandemic.
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Meanwhile, widespread availability and distribution of safe and effective vaccines are
still at least several months away, and until people feel they can safely engage in activities such
as traveling, going out to restaurants, or watching a play in a theater, we cannot expect a full
economic recovery. Furthermore, even if we manage to successfully control the virus here, the
renewed outbreaks arising in many countries around the world remind us that the pandemic
continues to weigh on the global economic outlook and, thus, indirectly back on ours as well.
Given these considerations, additional fiscal support is needed. Thinking about how
fiscal policy is going to play out, I really see it as being two different scenarios: One is, a new
federal fiscal package remains elusive, and the economy doesn’t get the support it needs as we
go through this new wave in the coming months; and the other is, a meaningful fiscal package is
enacted that helps get households and businesses through this period until safe and effective
vaccines and therapeutics become widely available.
The continued recovery also hinges on financial conditions remaining supportive. This
downturn is different from those in the past in that currently we are seeing quite favorable
financial conditions in capital markets after the initial shock back in March. At the same time,
we are seeing signs that banks have tightened lending conditions—so here I’m thinking of the
SLOOS. Typically, these two indicators move in tandem during a recession recovery. So the
question our staff looked at was, what do these divergent signs from capital markets and from
bank lending portend for the economic outlook?
Now, previous research has found a widening of the risk premium on corporate debt is a
sign of a future slowing in economic activity. My staff reexamined this issue by looking into the
evolution of corporate credit conditions since March and the implications for labor market
conditions. They found that the rapid decline in credit spreads since March largely reflects a
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drop in the excess bond premium that is the price of risk rather than an increase in risk per se.
And I think this is something that’s generally found in the literature. It’s not really default risk
or risk in the economy that matters, in terms of these financial conditions. It’s really about the
risk premium beyond that, or the price of risk.
They estimate that the improvement in the excess bond premium that we’ve seen since
March, based on historical relationships, would be associated with a 1 percentage point decline
in the unemployment rate, or an increase of about 2 million jobs over the subsequent 12 months.
They also found that the decline in the excess bond premium since March would imply an even
larger positive effect on the left tail of the distribution of labor market outcomes. So not only
does it shift the mean of the unemployment rate, but it also narrows the distribution.
The pandemic-related disruptions have been highly unusual, however, and they had to
have had their effects on financial conditions. As I mentioned, we have seen corporate bond
spreads come way down since March, but lending conditions have tightened considerably,
according to the SLOOS. Now, taking that same kind of methodology of a forecasting model
with these financial variables, including the SLOOS, my staff found that the tightening in
lending conditions offsets about half of the benefit of the decline in the excess bond premium.
To be clear here, this doesn’t mean that there hasn’t been a substantial benefit to the economy
from the improvement in capital markets. I think that goes without saying. But it reminds us
that the capital markets alone do not provide the whole story when it comes to financial
conditions and their effect on the economic outlook.
With regard to inflation, the outlook from my point of view hasn’t changed much.
Abstracting from the unusual short-run movements in relative prices as a result of the direct
effects of the pandemic, I expect core inflation to gradually trend up and eventually moderately
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exceed 2 percent in coming years. One question that did come up—President Bostic brought it
up, and there were several others who discussed it—is the unusual movements in relative prices
during this episode. I totally agree with everybody that this is something we really want to study
carefully, but I guess I have a couple warnings about it.
First of all, I think, because of the unusual source of the shock to demand and supply,
historical correlations and covariances and, specifically, historical signal-to-noise ratios probably
are not that relevant in this situation, because I do think the shocks to housing—if you live in
New York or in San Francisco or these other cities, we’ve seen dramatic drops in rents that are
really driven by the pandemic directly.
So you don’t want to use the historical slowness of rents to move over time or persistence
or inertia of rents and apply that to this circumstance, and, similarly, the relative shock to goods
prices may be more persistent than it has been historically. So I am looking forward to seeing
the work coming out of the Atlanta Fed and, obviously, around the System on how to really
understand what the incoming inflation data are telling us. I think it is going to be a particularly
challenging issue, just as it is in trying to understand the real side of the economy as well.
Going back to my opening analogies, the Roman god Janus was also a symbol of doors
and gateways. There are many possible doors facing us at this time, and no matter which door
the future leads us through, we’re going to need to position ourselves to achieve our maximumemployment and price-stability goals, something I’ll turn to tomorrow. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. And thanks to everyone for your comments. My views
on the path of the economy haven’t changed much, on net, since our September meeting. In
addition, this is a meeting at which we’re not likely to make policy moves, so I will be perhaps
unusually brief, disappointing though that may be to some.
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Like many of you, I see several evolving trends with potentially offsetting implications
and dominant downside risks. To start on a positive note, the recovery so far has been better
than expectations, let alone better than the downside cases that were our very appropriate focus
in March and April. And incoming data have continued to surprise to the upside right up to the
present despite the expiration of the CARES Act funding and mounting cases of COVID,
defying the downside risks—so far, at least.
The CARES Act transfers and forgone spending on services have more than offset lost
wages, leaving historically large increases in household savings across the income spectrum. I
want to compliment the staff on your analysis of this critical set of issues, which I found
extremely helpful. Still, many low-income households face intense financial pressures and may
face eviction and worse if moratoriums are allowed to lapse at year-end.
Household savings overall appear large enough to support spending—even by many
households in the lowest income quartile—for a time, but not forever. As many have noted,
there is clearly a risk that many households will see their resources exhausted by early next year,
limiting spending and imposing great human hardship. The healing in the labor market has also
exceeded expectations, as many of you noted. The pace of improvement in the official data has
slowed, although not so much in the staff’s estimates based on the ADP data, as Paul explained
in his presentation. Expectations are that Friday will bring another positive report. We’ll see.
Inflation has moved up a bit but remains below our 2 percent objective. I continue to see
the pandemic as adding, on balance, over time to disinflationary pressures. Of course, in the
baseline forecast, we may see core inflation move a bit above 2 percent on a 12-month basis for a
time early next year as we lap the very low readings of the acute phase of the pandemic.
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Something of that nature would likely prove transitory and, thus, would not be a basis for a
policy response.
Of course, despite the strength of incoming data, there are signs of slowing momentum,
and many forecasters see slower growth in Q4. There is also just a feeling that, ultimately, the
expiration of the CARES Act support and the case spread will eventually have to weigh on
activity. In particular, the growing, widespread rise in COVID cases unfortunately has real
momentum and carries significant downside risks for the economy. One need only look to
Europe to see the speed with which the economic picture has darkened, with many forecasters
now seeing the EU economy shrinking in Q4.
And I join others in understanding that widespread lockdowns in the United States seem
quite unlikely, but the prospect that many people would choose to withdraw from certain kinds
of activities that they have begun to engage in again—restaurants and bars and travel and things
like that—is not hard to imagine at all. It’s easy to imagine that that would stop progress.
In addition, the odds of a significant fiscal package before the new Congress is sworn in
early next year have fallen. Fiscal policy will depend on the outcome of both the presidential
election and control of the Senate. Without knowing these outcomes, it’s not possible to know
the size, timing, and contents of any such package or even whether there will actually be a
substantial package. I guess I do join others in saying that I think it’s likely we will have a
package. It’s not assured that it will be of any particular size. In particular, there’s a significant
prospect of divided government, and while I think there would be some fiscal activity there, I
doubt it would be of the kind of size that we were thinking of.
In any case, if that does turn out to be the case and we get a larger fiscal package or if the
vaccine comes earlier, I would join others in saying that I could see real upside in 2021, and I
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think the alternative scenario on a big fiscal package kind of demonstrates what that could look
like. So in ’21, I think, we may be in for a few slow and perhaps rough months, but I do see an
upside as we move past that period.
So where does that leave me? It leaves me with an admittedly uncertain baseline of
continued economic growth amid muted inflation, with risks to the downside—in particular, the
risks presented by the further spread of the virus and the risk of the premature withdrawal of
fiscal support, both of which I believe still are out there.
I’ll turn very briefly to tomorrow’s policy discussion. It seems likely that the FOMC
statement will be short on red ink, so I’ll be short in my comments here. I think that our current
policy stance is appropriate. If the economy performs about as expected, I would leave the asset
purchase program as is for now but would consider updating the forward guidance for purchases,
as I mentioned this morning.
With that, I do have a strong preference for proceeding tonight with the discussion of the
SEP, and I would like to do so and will turn it over to Governor Clarida, who will provide a few
introductory comments before our staff briefing and an opportunity to comment. Rich, the floor
is yours.
MR. CLARIDA. Thank you, Chair Powell. I promise to be brief. The communications
subcommittee unanimously believes that the two proposals under consideration today will
enhance the SEP as a tool to communicate the rationale for, and highlight the risk-management
factors relevant to, our monetary policy decisions.
By releasing all SEP materials on decision day, all of us in our postmeeting interviews
and speeches can draw on the wealth of SEP information about the risk and uncertainty that we
confront, which at present is held back for three weeks until the minutes are released. A
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consequence of this delay is that it serves to focus excessive attention on the baseline outlook for
the economy and, of course, the dots but obscures to the point of irrelevance the important
balance of risk and risk-management considerations we respect in making policy.
The second proposal would introduce historical time-series charts of diffusion indexes for
the balance of risk to our macro projections and the level of uncertainty in our outlook. This
information is provided in the existing SEP on a meeting-by-meeting basis already, but the
historical time-series charts we believe are useful in communicating how those risks have
evolved over time in relationship to our policy decisions. In sum, we believe these proposals are
worthy of your support at this meeting, and, if approved today, we would recommend that they
be implemented with the December SEP.
In closing, some of you have indicated that you would like the subcommittee to continue
to consider additional options for refining the SEP in light of our new framework. We agree
with you and, to that end, reaffirm that the subcommittee will begin its meetings in January with
a clean slate and will be welcoming and soliciting ideas from you for additional SEP
enhancements. And I understand, Ellen has a brief presentation on the substance of the proposal,
so I’ll turn it over to Ellen Meade.
MS. MEADE. 6 Thank you, Governor Clarida. My briefing materials begin on
page 78 of your meeting handout.
I’ll provide a brief review of the two changes that the subcommittee on
communications is recommending for the SEP, which were reviewed in the
background memo you received. To summarize, the changes would highlight the
uncertainties and risks surrounding the modal projections and better convey the riskmanagement considerations that monetary policy incorporates. That your
communications could be enhanced by taking steps in this direction was something
that came up during your framework review.
The first recommended change is the addition of two diffusion indexes
constructed from your responses to questions about how you view the uncertainty and
6
The materials used by Ms. Meade are appended to this transcript (appendix 6).
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risks attending your projections. These indexes, shown on pages 91 and 92, display
the balance of responses since the initial SEP in October 2007. Figure 4.D provides
the number of participants who indicated they saw the uncertainty in their current
projections as “higher” relative to the uncertainty over the past 20 years minus those
who judged this uncertainty to be “lower,” divided by the total number of
participants. Similarly, figure 4.E subtracts the number of participants who see the
risks to their projections as “weighted to the downside” from the number who view it
as “weighted to the upside,” divided by the total number of participants. These
diffusion indexes are proportional measures that can vary from minus 1 to plus 1.
The new figures provide a longer perspective on the evolution of views about
uncertainty and risks than what is currently available in the histograms that appear
below the fan charts in figures 4.A through 4.C on pages 88 to 90, which compare the
current SEP with the previous one.
The subcommittee’s second recommended change is to accelerate the release of
the exhibits that currently accompany the meeting minutes so that all SEP materials
are released at the same time—that is, on the day of the policy decision. The briefing
handout is a mockup of the exhibit package based on the September SEP. A table of
medians, central tendencies, ranges, and longer-run values for the projections on
page 80, a figure of the macroeconomic variables on page 81, and the dot plot on
page 82 are already released at 2 p.m. But the distributions of the economic variables
in figures 3.A through 3.E on pages 83 to 87 and, more materially, the information on
uncertainty and risks in figures 4.A through 4.C and figure 5 on pages 88 to 90 and
93, respectively, are not released until three weeks later with the minutes.
The following example illustrates how making all SEP materials available on the
day of the policy decision could help convey the Committee’s risk-management
considerations. For this example, I’ll refer again to figures 4.D and 4.E on pages 91
and 92. You can see in figure 4.D the evolution of your assessments of uncertainty
with the onset of the pandemic—a singular increase for all economic variables
between December ’19 and June 2020. In addition, figure 4.E shows the shift in risk
assessments between December and June to the downside for GDP growth and
inflation and to the upside for unemployment. In March, when no SEP was collected,
your statement referred to “evolving risks,” and you said in your June statement, “the
ongoing public health crisis will weigh heavily on economic activity, employment,
and inflation in the near term, and poses considerable risks to the economic outlook
over the medium term.” Taken together with your postmeeting statement, the SEP
information could be a useful tool for providing insight into participants’ judgments
about uncertainty and risks in the context of the economic and policy outlook and
help cast a broader perspective on the modal projections.
Before concluding, I’d like to touch on some logistical details. The mockup
packet, which is a template for what could be released in December, restores the fan
charts that were dropped in June and September. If you decide to accelerate the
release of materials, this mockup would be released sometime during the intermeeting
period to prepare the public in advance of the change in December. In addition, to
facilitate the release of all SEP exhibits on the day of the policy decision, the deadline
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for submitting revisions to your forecasts will be 7 p.m. on the first day of the
meeting, as it was in June and September. This is typically a Tuesday. Finally, the
write-up of the SEP that is released with the minutes would be discontinued. I’d be
happy to take any questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Any questions for Ellen? [No response] Seeing none, let’s proceed
with our opportunity to comment, beginning with President Daly.
MS. DALY. Okay. With the pressure of the time, I am going to be as quick as I possibly
can. So the very first thing I want to say is, thanks to the subcommittee for doing this. I actually
think doing something in December is really appropriate and helpful, because it gives people a
sense of continued momentum. So I applaud the subcommittee for getting that moved forward.
I just had a couple of thoughts that I wanted to share in advance of the subcommittee
going back to work on this in January. The first one is that I really do see the transparency of the
SEP, the additional tool of forward guidance, as being very important. And so some
modifications or improvements that would be terrific to see are ones that help people see our
policy reaction function in advance of being able to learn about it experientially. There’s going
to be some time before we can actually get the overshoot on inflation. President George
mentioned at our September meeting that just extending the horizon could be helpful.
But you could also think about doing the same thing by talking about conditions at liftoff.
I have been very encouraged by what market participants in the Desk briefing today by Lorie
showed, that they just really shifted, and there’s going to be a distribution. Some will say 2.1
percent, some will say 2.5 percent, but the key is, 2 percent no longer would be a ceiling. So
that’s another option to view it.
The final one is, we could talk about the distribution of the timing at liftoff—we showed
a distribution of that in the financial crisis; I know we published that—and then people could
back out what that looks like via their own forecast. So whatever we decide to do, I think using
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this tool as another method of solidifying expectations of our reaction function in the absence of
having the data to do that immediately will just further our forward guidance.
And I think Governor Brainard said this earlier, but many have mentioned it before—the
more we do that, and expectations are set, the less we will probably have to do in the end in
terms of policy accommodation. So it’s an efficient and effective way to do more when we can.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Mester, please.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’m looking at the materials, so I recall a speech I
gave a few years ago called “Acknowledging Uncertainty” and I had the opportunity in that
speech to quote Voltaire, who said, “Uncertainty is an uncomfortable position, but certainty is an
absurd one.” The way I interpreted that pithy statement is that, while we may prefer to live in a
world with certainty, we don’t, and to pretend as if we do is absurd, so we’re better off
acknowledging the uncertainties we face.
So I’m fully supportive of the proposed revisions to the SEP. I think highlighting the
uncertainty and the risks in the SEP is important because they do influence our policy decisions,
and we should be up front about them. I think the diffusion indexes that were added are really a
good way to summarize the information in the SEP on risks and uncertainties and how they
change over time. The Cleveland staff actually did an analysis and showed that those diffusion
indexes are very highly correlated with a common factor in the participants’ responses, so there
is even some statistical underpinning of the new indexes.
I agree that the value added from the SEP narrative in the minutes is relatively small, as
it’s basically a description of the submitted data. Each of us can ensure that the information in
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our narrative gets into the FOMC minutes by discussing our narratives at the meeting as part of
our outlook, and I think we all probably already do that.
My only suggestion would be to reorder the charts and put those in group 4 before those
in group 3, and I think that’s because I view the charts in group 4 as really focusing on the risks
and uncertainty associated with our modal outlook. They reflect our view of appropriate policy
on which we base our forecast. In contrast, the charts in group 3 really focus on the dispersion of
views across participants. I think that’s very useful information, but it seems less relevant to
explaining what’s emerged as the consensus view of the Committee of the outlook in policy.
As President Daly said, we’re really trying in some of our communications—and in the
SEP in particular—not only to stress the dispersion, but to really try to convey what our reaction
function is. Let me also end by thanking the communications subcommittee and the staff for the
efforts here. And, you know, I always think of these communication enhancements as really
being part of the journey that we’re continually on, and I appreciate the efforts. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Rosengren, please.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And thank you to Rich for his leadership on
these changes, which I fully support. This year has been instructive in how quickly risks can
change, and the new figures will provide better indications of the participants’ evolving views on
risks. I also support releasing the SEP exhibits on the second day of the meeting, which
highlights the important role of assessments of risk and uncertainty in the decisions being made
at the FOMC. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Barkin, please.
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MR. BARKIN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. While I can live with the proposal we have, I fear
it’s not going to solve the problem that I perceive we have. The problem I see with the SEP is
that it’s taken as the view of the Committee rather than the collection of individual projections
that it represents. That can be really hard to explain. The dot plot just has a certain primal power
that breaks through all of the caveats we might put around it and all of the explanatory data we
might add.
Now, I don’t think more clarifying detail is going to hurt, but I don’t think it addresses
this core challenge. We are still going to burden the Chair every so often with a disconnect that
he has to explain. I’d instead prefer to take that misperception on directly by not releasing the
SEP on the day of the meeting and, instead, releasing it with the minutes, while allowing the
Chair to refer to it in his press conference if and only if it’s helpful to support our agreed-upon
statement. It would then become one part of the discussion about the minutes, about competing
views on the Committee, rather than described as a separate Committee outcome. I’m sure
you’ve thought of this, but I’d love to put it back into your January debate. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Bowman, please.
MR. CLARIDA. You’re on mute.
MS. BOWMAN. Am I on now?
CHAIR POWELL. You’re good.
MS. BOWMAN. Okay. Great, thanks. Thank you, Chair Powell, and thank you to
Governor Clarida and to the subcommittee on communications for your work. I support the
subcommittee’s recommended changes to the SEP. I welcome the greater transparency in the
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proposed changes, which I agree is consistent with the feedback that we received from the
participants of our Fed Listens events.
Releasing our risks and uncertainty assessments earlier will help provide more context to
our funds rate projections. Fed watchers and financial market participants often read too much
into the dot plot, and they’re likely not sufficiently taking into account the uncertainty, as
President Mester said, that surrounds our views on the appropriate path of the federal funds rate.
I do hope that the proposed changes will make the dot plot less of a focus for those who
follow our monetary policy decisions. But, like President Barkin, I would note that releasing it
on the same day as our meeting may serve to distract from the Chair’s message in ways that may
be unfortunate for some meetings. In addition, at least at the beginning, I think the simultaneous
release of the dot plot and our risks and uncertainty assessments may draw even greater interest
among those trying to dissect our policy views. Thank you, Chair Powell.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President George, please.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I continue to see the SEP as serving an
important role for us in communicating with the public. So, to that end, I support the changes
that are proposed here. As the subcommittee on communications has done with this, I would
support additional efforts to more closely align the SEP with our policy goals and strategies in
the new consensus statement in two specific areas: the outlook for inflation and balance sheet
policy. And as Governor Clarida plans to do that after the first of the year, I am not going to
elaborate further and will yield my time back to the Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kaplan, please.
MR. KAPLAN. Yes. As a final brief comment, and as a member of the subcommittee, I
want to thank Richard Clarida for his leadership. But I also want to recognize and thank Ellen
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Meade for having the thankless task—but doing it extremely well—of orchestrating this
subcommittee and also orchestrating a lot of our outreach to everyone on this call so we got good
feedback.
I am hopeful that aligning the release of all of these SEP materials with the FOMC
statement will draw more attention to the level of uncertainty and balance of risks surrounding
FOMC participants’ forecasts. This is particularly important during periods of elevated
uncertainty like the one we’re currently facing. Although I don’t want to be unrealistic about it, I
hope it will lead some media outlets to qualify statements regarding FOMC participants’
forecasts by their level of uncertainty. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. And, of course, I do support this, and I think anything
we can do to try to embrace risk management and turn as much attention away from the modal
case and the dot plot, we should do, and I plan on working hard at it. I fully appreciate the
challenges, though, that President Barkin and others have articulated. In a world in which we
have a dot plot, this will be a measure to emphasize risk management, and we’ll do the best we
can.
The last item of the day is a briefing on the policy alternatives. Trevor, over to you.
MR. REEVE. 7 Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’ll be referring to the exhibit on page 97
of your briefing materials packet.
The forward guidance you issued in September, which implemented elements of
your revised Statement on Longer-Run Goals and Monetary Policy Strategy, appears
to have been well received. As Lorie noted, market participants’ expectations about
the evolution of the federal funds rate seem well aligned with your intentions. The
upper-left panel shows responses to the question in the Desk’s surveys that asked
what rate of 12-month inflation respondents expect to prevail when you first raise the
target range for the federal funds rate. Consistent with your guidance, and in a
sizable shift since July, almost all respondents expect inflation to be at or above
2 percent at the time of liftoff. With regard to President Evans’s question this
morning, in this chart, the respondents who expect inflation to be 2 percent at the time
7
The materials used by Mr. Reeve are appended to this transcript (appendix 7).
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of liftoff are grouped in the 2 to 2¼ percent bin; there are only three respondents in
the bin below 2 percent. Regarding the timing of liftoff, the middle panel plots
market- and survey-based measures of the expected path of the federal funds rate.
The median respondent to the Desk’s surveys, the black x’s, sees it most likely that
the federal funds rate will remain at its current level beyond the end of 2023. The
average of respondents’ mean expectations, the yellow diamonds, begins to move up
gradually in late 2022, indicating some modest increase in the odds of liftoff over that
period. The blue line depicts a straight read of OIS quotes and suggests that market
participants expect the federal funds rate to remain near the effective lower bound
through the end of 2023. That said, OIS quotes likely embed risk premiums, and the
green and purple lines present different model-based corrections to the OIS-based
path that account for term premiums. These models suggest somewhat earlier rate
increases, although a great deal of uncertainty attends these estimates, particularly
when rates are at the effective lower bound.
Your setting of, and communications about, the federal funds rate, along with
other policy actions, have contributed to the generally accommodative state of
financial conditions. The red line in the upper-right panel shows the average reading
of publicly available financial conditions indexes. These indexes, which are largely
based on financial market prices, have retraced most of their tightening since March
and stand at levels that are as accommodative as before the pandemic. As discussed
in the Tealbook, however—as many of you mentioned—there is evidence that
financing conditions are less accommodative and in some cases still tightening for
households and firms that are reliant on bank-based financing. Moreover, should the
recent move up in the VIX, the blue line, prove persistent, it could portend a
deterioration in financial conditions.
A cornerstone of the accommodative financial conditions that have supported the
recovery has been the low and relatively stable level of longer-term interest rates. It
is notable that forward rates well beyond the expected departure from the effective
lower bound, including the five-year, five-year-forward rate, the black line in the
lower-left panel, have fluctuated relatively modestly following their plunge earlier
this year. Over the past three months, these forward rates have trended up somewhat,
but their current levels nevertheless remain near those seen as recently as mid-June.
Moreover, the realized volatility of this forward rate, the red line, has continued to
trend down to the low levels seen before the pandemic. One might have expected
these forward rates to have increased by even more, or to have exhibited greater
volatility, in response to some of the strikingly large positive data surprises of the past
few months.
The FOMC’s commitment to use its full range of tools to support the economy,
including asset purchases, has likely had a damping effect on the upward pressure on
longer-term yields that positive data surprises might have induced. That said, as
discussed in a box in the Tealbook, other factors may also be attenuating fluctuations
in longer-term yields. In particular, because of the unprecedented nature of the
pandemic-induced recession, the signal about the medium-term outlook provided by
recent data releases may be weaker than usual. This could be true, for example, if
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market participants interpreted the recent spate of positive news on the labor market
not so much as a substantial improvement in the medium-term outlook, but more of a
pulling forward of improvements that were expected to materialize within a few
quarters anyway.
The lower-middle chart provides an illustration of this effect. In the scatter plot,
the horizontal axis depicts revisions to the one-quarter-ahead unemployment rate
from the Blue Chip survey—a measure of how surprising incoming data have been
with regard to the near-term outlook. The vertical axis depicts the contemporaneous
revision to the four-quarter-ahead unemployment rate—a measure of the change in
the medium-term outlook. The blue squares show the data, which are quarterly, from
1990 through the first quarter of this year. They fit quite tightly around the regression
line with an approximately unitary slope, implying that incoming data surprises have
tended to pass through, one-for-one, to changes in the year-ahead forecast. The red
triangle, which shows the data point for the third quarter of this year, is a clear outlier.
Despite the downward revision to the near-term unemployment rate of 3 percentage
points between the June and September surveys, the year-ahead forecast was revised
down less than 1 percentage point. This muted revision to the medium-term outlook
might plausibly lead to a modest reaction of longer-term yields as well. Indeed, event
studies of data releases have shown much smaller movements of interest rates in
response to data surprises than implied by historical relationships. The bottom line is
that our understanding of the causes of both the relatively modest movements in
longer-term forward rates, as well as the low volatility of their day-to-day
movements, is incomplete, with factors beyond monetary policy likely playing a role.
Notwithstanding our limited understanding of the recent stability of longer-term
rates, for their part, respondents to the Desk’s surveys seem to expect the stability to
continue. The lower-right panel shows results from a survey question that asks
respondents to assign probabilities to bins in which the level of the 10-year Treasury
yield may lie at the end of 2021. As indicated by the red bars, relatively little mass is
attached to levels of longer-term rates at the pre-pandemic level around 2 percent or
higher, which is similar to results from the last time this question was asked in April,
the dashed line.
Regarding your decisions at this meeting, with expectations of the federal funds
rate well aligned with your intentions over the next few years and overall financial
conditions remaining accommodative, there does not appear to be a need to alter your
monetary policy stance or communications at this time. Accordingly, all three
alternative policy statements are very little changed from your September statement.
Alternative B makes modest changes to the characterization of recent data, reiterates
your forward guidance, and continues asset purchases at the current pace.
Maintaining your policy communications at this meeting may also be prudent in light
of near-term uncertainties, including those associated with the election, fiscal policy,
and the pandemic. At some point, as many of you pointed out in your discussion this
morning, the Committee may want to further clarify its intentions for balance sheet
policy, as doing so could help solidify expectations that longer-term rates will remain
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low and that financial conditions will remain accommodative as the economy
evolves.
Thank you, Chair Powell. This concludes my prepared remarks. Pages 99 to 104
of the briefing materials present the September statement and the draft alternatives
and draft implementation note. I would be happy to take questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you, Trevor. Any questions for Trevor? [No response]
Okay. Seeing none—did somebody say something? No, okay. Thanks very much. That brings
today’s festivities to an end, and I look forward to seeing everyone tomorrow morning at
9:00 a.m. sharp. Thanks. Have a good night, everybody. Thank you.
[Meeting recessed]
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November 5 Session
CHAIR POWELL. Okay. Good morning, everyone. I believe this morning we will start
with an update on markets from Lorie.
MS. LOGAN. Great, good morning. And thank you, Chair Powell. Yesterday,
even as the election results came in less decisively than many had been expecting,
equities rallied strongly and fixed-income yields declined. Markets were orderly, and
implied volatility declined even amid the uncertainty.
As the prospects for a unified Democratic Senate and presidency waned, markets
responded by pricing out expectations of both a large fiscal package and higher taxes.
Treasury yields fell as much as 14 basis points on the day, alongside the declining
odds of a large fiscal package. Some contacts also noted that lower fiscal stimulus
would also weigh on growth and could ultimately lead to a more accommodative
monetary policy stance.
Equities rallied strongly, with the S&P up more than 2 percent and the Nasdaq up
5 percent on the day, supported by growing expectation that tax increases and
regulatory changes that might have been enacted under a unified Democratic
government would now be difficult to implement. Shares of companies that would be
most affected by higher taxes—such as technology, communications, and health
care—outperformed, while cyclical sectors most sensitive to the growth outlook
underperformed. Shares were also supported by lower Treasury yields, and contacts
noted that companies with better longer-term earnings prospects, like technology,
benefited in particular.
With the rise in U.S. equities and other risk assets, emerging markets also
outperformed, and emerging market equities and currencies were up a little more than
1 percent.
After these shifts, markets functioned smoothly even as the uncertain election
outcome that some had worried most about seemed to be unfolding. The VIX
declined significantly on the day—I believe it was the largest daily decline since the
spring—although it remains at elevated levels that prevailed over much of October.
Although COVID-19 was not the major point of focus yesterday, with worrisome
numbers continuing to come out of Europe and the United States, market participants
still note significant uncertainties ahead.
Finally, market participants note that monetary policy will be in even stronger
focus in coming months, particularly if chances for a significant fiscal package
decline, although we still didn’t hear about any expected changes from the meeting
coming out this morning. Thanks. I’d be happy to take any questions.
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CHAIR POWELL. Thank you, Lorie. Questions for Lorie? [No response] Okay.
Seeing none, let’s go to our go-round, and we’ll begin with Governor Clarida, please.
MR. CLARIDA. Thank you, Chair Powell. I support alternative B as written. The
language introduced in our September statement is consequential not only in terms of the
information it provides about our reaction function, but also because it links our forward
guidance directly to our newly ratified consensus statement.
Now, because we’ve adopted state-based guidance regarding the macro conditions
required for liftoff, the shelf life of this language is not something that I anticipate that we will
need to revisit at each meeting. I would note that the most recent Survey of Market
Participants—and, I would say, I’m a big fan of these surveys that are done by the New York
Fed—provides evidence that our guidance and adoption of our new framework have already
shifted the distribution of market participant expectations. In particular, with regard to the rates
of inflation and unemployment at liftoff, they show that the distribution for unemployment has
shifted lower and the distribution for inflation has shifted higher since July.
This is relevant, because an academic critique of lower-for-longer and threshold policies
at the ELB is that they’re not time consistent and they’re not credible. In other words, the
critique is, markets won’t believe central banks when they promise not to lift off until they get to
their inflation objective. But it does appear that our guidance so far is credible, at least based on
these surveys. But I suspect in the future it may be tested if economic recovery—the rise in
inflation and fall in unemployment—is faster than we project today. I would also note that the
Reserve Bank of Australia, at its meeting this week, adopted guidance on the conditions for
liftoff that is quite similar to our September language.
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Alternative B retains the language from September about our asset purchase program,
and I support this decision. As we discussed yesterday, at some point it may make sense to
replace the “coming months” language with state-based language. But that discussion is not for
today. Thank you, Chair Powell.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Harker, please.
MR. HARKER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support alternative B as written, but I still have
a few concerns. Clearly, now is not the time, in my mind, to make major changes to the
language, in view of all of the uncertainty that currently exists with respect to fiscal policy and
just general uncertainty. So I do believe that prudence and a “steady as she goes” approach are
warranted in such a situation. That said, I do continue to have some reservations about the
language, and I would like to express a few ideas that we can perhaps consider at future
meetings.
So with the level of uncertainty in the current environment, maximum employment is a
particularly nebulous concept. It makes little sense to base policy on it, and it certainly should
not be given equal weight to our inflation objective.
While not envisioned in my modal forecast, it is possible that inflation could accelerate
noticeably above our target, with unemployment still quite high. We’re in uncharted economic
waters, and while that scenario is unlikely, I don’t think I can necessarily rule it out completely.
If that occurs, the language in paragraph 4 indicates that policy is likely to remain
accommodative unless we drastically lower our estimate of maximum employment. But it is
also somewhat ambiguous and could—and I emphasize “could”—put us in an unfortunate
position. If we decided in that situation to raise rates, we’d have to say that a high
unemployment rate was consistent with maximum employment. Or if we judge that we are well
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below maximum employment, we would have to abandon our inflation target. Neither of those
situations would be very attractive. And while I understand that the language in paragraph 5
provides the reasons for us to take such action—that is, it gives us an out—I think some language
in paragraph 4 that speaks to the issue would be useful.
So I prefer the position proposed by President Kashkari that we remain accommodative
until our inflation objective is in jeopardy. This view is supported by recent research on the
behavior of unemployment in recoveries by Hall and Kudlyak. They find that during recoveries,
the log of unemployment decreases at a fairly constant rate that is similar across recoveries. This
finding, along with a lack of any observed inflationary pressures, is inconsistent with the notion
of a single natural rate of unemployment and implies that the natural rate steadily declines during
an expansion as we observed pre-COVID.
The Hall and Kudlyak result is also consistent with the notion that maximum
employment is the level of employment that leads to rising inflation. What that level is likely
depends on the length of the recovery, something that is extremely difficult to predict.
Therefore, removing the reference to maximum employment clarifies our forward guidance and,
I think, better reflects the economic realities that will most affect our policy stance.
Thus, I am comfortable with the inflation language in paragraph 4 but believe the
addition of a concern for maximum employment is problematic. Now, ideally, I would like to
drop reference to it from the paragraph, but I do realize that may be, and probably is, a bridge too
far due to the need to clearly refer to our dual mandate in this paragraph. So I’m not opposed to
having something in there.
Alternatively, I would suggest we add clarification to the sentence that brings in
maximum employment as a policy objective—for example, adding “until labor market
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conditions have reached levels consistent with the Committee’s assessment of maximum
employment, which is likely necessary for inflation to have risen to 2 percent and be on track to
moderately exceed 2 percent for some time.” Putting this kind of phrasing in would better
elucidate the Phillips curve theory that is underpinning the policy prescription.
So, absent any of the above suggestions, I would, as I stated in our previous meeting,
prefer the statement used the conjunction “or,” which would better reflect the reality that if
inflation were to move measurably above our target, we would tighten policy. That seems to me
what we would in fact do, especially if inflation were accelerating, and I think it represents a
responsible policy decision. Again, these suggestions are meant for another day. For today, I
support alternative B as written. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Rosengren, please.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support alternative B. Policy remains
highly accommodative, short-term rates are close to zero, and we continue to purchase
significant quantities of financial assets. We, therefore, should take more time to assess the
likely fiscal policy actions in the next two quarters as well as the progression of the pandemic.
If the pandemic more significantly affects the economy in the near term, which I view as
quite likely, we should consider additional stimulus. My personal preference would be to make
some of our 13(3) facilities more attractive for borrowers. Unlike our other more conventional
policy tools, these programs more directly lower the cost of funds for entities most affected by
the pandemic: firms that likely are on the margin of making decisions about additional layoffs
that could affect their workers and labor markets more generally. There’s also substantial room
to make credit more affordable with these programs. Of course, this requires the concurrence of
the Treasury Department, so we cannot do this unilaterally.
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As a second-best alternative, we could increase our holdings of long-duration securities.
While this would be positive for the economy, the magnitude of the effect is likely to be limited,
in view of how low Treasury and agency MBS rates already are. Nonetheless, I would be in
favor of a more substantial tilt to purchasing more long-duration securities should the economy
deteriorate further. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bostic, please.
MR. BOSTIC. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support the policy action and statement in
alternative B.
As I survey the current landscape of the economy, like many of my colleagues, I am
increasingly seeing signs that we are transitioning from a health-driven downturn to one that is
driven by virus-related policies and behaviors, combined with more traditional economic factors.
The longer that a significant number of households and businesses remain on the downward
slope of the divergent recovery path—or, to use Atlanta Fed vernacular, the bottom part of the
less-than symbol—the more likely that financial distress will become a defining characteristic. If
this comes to pass, the potential that a cascade of negative forces will flow through the economy
is great, and this has ominous implications, particularly for the banking and financial systems.
This reality suggests it is appropriate to keep the federal funds rate at its current level and be
prepared to act if necessary.
That said, as I mentioned during yesterday’s discussion on asset purchases, I am starting
to seriously question the efficacy of our continuing to purchase Treasury bonds and mortgagebacked securities. A high cost of capital is not what is holding back economic growth today—
the progression of the virus is. Thus, in my view, these purchases are not accomplishing much
for us right now. Further, our growing position in these markets could shape how these markets
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operate, with consequences that I am not sure that we, or at least I, fully grasp yet. This
combination makes me a bit nervous, and I think it would serve the Committee well to continue
talking about the mechanisms through which we believe the asset purchase programs are
operating so that we can be on the same page about how we get the most bang for our buck.
If and when we continue these discussions, I think we should also spend some time trying
to understand the diverse set of effects these purchases have on the broader economy. Let me
give one example. Recent research by my staff, along with the staff of the Boston Fed, shows
that racial differences in refinancing responses to interest rate declines generate large differences
in interest rate burdens. In particular, white borrowers are much more likely to exploit mortgage
rate reductions and refinance their loans compared with Black and Hispanic borrowers.
The researchers then analyzed FOMC asset purchases following the financial crisis and
discovered that an unintended consequence of those actions is that by driving down mortgage
rates, monetary policy exacerbated racial inequality. Unconventional policy targeting agency
MBS markets only made this worse. For example, this paper shows that the Fed’s initial LSAP,
QE1, had a disproportionately large effect on white borrowers, as they increased refinancing by
more than a factor of 5 in the six months after the announcement of the program compared with
only a twofold increase in minority refinances.
To be clear, policies that drive down mortgage rates are not harmful to minority
borrowers. But the paper clearly shows that they could have been more beneficial. As
policymakers, in order to promote a more inclusive as well as a more stimulative response to our
policy actions, we could have considered complementary policies to make minority borrowers
more aware of possible refinance opportunities, like targeted outreach programs to minority
communities, financial counseling, and more streamlined refinance programs that would make it
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easier and less costly to lower mortgage payments for this group. Moving forward, as we
continue to assess and refine our asset purchase program, I hope the Committee considers the
potential effects as broadly as possible as well as complementary strategies so we get the full
benefit from their deployment.
Let me close by expressing my agreement with the Chair’s comment yesterday regarding
public communication. In today’s turbulent times, I have repeatedly been told by my boards and
many others how grateful people are for how the FOMC and the Federal Reserve System have
acquitted themselves and how our actions have increased the stature and credibility of the U.S.
central bank as an institution. Public commentary that potentially undermines confidence in the
efficacy of our tools and the power of the Committee to embark on policies that can address
prevailing economic conditions runs the risk of compromising the stature and credibility we have
worked so hard for. I encourage the Committee to stay far from such commentary, and I
certainly will. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Mester, please.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support maintaining our current policy stance
and the alternative B statement as written. The recovery has been stronger than expected, which
is quite positive and reflects the resilience of the economy. But there’s considerable variation
across sectors, and the levels of output and employment are still far below their pre-pandemic
levels. Inflation has ticked up, but it continues to run below our goal.
The recovery is likely to be slower from here on as the pandemic continues to weigh on
the economy. Some sectors, which have been able to muddle through to this point, will find it
challenging to continue to do so. For example, more universities and colleges, especially those
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dependent on state and local funding, are instituting furloughs and salary cuts and are warning
that more are yet to come.
The resurgence of COVID-19 cases in the United States and Europe adds considerable
uncertainty to the forecast of continued recovery and poses a significant downside risk. Another
downside risk is the lack of further fiscal stimulus; fiscal stimulus would lend needed support to
the households, firms, and state and local governments that have borne the brunt of the effects of
the virus on the economy and are finding it harder to recover. Of course, fiscal policy also poses
an upside risk, as there is a possibility that a larger-than-expected package is passed later this
year or early next year. I believe that our current highly accommodative policy is appropriate in
these circumstances and is consistent with our revised monetary policy strategy.
As we discussed yesterday, our statement language about asset purchases, which refers to
our plans “over coming months,” is getting stale, and we should be prepared as early as our next
meeting to align this language with our policy intention and to convey that this tool is being used
not only to support smooth market function, but also to support the recovery and attainment of
our longer-run goals of price stability and maximum employment.
I look forward to discussing at future meetings what our approach to LSAPs will be in the
event the outlook improves sooner than expected and in the event the outlook significantly
deteriorates. Because of the uncertainty surrounding the outlook, I think it’s prudent to have
plans in place for either possible scenario. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Barkin, please.
MR. BARKIN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. With unemployment elevated, inflation low, and
our policy guidance fresh, I support alternative B. I see no need to change direction. We should
continue to do our best to support the recovery.
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Looking forward, I want to spend a couple of minutes on risk management. Over my
short time on the Committee, I’ve seen us use that lens to raise rates to preempt inflation and to
lower rates in a time of elevated tariff uncertainty. In our latest statement, we provided strong
forward guidance while acknowledging in paragraph 5 that the stance of policy could change if
risks were to emerge. I thought I might reflect on how I see considering some of these
potential risks.
Today, as I’ve already said, the risks to the economy remain strongly on the downside,
and the benefits of our fully accommodative stance are clear so long as that is the case. But
things can change. An obvious risk is a sustained, more-than-moderate increase in inflation.
Were that to occur, we would act. Perhaps more likely is a repeat of the previous cycle in which
employment fully recovers but inflation stays lower than target. In a world of anchored
expectations, market power and price transparency create headwinds for inflation, and these
forces, if anything, may be intensifying. Our current guidance keeps our pedal to the metal until
inflation finally rises. That may take a long time.
And what if an extended period of near-zero rates doesn’t increase inflation to target?
Could that cement a longer-term environment with low rates and low expected inflation? Surely,
our experiences during the previous recovery, as well as those in Europe and Japan, at least raise
this possibility. And I do think there are very real costs that arise from prolonged time at the
lower bound, even in the event that the policy is ultimately successful.
We’ve talked multiple times about the risks of asset bubbles and excess leverage, which,
of course, we saw in the Global Financial Crisis. I read with interest our April 2016 transcript,
which makes clear the primacy, but inadequacy, of macroprudential policy, at least as currently
structured. Unlike how it’s sometimes characterized, I don’t see the financial stability question
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as whether we should raise rates to prick a bubble. Rather, I ask how long we should be
comfortable with near-zero rates, in light of the risk that we inadvertently create problems we
don’t anticipate.
If these are the risks, then what are our alternatives? We can maintain accommodation as
we near our goals, but raise rates gradually, reducing risk and even giving us some policy space
if we need it. This path looks like Tealbook rule ADAIT–2020. I recognize such a choice could
slow our path to target inflation, so we may want to analyze its offsetting potential to reduce the
inflation and employment costs of more adverse scenarios. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Evans, please.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. The setting for monetary policy seems appropriate
for now, and I support alternative B.
The Committee took the key step of issuing strong output-based forward guidance at our
September meeting. The most important task in front of us is to follow through on this
commitment in a manner consistent with our strategic framework. A steadfast commitment to
achieving our dual-mandate goals is particularly important for supporting the economy during
these highly uncertain times. I hope the Tealbook real-side projection is realized and we
eliminate employment shortfalls by 2022. But the Tealbook’s modest inflation path is a stark
reminder of how far we have to go to achieve inflation that averages 2 percent over time.
Indeed, under the Tealbook forecast, average inflation starting from early 2020 will fail
to reach the 2 percent mark even by the end of 2023. This is too slow. Our credibility depends
on achieving our inflation objective much sooner. As I mentioned yesterday, to do so, our eyes
should be on getting inflation moving up with momentum toward 2½ percent, not just inching a
bit above 2 percent at some far-distant date.
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We clearly have a lot of work ahead of us, and we cannot be shy about aggressively using
all of our tools to achieve our policy goals in a timely fashion. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kaplan, please.
MR. KAPLAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I agree with alternative B as written. I
believe our current policy stance for the time being is appropriate.
While we’re in the teeth of this pandemic, I think we need to stay the course on
our 13(3) programs. I would also be supportive, if necessary, of enhancements to the
13(3) programs—obviously, with the consent of the Treasury—and I would be supportive for
the time being of maintaining the current pace of asset purchases. And if we get in a position in
which we think we need to provide more accommodation, I would far prefer examining
extending maturities rather than increasing the size or pace of our asset purchases.
I’m hopeful, though, that eventually—sometime, ideally next year, and maybe with an
effective vaccine—we’ll get to the stage at which we begin to have better visibility regarding an
economy that looks to be weathering the pandemic. I think when we get to that stage, I would
expect we would begin to discuss allowing 13(3) programs to lapse and we’d begin to actively
consider a plan for tapering our asset purchase programs.
I’m sure at that point and in the years ahead we will have some of the risk-management
debates, which I welcome, that President Barkin just talked about. I would also say—and it was
really prompted by President Bostic’s comments—I think our communications and outreach, or
C&O, efforts during this period, and I mean now, are increasing in importance and are very
critical to our communities. I’m very grateful and glad that we beefed up our C&O programs
throughout the System, because I think they do have a key role to play, particularly with various
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at-risk populations, and I think that’ll be an important emphasis during this period. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bullard, please.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’m going to start with a few comments on the
SEP. I didn’t want to prolong the discussion yesterday, but I did have a few comments.
I certainly support the changes that are proposed at this meeting, but I want to take this
opportunity to agree with President Barkin that we need to address head-on the fundamental
issue with the SEP, which is that the FOMC, in effect, makes two different policy statements at
SEP meetings. These two policy statements are sometimes in conflict. One policy statement is
carefully calibrated. It is the written policy statement that we all debate and wordsmith as we go
along, but the other is not. The other is a compilation of data that is not coordinated among the
FOMC participants. And sometimes these are in conflict as seen in some famous examples over
the past seven or eight years. This puts the Chair in a very difficult position in some cases—
essentially, on the firing line at the press conference trying to explain why the Committee said
one thing in one statement and said another thing in another statement.
So I really think this is very fundamental, and we need to get control over this.
Otherwise, we’re just going to continue to have episodic conflicts. Arguably, we have one right
now. We said in August that we were going to do flexible average inflation targeting, and then
we came out in September with an SEP that said, well, inflation is not going to be above target
anytime in the forecast horizon. So this caused a lot of questions, and that’s fine. We can
explain and talk about that. But I think this is a very difficult thing.
I would remind the Committee that when we first adopted the SEP, I think it was, in my
opinion, adopted without enough careful consideration of what we were doing, and we just kind
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of went ahead with it and said, “Well, we’ll give it a try and see how it works.” But the spirit of
that was that there would be revisions that would come later if we had any problems, and those
revisions have never come because there are different views on the Committee and it’s been a
difficult situation.
So I do think it is time to reassess the SEP, and I have some other questions about it. I
would say, you could ask the question: How important are quarterly forecasts from this
Committee in an age of GDPNow, when forecasts are being updated on a daily basis, with that
morning’s information coming in? And I think GDPNow is a great innovation. There are many
other forecasters that are updating on a daily basis. That makes complete sense in a world of fast
information and models that you can click on a button and get your new forecast based on the
new information. So the SEP is essentially stale right after it comes out, because new
information has come in that would cause adjustments to that forecast. And most of what we do
in our public speeches is, we try to give hints about how we would adjust our own outlook based
on how the data, a jobs report or something like that, have been coming in over the past couple
of weeks.
And I would also stress that forecasts—there’s a problem with the SEP, as it goes out
several years and into the long run. I actually do not submit a long-run forecast, because such
forecasts do not contain very much information. There’s a long literature on this. You get out
more than a year, and, basically, a forecast isn’t telling you anything. So I think you’re
conveying a false sense of security with these dots out there several years. Shocks are going to
overwhelm that, and we know that from the literature. So what exactly do we think we’re trying
to do with the SEP?
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I think another comment that has been made around the table over the years on this is that
it would be much better to communicate a policy rule, even approximately—we can’t have a
mathematical rule. And we have tried to do that with flexible average inflation targeting, so
maybe we’re in better shape today. What you really want to describe is how you’re going to
react to incoming information, not try to predict what the incoming information is actually going
to be, because that’s very difficult. So forecasting is not, probably, what we want to do. We
want to have a map between the various states of the world and how we would behave in those
various states. I think we’re closer to that than we were a decade ago, but we’re not there yet.
So I just want to make the case, as I’ve made off and on over time here, that it’s very
much ripe for a rethink of the SEP. It does cause us problems, it does cause the Chair problems,
and it probably could be done better if we took a step back and tried to think about what we’re
trying to do here.
On asset purchases, I thought it was a very good discussion yesterday, and I learned a
lot—a lot of good comments. I’m likely to be supportive of modest changes to forward guidance
on asset purchases in December, as discussed yesterday. However, I would stress that this must
be carefully done. The taper tantrum was a very serious event and did cause a major global
disruption at the time. So I think we want to—we are in a crisis here. We do not want to rock
the boat. And if we could get away with doing nothing, I’d probably support doing nothing. We
may have to make modest changes, but I’d just remind people that the tantrum caused, as I
mentioned yesterday—the chart I have in my head is of a 100 basis point increase in real yields
that was very persistent globally. I mean, that is a big shock, and we don’t want to get into that
as we’re trying to wend our way through the crisis here.
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I do think, as I hinted yesterday, that there’s a potential conflict ahead in 2021—not
today. I very much think we’re in a good position today. But going ahead, we’re telling a story
that the pandemic is going to wind down somehow in 2021—therapeutics come on board and
vaccines come on board. I emphasize that the business community has learned how to cope with
the disease. Households that are most at risk learn how to protect themselves. So these things
are all pointing to a wind-down in 2021. It doesn’t seem like it today. It seems like this thing is
going to go on forever. But you know that it’s not going to go on forever. It’s going to wind
down.
And our description of what’s going to happen is very long term. Our description is that
there are problems for the next five years or seven years—something like that. And that
description is coming from too much weight on the GFC aftermath experience. That was an
extremely slow recovery. People are looking at that, and they’re mapping that over to this shock
and saying that that same very slow pace is going to—and it’s going to take five to seven years.
I don’t think that’s what’s going to happen here. This pandemic will wind down at some point.
Unemployment will come down, growth will be above potential, and you’ll be in a very different
situation than the one we’re describing.
So I think we should be contemplating what we are going to say in 2021 if we get that
kind of baseline—really, I would say, baseline scenario: Vaccines start to come on, therapeutics
are around, quite a bit of output has been recovered, unemployment is down quite a ways, and
then we’re still telling a story of, “Oh, it’s going to take another five years.” I’m not sure that’s
going to be tenable, and I think that’s potentially something we have to think about in 2021.
On policy for today, I support alt-B as written. I thought the Chair had good judgment a
long time ago, in the summer, to stay away from trying to make any policy move at this meeting.
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And, obviously, we’ve got all kinds of election uncertainty, which was maybe kind of
predictable.
I like President Kaplan’s phrase “teeth of the pandemic.” You don’t want to make any
changes at this kind of juncture. And this might also apply to December, so I have a little bit of
trepidation about even doing something in December.
The policy response to this crisis has been excellent on the fiscal side and on the
monetary side—one of the best I’ve seen in my career. I think it was calibrated to a larger shock,
a macroeconomic disturbance, than the one that has actually occurred. We borrowed plenty at
the federal level. We immediately, here at the FOMC, went to the effective lower bound. We
got the liquidity programs going very rapidly—an outstanding response across the board. And
that’s putting us in a very good position to get past this pandemic in the next six to nine months.
So I think we’re in great shape for today on policy. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President George, please.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I support alternative B as written. The
current stance of policy is appropriate, in my view, as we monitor the state of the economy, the
prospects for fiscal policy, and the course of the virus. With accommodative financial conditions
in place and continued sharp movements in the economic data, it could be appropriate to remain
on hold for some time. Certainly, it’s too soon to talk about withdrawing accommodation with
the pandemic still in full swing. But likewise, judging the need for further accommodation
seems premature today.
As we discussed yesterday, it will be important to clarify our intentions for balance sheet
policy. I look forward to our upcoming deliberations on how to offer that guidance for asset
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purchases that contributes to the achievement of our objectives without unnecessarily
complicating future policy choices by tying our hands. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Bowman, please.
MS. BOWMAN. Thank you, Chair Powell. I also support alternative B. With the
incoming data on economic activity again surprising to the upside, I continue to be encouraged
by the resilience of the U.S. economy, and I remain optimistic about the outlook.
While conditions have significantly improved, employment and economic activity are
still short of their pre-pandemic levels, and I continue to see the economic risks of further
measures that could be taken to address the pandemic as substantial. Therefore, I support
maintaining an accommodative policy stance at this meeting, which is consistent with the
forward rate guidance added to our policy statement at the September meeting. I’d also like to
note that I’m very pleased to see the expansion of the Main Street Lending Program’s
accessibility, and I’ll be interested to see how this change affects the usage in the coming
months.
But, as I noted yesterday, I think in the coming meetings, we will need to start clarifying
our intentions regarding our asset purchases. Based on the pace of the recovery so far and
various indications of essentially normal market functioning, it seems likely that in coming
meetings it will be appropriate to begin signaling a move toward a gradual slowing in the pace of
our asset purchases. But I agree with what the Chair said yesterday—that is at some point in the
first half of 2021.
I recognize that financial conditions can be very sensitive to communications about our
asset purchase plans, and I’d just like to restate that I’m not advocating for an immediate change.
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But our asset purchases have both benefits and costs, and we should weigh them carefully as we
consider the future course of the balance sheet in upcoming meetings. Thank you, Chair Powell.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Quarles, please.
MR. QUARLES. Thank you, Chair. I, too, support alternative B as written. We’ve
experienced a faster-than-expected recovery. My current expectations regarding output,
employment, and inflation remain rather more upbeat than the staff’s baseline. But, of course,
the recovery to date and my continued optimism reflect in part the significant pass-through of
monetary policy and the other actions that the Fed has taken to support the real economy. And,
as I mentioned yesterday, downside risks from the COVID event are larger than they’ve been
over the past several months, and the 7.9 percent unemployment rate is still well above where we
know that this economy can get. So the economy continues to benefit from support—the
forward guidance that we agreed to in September and the current pace and composition of asset
purchases remain appropriate.
I’ve reflected somewhat further on our discussion yesterday on asset purchases in light of
our statement. The current statement language appears to have generated market expectations
about the pace and duration of asset purchases that are roughly in line with current economic
conditions. And because of the intense focus on our statement, making a change in the language
carries risks of unintentionally upsetting that equilibrium at a time when conditions are quite
uncertain. I’m also of the mind that the “market functioning” language and the current
composition of purchases have more time to run, as the Chair said yesterday. And at least some
of the key uncertainties right now—fiscal policy and the evolution of the COVID event—are
likely to be clearer after the turn of the year.
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So I’d be comfortable using what Governor Clarida called a status quo bias and taking
some additional time to be sure that we’re implementing the right changes in that communication
and doing so at an appropriate time. And then when the time comes to remove the focus on
market functioning, I am, like many of you—although I didn’t discuss this yesterday—attracted
to exploring the strategy of lengthening the average duration of purchases or doing a maturity
extension program while reducing the pace of purchases commensurately to achieve similar
levels of accommodation. That approach would have the benefit of preserving our balance sheet
capacity for use in a greater emergency; it reduces the strain on banks associated with higher
bank reserves or the financial stability considerations that go with the overnight reverse repo
program.
Looking a little longer term, I appreciated the breadth of the alternative scenarios
included in the Tealbook this time around. But even in light of inflation stubbornly persisting at
modestly below our 2 percent goal during the past decade and the flatness of the Phillips curve in
the data and in our models, I still was struck, in that range of scenarios, by the quiescence of
inflation even after the expansion had taken hold across all of the scenarios. Although
understandable in the baseline scenario, again, inflation is persisting below 2 percent in the
“Faster Recovery” scenario and in the scenario with an additional $2 trillion of fiscal stimulus.
And in that latter scenario, unemployment falls to 2.8 percent in 2022 and 2023, which would be
the lowest since the first year of the Eisenhower Administration. But inflation doesn’t reach
2 percent until 2023—and then only barely.
So if I applied the current forward guidance to the letter, the federal funds rate would stay
at the effective lower bound over that whole period. I would be quite surprised if inflation
remained as low as projected in such a historically strong economy. I would simply note that.
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I also looked at the “Inflationary Pressures” scenario and wondered how much that would
change if we were adding significant fiscal support at the same time as those pressures emerged.
But none of those questions about the medium- or longer-term inflation dynamics in a good state
of the world change my comfort with monetary policy remaining highly accommodative for the
foreseeable future. Thank you, Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. First Vice President Feldman, please.
MR. FELDMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And I just want to thank you, on behalf of
Neel and myself, for your accommodation in my participation and the support from the FOMC
Secretariat in doing that.
We support alternative B as written. We support the upcoming near-term discussion of
changing the language on the balance sheet. That seems like that’s the right time.
In terms of the path of policy, as mentioned yesterday, we are worried about a significant
downturn associated with the increase in COVID, potentially combined with a lack of
appropriate fiscal stimulus, and think we should not be planning just for a return to normal but,
instead, should be thinking about contingencies associated with a more pessimistic outcome.
And that would build on our discussion yesterday of balance sheet options that we would be
using in that case. We also agree strongly with the notion of extending all of the programs under
way under 13(3) and others.
And, more generally, even without that downturn, we think there needs to be appropriate
accommodation, given the labor market conditions and the fact that we’re not yet on the path to
our inflation target. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Daly, please.
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MS. DALY. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support alternative B as written. I see the release
of our long-run framework—combined with the September forward guidance, which was quite
strong—as really signaling to people that we are going to do what it takes to be accommodative
until we’re fully on path to achieve our dual-mandate goals.
I agree with your characterization yesterday that policy is in a good place. I’m a little
worried that that might shift on us if we don’t change the language of “over coming months” on
the asset purchases. As I said yesterday, I think markets can be fickle. They’re in a good place
now, but I’d hate for them to get surprised on the—go in one direction if there’s good news or a
different direction if there’s bad news and move away from our own views. So I would, as
President Mester said, welcome the changes in December, but, obviously, it’s a Committee
decision.
The discussion yesterday on asset purchases and also on the economy made me sort of
pause and want to say a few words about future policy. And here I want to focus on three things:
employment, inflation, and inequality. Our discussion yesterday made me think about the fact
that we know how to manage a crisis. We’ve done extraordinarily well on that front, I think,
along with the fiscal authorities. That’s not where I have any concern. Where we tend to be less
practiced—or, if practiced, we are less familiar and less willing—is in this period we’re facing
today.
So if the modal outcome for the virus goes forward and we have continued steady
growth, as many of us think, next year, then we’re going to face the situation of unemployment
coming down only gradually, inflation moving up only gradually, and us feeling impatient that
we might have used all of our tools and we can’t really do more. So I want to just focus on what
we’ve learned from the past 30 years. I agree with President Bullard that we shouldn’t just look
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to the GFC experience and the previous recession and say, “That’s what we should
extrapolate from.”
So let’s go back to the 1990s, which was really the first labor market recovery that was,
well, called the jobless recovery. And it was one in which the historical V-shaped recovery of
employment just didn’t occur, and it was more protracted. It was the FOMC at that time that
kept rates lower for a little longer and waited for inflation to come back up. And we saw, really,
millions of Americans who were at the lower part of the wage and education distribution be able
to come in and work. It was then dubbed the Roaring Nineties.
So that was an example that I think we can apply today. We can simply take out the
Great Recession and use the 1990s and the 2000s and see that, although employment progress is
slow and people do say there are structural differences—people can’t come back into the labor
market—a robust economy really works. And, importantly—and many of us have mentioned
this—it starts to close gaps that are long standing between Black Americans and white
Americans, Hispanic Americans and white Americans, and those with less education and those
with more. So we are not a sufficient condition—in no way. We have to have the help of fiscal
authorities and others. But we are a necessary condition, and I would hate for us to lose our
resolve because we got worried that we couldn’t do anything.
Let me turn to inflation. On inflation, we came into the pandemic with inflation below
our target. And then we committed as a group to have average inflation of 2 percent—that’s
where we have the new framework. If we had trouble getting there in a strong economy, we’ll
have to be harder working in a weak economy. I’m very encouraged, however, by what I’ve
seen in market reactions. The inflation expectations that Trevor showed yesterday—that’s an
incredibly positive piece of evidence that, essentially, on the release of our framework, we saw
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those expectations come up at the same time that the European nations’ are coming down. So I
don’t think we’re going to be in a Japanese situation or even a European one if we keep our
resolve, keep our accommodation, and say that those are our targets. It’s why I think the SEP,
our forward guidance, and other things have been so critical, along with our communications.
Now let me, finally, talk about inequality. You know, President Bostic brought this up,
but many of us have been talking about this. I’ve actually been, for the past two months,
meeting with people who worry a lot about whether our policies have these unintended
consequences of boosting inequality and really asking them, “Come, and let’s talk about it.”
And what I’ve learned in those conversations with a range of people, many of whom you don’t
know, is that really what they’re asking for, in my judgment, is that we not stop doing our
policies, because those are making everyone better off, but that we combine our policies not only
with the outreach that President Kaplan and President Bostic just mentioned and all of us are
doing, but also with the outreach that says, “The interest rate is low, so you should take this
opportunity to think about mortgage refinancing,” or “Boy, the labor market is improving—
where is our workforce development?” We can use our voice, and we can use programs. But it
really is not that we shouldn’t do anything for fear of producing inequality, because then the
absolute income of these individuals would be lower. And I think we should focus on getting
absolute incomes up and then working with outreach to close relative gaps.
I’ll conclude everything by saying that I reread last night, just because I occasionally
do—I’d recommend it; it’s a really nice read—the piece by Romer and Romer on how the most
dangerous idea in the Federal Reserve is that monetary policy isn’t effective. And it was really
an important piece, because it goes back and documents in history when we’ve made our largest
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mistakes—when academics, researchers, and policymakers look back, they always say that we
were too timid or we thought we ran out of gas.
So I want to just completely second what Chair Powell said yesterday, that we are a
powerful institution. That even if it’s only signal value that we announce our facilities and the
spreads narrow, that we say we have more tools and people feel confident, and they put Jay in
New York magazine and say he’s a good public servant—I mean, these are good days for us, and,
importantly, we can use these things to be more powerful. So with that, I’ll conclude and say,
thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Brainard, please.
MS. BRAINARD. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I see the economic data since the September
meeting as slightly stronger than expected. Despite this, the resurgence in virus spread, the
disappointment on fiscal support, and the European second wave, in my mind, pose important
downside risks.
While the strong third-quarter GDP “print” was welcome, the recovery remains highly
uncertain and highly uneven, with certain sectors and groups experiencing substantial hardship.
In September, I was worried fiscal policymakers could take the wrong message from the strength
of the recovery and withdraw critical support. We’ve seen a stalemate since that time. Further
delays and shortfalls are likely to intensify the headwinds from income losses among cashconstrained households, layoffs at cash-strapped small businesses, belt tightening among state
and local authorities facing revenue losses, and the associated scarring and recessionary
dynamics. These headwinds will slow our return to 2 percent average inflation, and they will be
felt more severely by low- and moderate-income households, highlighting the gap between
current labor market conditions and our broad and inclusive definition of maximum employment.
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Even as the data continue to come in better than expectations, the levels of both
employment and inflation remain far short of our goals. The forward guidance we adopted in
September is appropriate, in view of the severity of the risks facing American households and
businesses. It will be difficult to move average inflation to its target, given today’s low neutral
rate, low underlying inflation, and low sensitivity of inflation to slack. Indeed, as Governor
Quarles noted, even under the upside risk scenarios of “Additional Fiscal Support” and “Faster
Recovery,” inflation doesn’t even reach 2 percent, let alone sustainably move above it, until
2023 or 2024.
A key benefit of outcome-based forward guidance of the sort we put in place is that the
pace of the recovery will dictate the path of policy. Should a faster recovery materialize, which I
hope it will, our reaction function has already been articulated, and our policy will be anticipated.
I was encouraged to see evidence in the Desk survey that our forward guidance is having
the desired effect on expectations regarding the policy rate. The median response regarding the
most likely time of liftoff is now in the first half of 2024, later than in July, despite the fact that
the data since that time have generally been better than markets had expected.
So why did the liftoff move later despite the improved outlook? The survey suggests that
our switch to a flexible average inflation-targeting strategy and its implementation through our
September outcome-based forward guidance have shifted expectations consistent with our
reaction function. Perhaps the clearest indication is the increase in respondents who believe the
most likely value of headline 12-month PCE inflation at liftoff will be greater than 2¼ percent,
which increased from 30 percent in July to more than 50 percent in the latest survey. Similarly,
as was noted, five-year, five-year-forward inflation compensation has moved up since we
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announced our new framework, which is a sharp contrast with jurisdictions such as the euro area
that have not yet made commensurate changes.
Makeup strategies require commitment on the part of policymakers in order to be
credible and effective. Like Governor Clarida, I read the shift in market expectations as
providing some indication we passed the first test of our credibility with the September outcomebased forward guidance implementing the new consensus statement. Our guidance on asset
purchases will be viewed as the next important test of our credibility in implementing the new
consensus framework.
Our discussion yesterday explored the important considerations that we are all weighing.
I thought it was very helpful. We should be careful not to come across as equivocal or we will
risk losing the credibility we have earned by our strong resolve to date, which could necessitate
even greater actions to make up for lost ground later, as noted by Presidents Evans and Daly.
A few careful modifications can meet this test within a unified framework governing both
the policy rate and asset purchases and linked to our goals while maintaining necessary
flexibility and using our balance sheet more efficiently by shifting toward longer maturities, as
noted by President Kaplan and Governor Quarles. This guidance would tie the public’s
expectations of purchases, including when they would taper and conclude, qualitatively to
economic outcomes.
By pledging to provide accommodation until shortfalls from maximum employment have
been eliminated and average inflation of 2 percent has been achieved, we can ensure that
inflation expectations become solidly anchored at 2 percent, and that the recovery reaches those
who have been disproportionately harmed, leading to a broad-based and strong recovery. Our
guidance on asset purchases will help secure these outcomes by helping to keep borrowing costs
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low for households and businesses along the yield curve. Like President Daly, I was struck by
the Chair’s words yesterday, and I just want to paraphrase what I thought he captured well:
We’re strongly committed to using our powerful tools until the job is well and truly done.
This committed support from monetary policy, if combined with additional targeted fiscal
support, can turn the K-shaped recovery into a broad-based and inclusive recovery. So I support
alternative B at this meeting. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Vice Chair Williams, please.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. In yesterday’s discussion and this
morning’s discussion, I’ve heard the terms “natural optimism,” “better than expected,” and
“feeling good about that.” I had an epiphany last night really because of the comments by
Governor Quarles and President Daly—I finally have the answer to a question people have asked
me for the past two years, and that is, which sports team am I going to support in the Second
District? And given how good it feels to think that things are going to get better, I have decided
once and for all to choose the New York Jets to be my team, as you always feel that things are
going to get better because they can’t get much worse, to paraphrase a Beatles song. I see that
Governor Clarida supports this.
In terms of the policy, I support alternative B as written. The broad contours of the
economic outlook have not fundamentally changed since our September meeting. We continue
to face a protracted recovery, measured in years and characterized by an extraordinarily high
degree of uncertainty. Accordingly, it will remain appropriate to maintain a highly
accommodative monetary policy stance for quite some time as we seek to eliminate shortfalls
from maximum employment and achieve inflation that runs moderately above the 2 percent
longer-run goal for some time.
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I am encouraged, like others, that our new policy framework and forward guidance on the
funds rate are already helping align market expectations with our own. I know a few people
have already said that, so the minutes will have to go from “a few” said this to “several,” I think.
Since July, market participants’ perceptions of our reaction function have shifted noticeably, as
Governor Brainard just described, with the median response of the Desk survey to the rate of
inflation prevailing at liftoff rising from 2.1 percent to 2.3 percent since July. This expectation
stands in stark contrast to the survey results back in 2015, when the median response from the
survey was for core inflation to be around 1½ percent at liftoff. So it’s a pretty dramatic change
in how people understand our framework.
I’d like to comment a little bit on financial stability risks for market volatility in the
context of the highly uncertain outlook regarding the pandemic, fiscal policy, et cetera. You
know, the good news is, we already have in place numerous active and effective programs to
provide broad market liquidity, both domestically and internationally. These include our SOMA
asset purchases, daily repo swap lines, the FIMA repo facility, the discount window, and, of
course, the 13(3) programs. The past eight months teach us that the scale and the certainty of
this liquidity have powerful effects on market confidence and functioning during highly
uncertain times. And we can quickly adjust or expand these existing operations if needed.
In this regard, the scheduled expiration of several key 13(3) facilities at the end of the
year puts this good equilibrium at risk at a still fragile moment for the global economy and the
financial system. Market participants are focused on this expiration date, and there will be a
significant benefit if it were clear that these facilities will be quickly restarted if needed or, even
better yet, that the expiration date will be postponed into the future, when the situation is less
parlous. So I support the Chair’s comments on that.
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Finally, I’d like to make a couple of remarks in response to some of the discussion. And
we’re dealing with truly unusual, extraordinary circumstances. Of course, there are a lot of
unanswered issues that we have to grapple with, and I just want to congratulate the Board staff
and others for really doing great analysis—bringing together micro and macro evidence and
bringing together high-frequency, time-series, and cross-sectional analysis—to help us sort
through the issues.
I think, in particular, the example of what’s going on with the saving rate across various
groups was very informative. It doesn’t necessarily, perhaps, give everybody the convincing
answers to all of the questions, but it definitely gets a great conversation going. And I know that
our economists were very engaged in this kind of work. As we go forward, looking for more
opportunities to share not only the analysis of Board economists through the Tealbook and other
briefings, but also the research that’s going on in the System, whether in special topics briefings
or other ways, I think that would be really helpful, with all of the critical, important questions
that we’ll be thinking about.
That served us very well following the financial crisis—some really outstanding research,
as President Daly mentioned yesterday, that helped us separate various hypotheses based on the
evidence and based on what we can glean from the data and the analysis. So I encourage us all
to not only continue on that path of supporting that research, but also make sure it’s shared with
the Committee.
And, lastly, I wasn’t going to talk about the SEP, but President Bullard is forcing my
hand a bit. I understand the desire to revisit that—I’m a big proponent of continual
improvement. But it’s easy to find the times when you don’t like the dot plot. I think, President
Bullard, you’re really referring primarily to the dot plot. But there are reasons I think it’s
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actually helped us enormously, especially when we’re at the lower bound. I mean, the fact that
we go only to 2023 means that we can’t give the full picture of inflation overshooting.
But in terms of these comments about, “Well, are we just saying that it’s going to be a
replay of the financial crisis?” Well, no. If you look at the SEP, we have the unemployment rate
coming down relatively quickly, I think reflecting the view that this is a different situation—this
time is different. We also can show at least our views of what it means. The previous SEP was
not—the meeting didn’t have rate increases for the next few years. So I think it actually has
served us well in the situations in which it matters the most. It’s uncomfortable at times, I
understand—every Chair has mentioned that. But at times when I think it has the greatest effect,
I think it does play a valuable role.
And in terms of the comment about, “Do we really know why we’re doing it or what the
goal is?” Fortunately, Glenn Rudebusch and I wrote a paper on this in 2008, “Revealing the
Secrets of the Temple: The Value of Publishing Central Bank Interest Rate Projections.” And it
really is about the reaction function. It’s about helping people understand: As the evolution of
the economy changes, how does our policy change? It’s not just about a point in time.
So I do encourage the subcommittee to continue to think about how to improve the
economic projections and the dot plot. But I don’t want us to lose sight of what we’re trying to
accomplish, and want to really focus on how we can make it even more effective in the future.
So with that, thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thanks, everyone, for your comments—solid support for alt-B as
written, with some interesting ideas. So with that, let’s move to the FOMC votes. Matt, could
you make it clear what the FOMC will vote on and then call the roll?
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MR. LUECKE. Thank you, Mr. Chair. The vote will be on the monetary policy
statement and directive to the Desk corresponding to alternative B as they appear in Trevor’s
briefing materials. I’ll call the roll.
Chair Powell
Vice Chair Williams
Governor Bowman
Governor Brainard
Governor Clarida
President Daly
President Harker
President Kaplan
President Mester
Governor Quarles
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
MR. LUECKE. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Now we have Board votes on interest rates on reserves and discount
rates. May I have a motion from a Board member to take the proposed actions with respect to
the interest rates on reserves as set forth in the implementation note included in Trevor’s briefing
materials?
MR. CLARIDA. So moved.
CHAIR POWELL. May I have a second?
MS. BRAINARD. Second.
CHAIR POWELL. Without objection. Thank you. Next up, the Board needs to approve
the corresponding actions for discount rates. May I have a motion from a Board member to
approve establishment of the primary credit rate at 0.25 percent and establishment of the rates for
secondary and seasonal credit under the existing formulas specified in the staff’s October 30,
2020, memo to the Board?
MR. CLARIDA. So moved.
CHAIR POWELL. May I have a second?
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MS. BRAINARD. Second.
CHAIR POWELL. Without objection. Thank you. Our final agenda item is to confirm
that our next meeting will be Tuesday and Wednesday, December 15 and 16, 2020. Thank you,
all, very much. It’s been a great meeting. It’s good to see everyone, and thanks again. Take
care. Be well.
PARTICIPANTS. [Chorus of goodbyes]
END OF MEETING
Cite this document
APA
Federal Reserve (2020, November 4). FOMC Meeting Transcript. Fomc Transcripts, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/fomc_transcript_20201105
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_fomc_transcript_20201105,
author = {Federal Reserve},
title = {FOMC Meeting Transcript},
year = {2020},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Fomc Transcripts, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/fomc_transcript_20201105},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}