fomc transcripts · September 17, 2019
FOMC Meeting Transcript
September 17-18, 2019
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Meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee
September 17–18, 2019
A joint meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee and the Board of Governors was held in
the offices of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System in Washington, D.C., on
Tuesday, September 17, 2019, at 10:15 a.m. and continued on Wednesday, September 18, 2019,
at 9:00 a.m.
PRESENT:
Jerome H. Powell, Chair
John C. Williams, Vice Chair
Michelle W. Bowman
Lael Brainard
James Bullard
Richard H. Clarida
Charles L. Evans
Esther L. George
Randal K. Quarles
Eric Rosengren
Patrick Harker, Robert S. Kaplan, Neel Kashkari, Loretta J. Mester, and Michael Strine,
Alternate Members of the Federal Open Market Committee
Thomas I. Barkin, Raphael W. Bostic, and Mary C. Daly, Presidents of the Federal Reserve
Banks of Richmond, Atlanta, and San Francisco, respectively
James A. Clouse, Secretary
Matthew M. Luecke, Deputy Secretary
David W. Skidmore, Assistant Secretary
Michelle A. Smith, Assistant Secretary
Mark E. Van Der Weide, General Counsel
Michael Held, Deputy General Counsel
Steven B. Kamin, Economist
Thomas Laubach, Economist
Stacey Tevlin, Economist
Rochelle M. Edge, Eric M. Engen, William Wascher, Jonathan L. Willis, and Beth Anne
Wilson, Associate Economists
Lorie K. Logan, Manager pro tem, System Open Market Account
Ann E. Misback, Secretary, Office of the Secretary, Board of Governors
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Eric Belsky, 1 Director, Division of Consumer and Community Affairs, Board of Governors;
Matthew J. Eichner, 2 Director, Division of Reserve Bank Operations and Payment Systems,
Board of Governors; Michael S. Gibson, Director, Division of Supervision and Regulation,
Board of Governors; Andreas Lehnert, Director, Division of Financial Stability, Board of
Governors
Daniel M. Covitz, Deputy Director, Division of Research and Statistics, Board of Governors;
Michael T. Kiley, Deputy Director, Division of Financial Stability, Board of Governors;
Trevor A. Reeve, Deputy Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Jon Faust, Senior Special Adviser to the Chair, Office of Board Members, Board of
Governors
Joshua Gallin, Special Adviser to the Chair, Office of Board Members, Board of Governors
Brian M. Doyle, Wendy E. Dunn, Joseph W. Gruber, Ellen E. Meade, and Ivan Vidangos,
Special Advisers to the Board, Office of Board Members, Board of Governors
Linda Robertson, Assistant to the Board, Office of Board Members, Board of Governors
Shaghil Ahmed, Senior Associate Director, Division of International Finance, Board of
Governors
Antulio Bomfim, Jane E. Ihrig, and Edward Nelson, Senior Advisers, Division of Monetary
Affairs, Board of Governors; Jeremy B. Rudd, Senior Adviser, Division of Research and
Statistics, Board of Governors
David López-Salido, Associate Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors;
John J. Stevens, Associate Director, Division of Research and Statistics, Board of Governors
Andrew Figura and John M. Roberts, Deputy Associate Directors, Division of Research and
Statistics, Board of Governors; Christopher J. Gust, Deputy Associate Director, Division of
Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors; Matteo Iacoviello and Andrea Raffo,2 Deputy
Associate Directors, Division of International Finance, Board of Governors; Jeffrey D.
Walker,3 Deputy Associate Director, Division of Reserve Bank Operations and Payment
Systems, Board of Governors
Zeynep Senyuz, 3 Assistant Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Penelope A. Beattie, 4 Assistant to the Secretary, Office of the Secretary, Board of Governors
Martin Bodenstein,2 Section Chief, Division of International Finance, Board of Governors
Attended through the discussion of the review of the monetary policy framework.
Attended through the discussion of developments in financial markets and open market operations.
3
Attended the discussion of developments in financial markets and open market operations.
4
Attended Tuesday’s session only.
1
2
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David H. Small, 5 Project Manager, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Hess T. Chung,2 Group Manager, Division of Research and Statistics, Board of Governors
Jonathan E. Goldberg, Edward Herbst,2 and Benjamin K. Johannsen, Principal Economists,
Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Fabian Winkler,2 Senior Economist, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Randall A. Williams,2 Senior Information Manager, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of
Governors
James Hebden,2 Senior Technology Analyst, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of
Governors
Achilles Sangster II, Information Management Analyst, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board
of Governors
Kenneth C. Montgomery, First Vice President, Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
David Altig,2 Kartik B. Athreya, Michael Dotsey, Jeffrey Fuhrer,2 Sylvain Leduc, Simon
Potter, 6 and Ellis W. Tallman, Executive Vice Presidents, Federal Reserve Banks of Atlanta,
Richmond, Philadelphia, Boston, San Francisco, New York, and Cleveland, respectively
David Andolfatto, Marc Giannoni, Evan F. Koenig,2 Paula Tkac, and Mark L.J. Wright,
Senior Vice Presidents, Federal Reserve Banks of St. Louis, Dallas, Dallas, Atlanta, and
Minneapolis, respectively
Jonas Fisher, Giovanni Olivei, Giorgio Topa, and Patricia Zobel, Vice Presidents, Federal
Reserve Banks of Chicago, Boston, New York, and New York, respectively
Jonas Arias,2 Thorsten Drautzburg,2 and Leonardo Melosi,2 Senior Economists, Federal
Reserve Banks of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, and Chicago, respectively
Fernando Duarte,2 Financial Economist, Federal Reserve Bank of New York
5
6
Attended the discussion of the review of the monetary policy framework through the end of the meeting.
Attended opening remarks for Tuesday session only.
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Transcript of the Federal Open Market Committee Meeting on
September 17–18, 2019
September 17 Session
CHAIR POWELL. Okay. Good morning, everyone. This meeting, as usual, will be a
joint meeting of the FOMC and the Board. I need a motion from a Board member to close the
meeting.
MR. CLARIDA. So moved.
CHAIR POWELL. Without objection. Before we begin the formal agenda items today,
we will take a moment to recognize Simon Potter for his many contributions to the Federal
Reserve and particularly for his work in support of the FOMC during his time as manager of
the Desk.
Simon joined the Federal Reserve Bank of New York in 1998 after spending eight years
teaching at UCLA. He rose quickly through the ranks in the research department at the New
York Fed and was appointed co-head of research in 2010. Not having endured enough
punishment in that role [laughter], Simon took on the role of manager of the System Open
Market Account in 2012—a job that entails managing a group with more than 500 people and
has an extraordinarily wide range of responsibilities, including market and policy analysis,
coordination with counterparts at other central banks, work for the Treasury in executing fiscal
agent duties, and a host of very important operational matters. And on top of all that, Simon had
the daunting task of attempting to answer questions on global financial developments from this
very audience at every FOMC meeting.
During his time as manager, Simon dealt with countless issues in overseeing the
implementation of large-scale asset purchases, the planning for the normalization of interest rates
in the balance sheet, and the planning and development of the Federal Reserve’s long-run policy
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implementation framework. On the implementation framework, Simon was a driving force in
the System’s extraordinarily wide-ranging project in 2016 that examined dozens of issues
associated with policy implementation in a post-crisis world—a project that generated several
hundred pages of light reading for this Committee [laughter] and that formed the basis for our
decisions on the implementation framework earlier this year.
Simon, on behalf of the Committee, I want to thank you for all of your contributions to
this Committee, to the Federal Reserve, to the global community of central bankers, and to the
country over the course of your career. We wish you the very best in your future. Thank you
very much. [Applause]
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Mr. Chair, if I could add a few words of my own. You
covered the ground very well, but—Simon represents the best of the Fed, in terms of analytical
firepower, in terms of commitment to our mission, in terms of focusing on getting the Committee
to very good outcomes.
I would just highlight two things you mentioned. One is the policy normalization project,
which was a huge undertaking. We now take it as a given that this has run successfully and
smoothly. But, at the time, there were a lot of known unknowns and unknown unknowns. And
the success of that is in large part due to Simon’s work with his team.
And the second is, really, the once-in-a-generation project on the operational framework.
It’s rare that the Fed contemplates a significant shift—a dramatic shift—in how we conduct
monetary policy. As the Chair mentioned, that entailed an enormous amount of work and
collaboration across the System—an enormous number of pages of memos and thought and
research. And, again, Simon should be given due credit for leading that and helping get us to a
very good decision. A lot of thought went into the pros and cons on the various issues, and,
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again, I want to thank Simon for all the hard work and all of the accomplishments he made in
serving this Committee.
CHAIR POWELL. Great. Thank you. Thanks again, Simon. Don’t be a stranger.
MR. POTTER. Thank you. It’s been a real honor and privilege to work with you all. I
wish you the best of luck. [Laughter and applause]
CHAIR POWELL. Okay. Before we get started on our formal agenda, I’m going to ask
Lorie and Patricia if you could please bring us up to date on developments in the past few days
and today. Thanks.
MS. LOGAN. 1 Thank you, Chair. I’ll be referring to the “Statement Regarding
Repurchase Operation.” Money markets were highly volatile yesterday. This
continued into this morning. Since last Thursday, corporate tax inflows to the TGA
and midmonth Treasury settlement resulted in reserves declining $110 billion. These
resulted in deposit outflows from banks and withdrawals from money funds, while at
the same time Treasury settlement increased dealers’ needs for funding in repo
markets.
Amid these pressures, repo rates soared yesterday morning, with a significant
amount of volume occurring at materially elevated levels. The SOFR “printed” at
2.43 percent, and the 75th and 99th percentiles of SOFR transactions were at
2.55 percent and 4.60 percent, respectively. Although elevated repo rates have, in the
past, induced banks and money funds to increase lending into secured markets, some
were reportedly less willing to lend even at these very high rates as they anticipated
potential outflows.
Pressure in repo markets passed through to unsecured markets. Federal Home
Loan Banks (FHLBs) experienced higher advance demand from banks and lent more
in repo, a process that lowered their lending in federal funds. These dynamics
collectively resulted in the effective federal funds rate “printing” at 2.25 percent, 11
basis points higher than the day before and at the top of the target range. Moreover,
the distribution of trades was very wide and highly skewed. The 75th and 99th
percentiles were 2.45 percent and 3 percent, respectively.
This morning, money market rates opened at higher levels. Trading in repo
markets occurred at rates as high as 8 percent, with federal funds trades occurring as
high as 5 percent. The Desk anticipates that pressure will ease in coming days.
1
The materials used by Ms. Logan are appended to this transcript (appendix 1).
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However, trading in markets was significantly elevated and somewhat dislocated this
morning.
In accordance with the FOMC Directive issued on July 31, 2019, the Desk
undertook an overnight repurchase agreement operation in order to help maintain the
federal funds rate within the target range. The announcement was made at 9:10, and
the operation was concluded just before this meeting. The operation was conducted
with primary dealers for an aggregate amount of $53 billion and included Treasury
securities, agency debt, and agency MBS as eligible collateral.
After the announcement, repo rates softened to some degree, and are now quoted
below 3 percent. We will provide a more comprehensive update on conditions in
money markets at the Desk briefing this afternoon. And we’d be happy to take any
questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Questions? [No response] Great. Okay. Thanks very much. Let’s
move to our first agenda item, which is the second installment on our strategic review of the
monetary policy framework, and we’ll get started with staff briefings from Fernando, Andrea,
and Ed. Fernando, would you like to begin?
MR. DUARTE. 2 Thank you, Mr. Chair. As you continue your deliberations
about the monetary policy framework, it seems natural to analyze how well the
current framework will perform in the future in light of the effective lower bound
(ELB), and what changes could be made to mitigate the constraint posed by the ELB.
The three memos that Andrea, Ed, and I will summarize are, in different ways,
directed at this goal.
As outlined in slide 1, under the current framework, the ELB is likely to be a
constraint for policymakers in the future. Historically, the FOMC has lowered the
federal funds rate more than 4 percentage points during recessions, but all responses
to the June SEP indicate that the longer-run normal level of the federal funds rate is
less than 3½ percent. As a result, it is likely that the ELB will bind in most future
recessions. A variety of statistical and economic models confirm this result and show
that ELB episodes are likely accompanied by high unemployment and low inflation.
Please turn to the slide on page 2. The increased risk that the ELB will bind in the
future may inhibit the Committee’s ability to achieve inflation outcomes that are
symmetric around 2 percent and to stabilize the labor market even when the federal
funds rate is away from the ELB. As summarized in slide 2, one way to reduce this
“low inflation bias” within the current framework could be to keep the federal funds
rate during expansions at a level lower than justified in the absence of the ELB. The
Committee would have to agree on the level justified in the absence of the ELB as
2
The materials used by Messrs. Duarte, Raffo, and Herbst are appended to this transcript (appendix 2).
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well as the appropriate offset from that level. An alternative strategy may be to adjust
the federal funds rate less aggressively when inflation is above 2 percent than when
inflation is below 2 percent.
There are also ways to strengthen the Committee’s use of its current tools at the
ELB, which are shown in slide 3. First, forward guidance and balance sheet policies
could be deployed more rapidly and more aggressively than in the past, in view of the
lack of significant negative side effects and what we have learned about their efficacy
since 2008. Several models indicate that sooner-and-stronger policies can have
meaningful quantitative effects on inflation and employment. Second, the Committee
could announce in advance more details of how the FOMC plans to respond to future
ELB episodes. The public’s expectations would then be affected before the ELB
binds, making this tactic an automatic stabilizer. The effectiveness of this idea
depends on the expectations formation process, a topic that will be discussed more
fully by Ed in his remarks. Third, forward guidance could be explicit about the
situations in which the provided guidance will cease to apply. Forward guidance that
is too firm or covers too long a horizon could put the Committee in a future situation
in which inflation is above, or projected to be above, 2 percent. The current
framework would then call for increasing interest rates to reduce inflation, which may
clash with the form of forward guidance announced earlier. Specifying the situations
in which the forward guidance will cease to apply may help reduce the possibility of
such situations.
The Committee may nevertheless judge that to overcome the constraint posed by
the ELB, it could be valuable to consider more ambitious forms of forward guidance
that require commitment and are outside the current framework. Now please turn to
slide 4. More generally, the Committee may want to consider policy strategies that
overshoot the FOMC’s objectives, including makeup strategies. The costs and
benefits of overshooting strategies in a simplified economic model are illustrated in
the figure on slide 4. Promising to overshoot the FOMC’s objectives after a recession
can lift inflation and employment during the recession because of higher expected
future inflation and employment. However, once inflation returns to 2 percent and
the unemployment rate is near its natural rate, the Committee would have to provide
the additional policy accommodation that it previously promised. The benefits of
overshooting, shown in blue in the figure, are front loaded, as they occur during the
recession. The costs, shown in red, are only realized later, once the recession has
passed. The public might expect that future Committees may be unwilling to incur
the costs after having already reaped the benefits, limiting the expansionary effects of
the overshooting policy during the recession. The incentive to renege on past
promises is known as the “time-inconsistency problem.”
Time-inconsistent strategies are likely to be easier to implement when there is
broad public support. Irrespective of the degree of public support, we highlight four
tactics, detailed in slide 5, that the FOMC could use to mitigate the timeinconsistency problem. First, the FOMC could make verifiable promises to which it
can be held measurably accountable. Reneging on these promises could jeopardize
the credibility of the Committee’s communications. Second, the FOMC could
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communicate its policy to the public through a variety of channels. Third, the FOMC
could choose a policy strategy that is in effect during both recessions and expansions,
offering the public the opportunity to verify policymakers’ commitment to the
strategy outside periods of economic stress. Fourth, the FOMC could rely on shorterterm promises that may deliver smaller economic gains than longer-term policies but
are likely to be more credible.
Our memo ends by discussing central bank policies in the Czech Republic and
Japan, whose policymakers have recently attempted to overshoot their inflation
objectives, summarized in slide 6. Policymakers in the Czech Republic have
sustainably raised inflation above their 2 percent target using an exchange rate policy.
Notably, the Czech National Bank published forecasts that implied inflation would
rise above its 2 percent target over a relatively short horizon. Furthermore, the
projected overshoot was small. By contrast, in Japan, inflation has remained below
its objective. The Bank of Japan’s announcement that it intended to overshoot its
objective was seen as a relatively minor deviation from past policies that had
produced low inflation for a number of years.
An important unresolved empirical issue is the extent to which these strategies
might be able to outperform the current framework in the United States. This issue,
in part, will be discussed next by Andrea and Ed.
MS. RAFFO. Thank you. As noted by Fernando, we sensed that only a trilogy
could satisfy your appetite for reading in these last days of summer. The next two
books in this saga explore whether the adoption of makeup strategies could better
serve the Committee in addressing future downturns.
Compared to the current framework, a makeup strategy would require the FOMC
to explicitly endorse a principle whereby bygones are no longer bygones and past
misses in inflation are, at least in part, made up. A potential benefit of such a strategy
is that, in a recession, this commitment would create expectations that policymakers
will keep the policy interest rate lower for longer during the subsequent expansion,
thus supporting aggregate demand and inflation even while the ELB binds. More
stable inflation, on average, may also lower the sensitivity of inflation to transient
developments and help anchor inflation expectations.
As indicated in your next exhibit, in my remarks I focus on the design of an
average inflation targeting (AIT) in which policymakers continue to respond to
economic slack but seek to undo past deviations of inflation from its long-run goal
over a rolling window of fixed length. That said, similar considerations apply to
other makeup strategies.
A central aspect of the AIT strategy is the choice of the length of the makeup
window. As time advances, inflation misses that occurred further in the past
eventually drop out of the window and become bygones. A longer window will
generally imply more extended lower-for-longer interest rate paths. This intuition
comes out in the recession scenario reported at the bottom of the page. We construct
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the baseline recession scenario, in black, in the FRB/US model with negative shocks
to aggregate demand and inflation. Here, under the inertial Taylor (1999) rule, the
ELB binds for about three years, the unemployment rate increases to 5½ percent, and
inflation falls to 1¼ percent.
We then compare outcomes under the inertial Taylor rule to a four-year AIT rule,
in yellow, an eight-year AIT rule, in red, and a price-level-targeting rule that can be
thought of as an AIT rule with an extremely long makeup window, in green. To
facilitate comparison, we use simple interest rate rules and abstract from additional
monetary policy stimulus that the Committee would likely provide through asset
purchases and other tools were such a scenario to materialize.
This recession scenario highlights three main points. First, makeup rules with
longer windows call for lower paths of the policy rate, leading to smaller increases in
the unemployment rate, smaller declines in inflation, and faster returns of inflation to
target. Second, to convince you of this claim, I probably had to test your eye
prescription, because some of these lines are very close to each other. This
observation is largely due to two features of the FRB/US model that limit the
effectiveness of monetary policy—namely, the low sensitivity of the economy to
interest rates and of inflation to slack. Higher sensitivity in both dimensions would
yield quantitatively larger gains, as shown in the memo and often found in academic
studies. That said, even the ¼ percentage point reduction in peak unemployment
featured in the scenario corresponds to 430,000 jobs saved, so it is a close call to
judge if the glass is half full or half empty. Lastly, the low responsiveness of inflation
to slack embedded in the FRB/US model also implies that AIT rules deliver very
small inflation overshooting a decade later, as the larger misses that occurred early in
the recession are thrown, literally, out of the window. In this sense, some of the timeinconsistency concerns discussed previously are alleviated here.
Your next exhibit addresses another important aspect of the design of an AIT
strategy—namely, the symmetric or asymmetric nature of the makeup. This decision
roughly boils down to policymakers’ willingness to slow the economy because
inflation averaged above 2 percent in the past. In particular, a symmetric AIT
strategy may constrain the desire to act promptly at the onset of the recession.
The panels at the bottom of the exhibit present outcomes in our mild recession
scenario under a symmetric eight-year AIT rule, in yellow. Here we assume that
policymakers inherited a positive inflation gap because inflation was, on average,
nearly 2½ percent in the years before the recession. The red line represents an
asymmetric eight-year AIT rule that ignores this inflation gap. The most striking
difference between the two AIT strategies is that the symmetric rule calls for higher
policy rates early on in the recession to make up for the accumulated inflation gap,
resulting in higher unemployment rates. Later on, as these past inflation misses drop
out of the window, the two makeup strategies deliver very similar prescriptions and
outcomes.
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As discussed in your next exhibit, these strategies will likely require adjustments
to the Committee’s communications. The effectiveness of a makeup strategy
critically relies on the public’s understanding of its elements. Consequently, the
Committee may want to consider explaining details about the makeup measure and its
evolution to clarify the implications for the stance of policy. Similarly, the public
may wonder about the relation between current overall inflation developments and
the evolution of a makeup measure specified in terms of core inflation. As shown in
the chart, swings in energy and food prices may create persistent deviations between
these measures. In sum, the realization of the full benefits of these strategies hinges
on the policymakers’ ability to steer agents’ expectations. But this is the subject of
your next and final book in our trilogy.
MR. HERBST. Thanks, Andrea. The materials for the memo “How Robust Are
the Alternative Strategies to Key Alternative Assumptions” begin on slide 11. The
memo begins by surveying empirical evidence on the public’s inflation expectations,
because makeup strategies—such as the strategies that Andrea discussed—are most
powerful when policymakers can influence these expectations. Measures of long-run
inflation expectations appear to be well anchored, though there is uncertainty about
the degree of anchoring and whether any such anchoring will persist into the future
should inflation drift away from the FOMC’s longer-run inflation objective for a
sustained period of time. Many studies have documented that short-run inflation
expectations seem to react to new information more slowly and to a lesser extent than
would be the case in an economic model under the assumption of “Full Information,
Rational Expectations,” the paradigm that is used most in model-based studies of
monetary policy. Slide 11 highlights some empirical estimates in studies that use
different techniques and data of the responsiveness of inflation expectations to
incoming information. All estimates indicate substantial underreaction relative to the
“Full Information, Rational Expectations” benchmark. This evidence is important
because it suggests that the strength of the expectations channel of a makeup
strategy—that is, the idea that current inflation will increase simply because of the
expectations of higher inflation in the future associated with the makeup
commitment—may be overstated in many macroeconomic models.
Informed by these empirical findings, the rest of the memo examines how makeup
strategies—with an emphasis on average inflation targeting, as in the companion
memo—perform in the FRB/US model under different assumptions about
expectations formation. Crucially, in the FRB/US model, expectations can be
separately modified for decisionmakers in different sectors of the economy—for
example, consumers or financial market participants. Thus, the extent to which the
entire public understands policymakers’ commitment to a makeup strategy—and the
degree to which aggregate economic variables react to news about the future—can be
set from the “bottom up” by adjusting the expectation formation in each sector.
The memo assesses how makeup strategies perform in the context of large shocks
that bring the federal funds rate to the ELB using different model simulations to
highlight key issues surrounding the efficacy of makeup strategies. The results begin
on slide 12. First, as with the previous memo, we find that, in general, makeup
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strategies moderately increase inflation from low levels while also offsetting some of
the real effects of adverse economic shocks. This represents an improvement in
outcomes relative to those under a traditional inflation-targeting regime. Moreover,
this holds true even when much of the public is uninformed about the monetary
policy strategy so long as financial market participants—whose views help determine
key long-term interest rates—understand and believe policymakers’ commitment to
the strategy. There is an important caveat to this result. If the public is uninformed
about—or does not believe in or act on—the commitment to a makeup strategy,
policymakers will be unable to mitigate the initial period of low inflation caused by
the large shock. Instead, the attempt to meet the target for average inflation requires
more aggressive policy accommodation, because the diminished strength of the
expectations channel of inflation renders monetary policy less potent. This
aggressive accommodation could potentially lead subsequently to a sustained period
of inflation above the 2 percent objective and a substantial overheating of the
economy.
Second, as highlighted on slide 13, it is possible that under a makeup strategy,
which aims to influence short-run inflation expectations, inflation outcomes over time
could inadvertently unanchor longer-run inflation expectations if these long-run
expectations are affected by actual inflation persistently above or below
policymakers’ objectives. In particular, following through on a commitment to a
sustained overshoot of the 2 percent inflation objective could lead to an increase in
long-run inflation expectations and result in a longer period of inflation above
2 percent than intended. This risk is particularly salient in the case of asymmetric
strategies, under which policymakers do not react to average inflation above 2
percent. In assessing the size of this risk, though, it is important to point out that the
past decade’s experience of low inflation has not led to dramatic changes in long-run
inflation expectations.
Third, if the public learns about a new policy strategy only over time, then early
adoption is important to maximize the effectiveness of the makeup strategy rather
than waiting for an adverse shock to materialize. This is particularly significant
because, in the case of a large adverse shock, the federal funds rate is likely to be
constrained by the ELB, rendering it initially very difficult for the public to
distinguish between many different policy strategies on the basis of the behavior of
the level of the federal funds rate alone. In such a setting, a switch to a makeup
strategy might not lead to an improvement in outcomes, as the public would not
initially understand or believe policymakers’ commitment to the new strategy.
Slide 14 highlights a few important caveats related to these conclusions. First, we
still do not understand a lot about the expectations formation processes, the
measurement of expectations, and, in particular, the extent to which policymakers can
influence those expectations. Second, the FRB/US model is only one model of the
economy, and conclusions about the merits of makeup strategies can differ somewhat
across models. Third, the specific dimensions of robustness analyzed in our memo do
not capture all the potential situations that policymakers may face.
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Thank you. This concludes our prepared remarks. We would be happy to answer
any questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Questions for the briefers? President Daly.
MS. DALY. I have two questions. The first one is just a clarification question. On page
8—and you’re using the FRB/US model—you say that it depends entirely on the sensitivity of
the economyto interest rates, and the response of inflation to economic slack. When you’re
thinking about the FRB/US model calibration, is it using the old Phillips curve or the new, flatter
one that we have? What’s the sensitivity you have in the model?
MR. RAFFO. So the coefficient in FRB/US—the response of inflation to slack—is 0.1,
which is the most recent estimate.
MS. DALY. Okay. I just wanted to understand the pictures we were looking at. My
other question is more of a discussion question. When you’re thinking about AIT, it’s always,
even with a short window—let’s say, three years—it’s just backward looking. Have you ever
run a model—or do people think of it as, you have two years of looking backward and one year
of looking forward, or some similar approach in which—you were centering the window. And
the reason is, it seems to get us out of this concern that if we hit a recession, then we have to be
making up. Well, if you hit a recession, you’d see that inflation pressures go down, and if you
had this looking-forward and looking-back averaging, it wouldn’t be so costly. Have we ever
thought about that? Have you run models with this “mixed” strategy?
MR. RAFFO. We discussed some of those variations, but we ended up featuring in the
memo only backward-looking formulations of the average inflation target.
MS. DALY. I may be the only one, but I would be interested to see some additional
work in which we get simulations to see what happens when you examine such mixed
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strategies—if you just look at the recent history, what would happen if you had this “mixed”
strategy, centering the window a bit more?
CHAIR POWELL. Vice Chair.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. I have a question on slide 11. I thought it was very
interesting. Of course, it was covered in the memo. And I guess my question is—I’m leading
the witness here—this literature has really been looking at how agents form their expectations in
the historical sample relative to the rational expectations benchmark. And there’s been a lot of
really good research here, which I think is very nicely summarized.
The question, however, that I think the Committee is contemplating is not just how
inflation expectations are formed in the current regime, but in a shift in the regime. So if you
shift from, say—I’m just going to take the largest move, from inflation targeting to price-level
targeting—presumably, with experience and over time, people would start forming their
expectations differently in that regime than they did before.
I think Larry Ball—and I’m going way back now—did some work on looking at how
inflation expectations were formed during the period of the gold standard, which is kind of like a
price-level-targeting regime or shares similarities with that, versus the post–World War II period,
when inflation had a lot of persistence.
So I guess my question to the group is, I take this evidence as given, and it is very
informative, but does that really help us think about, if we were to change regimes to something
like makeup strategies or average inflation targeting or one of these others, over time, wouldn’t
inflation expectations change with that change in regime?
MR. HERBST. I think a switch to a price-level-targeting regime would, to me, represent
a pretty big shock, and I want to be upfront that most of these studies are talking about small
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pieces of information. I do think it’s sort of consistent with what we’ve shown here. If you read
this literally, people do eventually figure out what’s going on, it’s just that they’re not as
sophisticated as the rational expectations assumption that is often viewed as the benchmark
standard for analysis in the literature So I wouldn’t want our memo to be read such that no one
will be able to figure out anything over time.
MR. LAUBACH. If I can add one point. I think we have evidence that suggests the
updating of longer-run inflation expectations changed from the Great Inflation period to more
recently. We also observe that longer-run inflation expectations remained remarkably stable in
the face of very large fluctuations in resource utilization following the Great Recession. And
that makes me wonder whether there is something like a rational inattention mechanism going
on—namely, that as long as inflation remains low and somewhere around 2 percent, people will
not take a whole lot of signal from any change in the FOMC’s regime but will rather say, “Well,
basically this is still not a problem to which I will devote a lot of resources.” It’s a possibility.
We don’t know that.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Just as a follow-up—as a macroeconomist, I’m loath to
bring this up. But the Lucas critique is right here: if you change the policy regime, you
presumably change how people form expectations. And your example, Thomas, was exactly the
one I was thinking of: As our predecessors courageously brought inflation down in the ’80s and
’90s and got us to this stable inflation world, we’ve seen a significant change in how people form
expectations, in terms of both long-run inflation expectations and the whole discussion about the
flatter Phillips curve and all that. So I think we shouldn’t take as given that the people won’t
shift their behavior if we change our approach. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. President Rosengren.
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MR. ROSENGREN. When I looked at the simulations, I was struck by the magnitudes
being relatively small. So I’m wondering whether the staff found it surprising how small the
magnitudes were. If you think over the course of this year, in the spring, we had core PCE
inflation at 1.6 percent. If we’re right in the Tealbook, we’ll be at 1.8 percent at the end of the
year—that’s 0.2 percent. We haven’t done a huge amount to generate the difference between 1.6
and 1.8. So when you look at one-tenth or two-tenths going through this entire framework
change, does the magnitude surprise you? Is it model specific? So tell us a little bit more about
the magnitudes. And then, if the magnitudes are really only one- or two-tenths, explaining to the
public why we’re completely changing our framework for one- or two-tenths, given that that’s
well within the standard error of forecasting of PCE inflation, makes it kind of hard to justify
trying—I mean, it’s somewhat complicated. None of these charts are that easy for a noneconomist, so how much of informing the public do we want to do for one- or two-tenths?
MR. RAFFO. I will offer a couple of considerations. First, one point we tried to make
explicit in the memo is that there are structural features of the economy that obviously affect how
big of a stabilization gain policymakers would gain from switching to a makeup strategy. In this
case, we are showing results from the FRB/US model, which has a very flat Phillips curve, as we
were discussing before. It also has a pretty low sensitivity of aggregate demand to the interest
rate. And we thought that it was a good insight to provide—that, under these assumptions, you
might end up having quantitative gains that are not very large. That said, we also run similar
simulations in the other models, and we show that the gains can actually become, in terms of
magnitude, larger.
The second observation that I would offer is that one question we faced was, what is the
benchmark against which we want to compare these results? We started off from an inertial
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Taylor rule, but, arguably, the inertial Taylor rule already includes a makeup component
because, through the lag in the interest rate, essentially, the policy rate responds as if it has an
implicit makeup component. So that was the best we could do to approximate a baseline, but it
affects the magnitude of some of these gains.
Last but not least, in our simulations, a result that comes out clearly is that once the
economy hits the ELB, the distribution of inflation outcomes actually shifts upward under
makeup strategies. So, in some sense, at exactly the points when the economy hits the ELB, we
are going to experience periods of low inflation, and those are going to be moments when the
Committee might wonder about inflation expectations or possibly the de-anchoring of inflation
expectations.
So these makeup strategies conditioned on being at the ELB will actually provide more
support to inflation. From a risk-management perspective, at the margin, these strategies might
help keep long-run inflation expectations better anchored, which is one of the points that we tried
to emphasize. To the extent that the performance of inflation improves in terms of being closer
to 2 percent, on average, there might be a benefit, in terms of keeping inflation expectations
anchored.
CHAIR POWELL. Governor Clarida.
MR. CLARIDA. Thank you, Chair Powell. A combination of an observation and a
question on slide 8. I’m going to pick up on something that President Rosengren mentioned. I
was struck as well, if you tune out the PLT line—showing something about my preference
function—and you look at the AIT lines, it’s striking. Two things. First, how similar they are.
Second, even with the presumed theoretical benefits of AIT, how long it takes to get to 2 percent
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inflation. It takes, whatever, 10 years to get there under the benchmark, and it takes 9 years to
get there under the AITs, and so I think there’s that dimension.
The other thing, of course, which works the other way—it’s more of a presentational
thing. You did this exactly the right way. You show the shock jumping off from the initial core
PCE inflation of 1.8 percent. Part of why it takes so long to get to 2 percent is, we were already
starting off below 2 percent. If you look at how long it took to get back from where it started,
it’s a little bit more of a favorable comparison. But, again, in our model, what the effects are is
striking relative to the benchmark.
On slide 12, a similar comment here on both good news and bad news. The good news is
that if financial markets or wage and price setters or both figured this out quickly, then you get
results similar to the full rational expectations. But in what I consider to be probably not the
fully plausible case, but maybe closer to reality than perhaps some on the staff do, if you have a
case of a substantial backward-looking component—I see Jeff Fuhrer nodding over there—then
there is a pretty substantial difference, both in terms of the time dimension and, in particular, the
overshooting dynamics. And I know that in our previous meetings we’ve talked about
robustness. The sort of thing I think about is that anything that relies on expectations, if you’ve
got a substantial backward component, illustrates, probably in an extreme form, some of the
costs of that. Anyway, very well done, thank you. Thank you, Chair Powell.
CHAIR POWELL. President Evans. Sorry, do you want to respond?
MR. RAFFO. I would just add the observation that we decided to go with a mild
recession scenario, hence the PLT doesn’t come out as particularly different. But if one were to
simulate a more severe scenario, at that point the PLT would be different from the standard AIT,
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with the AIT window exactly—because at that point the severity of the recession would be
deeper and inflation would fall even more.
CHAIR POWELL. Thanks. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I thought the last two interventions by President
Rosengren and Governor Clarida were terrific, because they crystalized a couple of things. I had
the same kind of reaction that Eric did looking at the small numbers, one- or two-tenths. Every
time I look at loss calculations, things always seem to be kind of small.
Now, the Fed Listens conferences, I think, have been really nice, and they challenge us to
think a little bit differently than economists. I’m reminded of a famous study I read, maybe in
graduate school, by Bob Lucas on the topic of the cost of business cycles. And he did a little
simple calculation, and he said, “You know, how costly is it to have a recession? And what
would you pay in order to smooth this out?” And the answer he got wasn’t that different from a
nickel—really small—because consumption is already smooth. Output varies, but consumption,
complete markets, and things like that—and a lot of work has been done since then to improve
those calculations and make them more meaningful. But there’s a lot of economic analysis that
reminds us that if we’ve got a lot of insurance markets and things like that, a lot of people aren’t
hurt that much—one-tenth here, two-tenths there.
Now, looking with my own eyes at, for instance, page 12, I more quickly gravitate to the
charts in which inflation went above 2 percent, because we’re so challenged to do that. In fact,
the one that actually got us there as quickly as any of them was the completely uninformed—I
mean, it started off slower, but then all of a sudden it really took off or something. And I guess I
wonder: If you ask the public to look at this, what type of preference ordering would they have
for outcomes like that? What might they gravitate toward? That’s coming back to the Fed
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Listens kind of comment. Because as economists and analysts and looking at loss functions, I
say, “Yes, maybe it’s not worth doing this. It doesn’t seem like there’s a lot of difference.” On
the other hand, some of these trajectories might not really take hold unless we do something very
different. And that’s the “takeaway” that I had from that.
As a question, does anybody actually have a study of how the public might view
scenarios like this differently than just calculating loss functions? That would be more
behavioral, I would guess.
MR. LAUBACH. If I can offer one thought: I’m looking not so much at slide 12, which
basically says, according to what you just said, that it would be helpful if the public formed
vector autoregressive expectations—because, then, you get the better picture. But if you look at
page 8—for example, the curve on the price-level-targeting strategy—what you do see is not
only the inflation path, but also the lower unemployment rate path. Now, our loss functions
mechanically penalize that. I mean, they don’t like these undershoots. But that’s, in some sense,
because we have this natural-rate assumption, and we say that it’s not a good thing to be away
from the natural rate on either side.
If you took a different view on that, then obviously you would say, well, maybe—I’m
integrating here by eyeballing it—on average, over the cycle here, the unemployment rate path,
for example, is more centered on the natural rate under the price-level-targeting strategy than
under the other ones. I mean, the baseline certainly looks to me like the loss during the recession
is much higher than the subsequent undershoot.
MR. EVANS. Yes. My preference ordering was different from Governor Clarida’s
apparently, too, because I think he didn’t like the PLT line. Just to clarify: It’s not my intention
to disparage the economic analysis, which is good. You’ve got rules of the game. You calculate
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the losses and all of that. It’s just trying to broaden the perspective and wonder, in terms of other
valuations, how it might be perceived, what might be a different ordering. Thank you very
much.
MR. ROSENGREN. Could I just follow up on Charlie’s observation? Because I had the
exact opposite reaction to that same line. And the reason is, when I look on page 12 at the green
line for the completely uninformed, it has the advantage that it overshoots on inflation, but it
requires us, in a relatively modest recession, to hold interest rates at zero for, it looks like, seven
years. So a promise to keep interest rates at zero for seven years, with no financial-stability
risks. I understand the model here doesn’t have financial-stability risks. But promising people
that they have seven years in which they can take as much leverage as they want strikes me as a
risky strategy.
So when you think about low-for-long of this magnitude, when we’re talking seven years,
does it worry you that you don’t have financial stability modeled in the equations that you have?
The way this is working, the only cost is between inflation and unemployment. But in the real
world, people are going to go crazy with—or at least, potentially, people are going to take
advantage of the fact that you’re promising to keep rates low for so long that somebody who is
informed is going to say, “This is a great opportunity to get as levered as I possibly can.” Any
reaction to that?
MR. BARKIN. I think that’s a leading question, in case you were wondering.
[Laughter]
MR. RAFFO. We discussed to what extent we could feature simulations to address
exactly the concern that you raised. And then we concluded that, number one, in the current
model it would have been difficult to actually model financial stability risk. Number two, we
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thought that those kinds of risk-management considerations probably would be better addressed
in a subsequent memo. And, number three, I will offer a few insights that came out of our
discussion. The tradeoff here is essentially between some financial imbalances that might
emerge because of low-for-long, and some very bad market economic outcomes that might
materialize if not enough monetary stimulus is provided at the ELB. For example, we already
have to tweak the model a little bit to avoid deflationary spirals, which would be, obviously, a
very bad macroeconomic outcome. So balancing those two risks, we felt, was difficult in the
current environment, but, obviously, it’s a very important consideration.
The other comment I would add is, for simplicity, we decided to model monetary policy
with simple interest rate rules. So there is no role for balance sheet policies, and there is no role
for market prudential tools, and there is no role for all the sorts of tools that the Committee could
actually deploy in many of those circumstances. We felt that it was important at this juncture to
provide a little bit of insight inside the mechanics of how these makeup strategies work and a
preliminary assessment about the quantitative gains or losses that might emerge because of
adopting a certain strategy or another.
CHAIR POWELL. Yes, President Barkin. Oh, you’re good—all right. Other questions?
President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Yes. I’d like to weigh in on these charts on page 8, which purport to
show that effects are small. I guess my main comment would be that the idea that the effects are
small is more about the model than it is about reality. I think this type of model is not going to
tell you very much, other than that price-level targeting is a better policy than something that’s
suboptimal and away from price-level targeting. So there would be gains to be had.
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One thing I would say about the FRB/US model is: It way over-informs the judgment
around the Committee here. I mean, what are we doing to validate this model? Why should we
even be looking at these charts, as opposed to some other charts that are coming from some other
model? So that’s one thing.
One way you can see this, though, is that for this exercise, you should insist that the
model could explain the Japanese data and the European data and then come back and say what
it’s going to say about adopting price-level targeting in the United States. And I doubt that the
model has much of an explanation—not that any of us do—for 20 years at the zero lower bound,
because what you’re really worried about here, in my view, is that you get stuck in this bad
situation and you never come out of it.
In this framework with this model, one might say, “Oh, the zero lower bound—oh, yes,
we stay there for a year and a half, according to this picture here, and then you bounce off, and
all is well.” That doesn’t seem to be the thing that’s causing the framework review in the first
place. So, from the staff perspective, they have to choose something to do—you know,
something simple that can be presented. But I don’t think it should overly inform the judgment
of the Committee on this topic.
CHAIR POWELL. Okay, thanks very much. Let’s begin our go-round, and we’ll begin
with Governor Clarida.
MR. CLARIDA. Thank you very much, Chair Powell, and a special thank you to the
staff and the steering committee for three excellent memos. They are densely packed with
substance and insight, and I think they will provide us with a good foundation on which to build
discussions of potential changes to our framework in this and coming meetings.
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As we’ve said from the start, this framework review is ambitious in its scope—a scope
that covers possible changes to strategy, the toolkit, and communication. Today’s briefing
concludes the scheduled memos on alternative frameworks, and we have briefings scheduled in
October on additions to the toolkit and in December on “takeaways” from the Fed Listens events.
At each of these FOMC meetings, we will allocate some time, as we did in July and today, to
general discussion of the framework as well as to the specific memos presented at the meetings.
Now, the goals of these general discussions will be, in part, to begin to identify areas of
potential agreement on how our consensus statement might be refined and improved. I went
back and reread the transcript of our July meeting. If you have not done so, it will take you
about 15 minutes, and it’s well worthwhile. In the eight meetings that I have attended in my time
as a Governor, I have found it incredibly helpful to hear the insightful thinking of each of you as
well as the way we interacted with one another.
For example, as we discussed last time, as we think about the consensus statement—and
there was a lot of commentary around the table. I’ll identify several areas. First, the statement, I
think to many of us, is imprecise on how it defines our symmetric inflation objective—how it is
to be interpreted—and on whether or not it constrains the Committee to treat 2 percent inflation
as a ceiling. The existing statement is also silent on the ELB and its implications for policy as
well as potential implications for inflation expectations. The statement’s existing discussion of
maximum employment and u* does not align well with how we decide on policy in a world with
both below-target inflation and well-below-u* unemployment. And so, at least for me, I take it
from our July go-round that these elements of the consensus statement appear to be worthy of
our time and attention even if, in the end, we decide to retain our existing framework.
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Now, with regard to our existing framework, the consensus statement is imprecise as to
the time dimension over which the price-stability objective is to be achieved and the definition of
“success” in achieving it. For example, if you look at the communication of other central banks
around the world, one could imagine a statement that would define “success” in price stability,
say, over a business cycle or on average over a cycle or within a specified range on average.
There are a lot of combinations, but other central banks do provide more insight on time
dimension and success than we do.
Obviously, any decision that we might make along these lines is enormously
consequential. And as Chair Powell indicated at the July meeting, our priority should be on
getting this right and not on rushing to meet an artificial deadline of January 2020. Indeed, in all
of our public comments on the review, we’ve emphasized the first half of 2020 as the likely time
frame in which the review will be concluded. To remind you: The plan as we laid it out in July
is to have staff briefings and framework go-rounds at each remaining FOMC meeting this year.
Importantly, as we pivot later this fall from staff briefings and general discussion to a
more focused assessment and debate of specific options for the statement and our strategy, we
will be briefed, with memos available in advance, by the framework review steering committee
chaired by Thomas Laubach on specific options and alternatives we should consider and debate.
The steering committee will be charged with identifying a range of options for changes in the
statement, as well as more fundamental changes to our strategy and possible additions to the
toolkit that are consistent with the briefings and the discussions that we’ve had in FOMC
meetings so far and in future meetings.
If, as I expect, we believe at the December FOMC meeting that these discussions will
carry into 2020, the minutes of the December meeting can convey that the framework review is
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ongoing, and that the Committee expects to finalize the review and report sometime in the first
half of 2020.
Now, in terms of ultimate deliverables, the most important one is any revision to a
refinement of the consensus statement. Of course, if we do adopt a new strategy to replace
flexible inflation targeting, then of course the Committee will need to agree on and then release
an in-depth addendum, or perhaps a white paper or white papers, that would outline how we
expect the new strategy to operate and what benefits we expect it to deliver over our current
strategy. This addendum would also be a natural vehicle for any discussion and analysis of any
new tools that we decide to add to our toolkit. One thing that I heard last time, and you’ll see in
the transcript, is a general sense to keep the consensus statement as a broad statement and not get
into too much detail on particular tools and details, and I think that’s served us well.
In terms of communication, the subcommittee is well advanced on developing a set of
recommendations to the FOMC for improving the SEP, the presentation of the minutes, and the
potential format of the policy decision statement. The subcommittee plans to reserve time at a
future meeting to present these recommendations to the Committee so that we can have a full
discussion on whether some of them should be adopted.
A statement on these changes to the SEP—of course, once agreed upon—would be
prepared and released to the public at the same time that we make any other announcements
about the framework review. So I thought I would allocate my time to the sort of roadmap for
the process. Thank you very much, Chair Powell.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And thank you, Governor Clarida. I appreciate
your insightful comments. I want to thank the staff for an excellent set of analyses that will help
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inform our framework discussions. The memos clearly show that the effective lower bound
poses a key threat to our dual-mandate goals. The memos are also chock full of useful technical
analyses that are important for assessing the potential relative performance of various policies.
My research background makes me appreciate many of the details in the memos, but the analyses
seem focused more on executing particular tactical policy options than about picking a good
overarching strategic approach to U.S. monetary policy to take over the next decade. And for
me, the best approach should be built upon a strong commitment to pursue outcome-based
policies that are clearly aimed at achieving our dual-mandate objectives.
Let’s start with our current framework. The memos, both this round and in July, stated
that the current framework doesn’t allow for any kind of makeup strategy. That’s a pretty big
handicap to put out there. Given that assumption, the memos make it clear that our current
framework will deliver average inflation below 2 percent. This means that, over time, our
inflation goal will increasingly be viewed as a ceiling of 2 percent. For good reason, we rejected
the ceiling interpretation of our price-stability objective when we developed our current
framework. Instead, we embraced symmetry, indicating in our long-run strategy statement that
we would be concerned if inflation were running persistently above or below 2 percent. But we
already face a widespread perception that 2 percent is essentially a ceiling.
For example, former Chair Bernanke, in a very nice paper with Mike Kiley and John
Roberts, describes one makeup strategy that they study as having “good attributes,” because it
limits inflation overshooting. For me, pejorative comments about overshooting reinforce the
public’s perception that monetary policymakers will react with strong displeasure whenever
inflation actually rises above 2 percent. And I thought the figure, on page 4 of the handout, that
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had overshooting characterized as the cost of overshooting when the undershoot was twice as
large as the overshoot was another example of that.
It’s particularly troubling whenever any of our own communications encourage the
public to view “overshooting” as a dirty word. This language challenges the public’s
understanding of inflation symmetry and is damaging to our monetary policy objectives. We
lived through such a damaging experience from 2011 through 2015. Our communications and
actions repeatedly reinforced the public’s perception that we would lift off prematurely, to avoid
an inflation overshoot. As a result, we ended up having to take more and more action to support
the recovery—progressively stronger quantitative easing and forward guidance, well beyond
what many had envisioned when we started the journey. And this was likely more than would
have been necessary had we successfully defended symmetry from the outset. In the end, the
initial failures were very real and very costly.
So when it comes to strategy, I continue to favor a simple but powerful full-throated
commitment to follow outcome-based monetary policies aimed at achieving maximum
employment and symmetric 2 percent inflation within a reasonable amount of time. I subscribe
to the view that, when necessary, such a framework would prescribe overshooting our 2 percent
inflation objective with momentum, like the path I discussed at our July meeting with the
handout chart. And I don’t see this as much of a stretch because, in contrast to the presumption
in the staff memos, I think this tactic is compatible with our current framework under an
appropriate view of symmetry.
Our Committee’s interpretation of symmetry cannot ignore long periods of inflation
running too low. So, for me, symmetry in our current framework means paying attention to both
past and prospective inflation undershoots to ensure that inflation averages 2 percent over the
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long haul. This interpretation can be made operational, it is outcome oriented, and its forwardlooking element allows for the flexibility needed to address an array of economic circumstances.
One could view this concept of symmetry as having some of the flavor of an ex-ante biasreduction framework, such as in the Mertens-Williams model, or the perspective that’s been
written about by business economists like Ethan Harris at Bank of America Merrill Lynch. And
he spoke up and mentioned, during the Fed Listens conference, breaking up the economic cycle
into two pieces. During the first part, when inflation is undershooting for a time, you want to
work really hard to get it up. And then, over the second part, which is a little unknown but
lengthy, you want it to be above 2 percent. So you actually average 2 percent and it’s well
known.
Today, our job is complicated by a world in which r* is perilously low; in which fiscal
authorities are likely to do less, not more, during a crisis; and in which global cooperation
appears to be falling, not rising. A fundamental lesson that I have learned from my experience
on this Committee is that, in such a world, we have to be relentlessly focused on our symmetric
2 percent objective throughout the cycle. We have to have a do-whatever-it-takes attitude
toward policy all the time—in a downturn when we are constrained by the ELB and in an
expansion if inflation remains stubbornly below our objective. I also recognize and accept that
monetary policy will never be a panacea. But when it comes to price stability, it’s the monetary
authority alone that has the sole responsibility for achieving our inflation objective. For us, this
is symmetric 2 percent inflation. We must always keep that in focus. Persistently underrunning
2 percent inflation is dangerous.
When it comes to evaluating alternative policy proposals, the staff’s model analyses have
been very helpful for understanding the factors determining the various options and success as
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well as suggesting potential orders of magnitude for the policy’s effects. The work on robustness
was particularly useful, with its emphasis on how households, firms, and financial markets
understand tactical policy details and expect them to be implemented. But my “takeaway” from
the memos and other work in this area is that there is little chance that any particular monetary
policy rule will be robust to all of the changes in the economic environment that inevitably
will occur.
In contrast, one thing that can assuredly remain constant throughout is a commitment by
this Committee to act in order to achieve our policy-mandated goals and to critically gauge our
progress and setbacks at every step along the way. So I think a robust, efficient, and effective
monetary policy strategy is to communicate relentlessly, today and in the future, that we will use
the policy tools best suited for the times to achieve maximum employment and price stability.
The tactics likely will vary with the particular economic circumstances we face,
particularly at the effective lower bound. At times, the best tactic might mean a state-contingent
policy that commits to not moving the funds rate up until certain criteria are met, like in some
makeup rules. At other times, it might mean open-ended large-scale asset purchases.
There certainly will be challenges to executing such policies. For example, can we
adequately communicate a lower-for-longer state-contingent funds rate rule via some complex
formula? Will the public view as credible our commitment to purchasing assets when we say we
are not concerned over the size of our balance sheet? Is seven years with the funds rate at zero in
order to get inflation up too risky, in terms of financial-instability risk? People will be asking
those questions. Meeting these challenges will be difficult. To do so, it will be critical to keep
our communications squarely focused on our dual-mandate objectives and on assessing our
performance in achieving those outcomes and also in using our regulatory and supervisory tools.
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I assume that Vice Chair Quarles is going to be on the job to make sure that those overleveraged
banks aren’t going to be doing what they shouldn’t be. You know, those policies need to be paid
attention to.
The case for outcome-based policy without explicit rules may sound overly discretionary
and time inconsistent. So let me finish with this. Any complete characterization of our
framework’s strategy should include the thought that the Committee has a strong commitment to
relentlessly communicate that we are committed to following outcome-based monetary policy.
If we communicate this, and if we appropriately frame the outcomes within our mandated
objectives, I will not worry that future Committees will “walk back” from those objectives. The
clear focus on the outcomes we seek will reinforce the sturdiness of these so-called timeinconsistent actions. The public will understand that the reason the specific tactics change
from episode to episode is so that we can best achieve our mandated policy goals. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thanks to the staff for the excellent
analysis in the memos. A great deal has been said, probably more than can adequately be
commented on in these remarks. I do agree that the effective lower bound is likely to continue to
be an important issue for the Committee. The effectiveness of a business cycle stabilization
policy is compromised at the effective lower bound. This can leave the economy more exposed
to macroeconomic shocks than it otherwise would be.
Unconventional monetary policies, which may be applied at the effective lower bound,
can have important effects on the macroeconomy but are not well understood at the theoretical or
empirical levels. Accordingly, the key medium-term challenge for the FOMC is to avoid a
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prolonged encounter with the effective lower bound. This admonition—“Stay away from the
effective lower bound”—carries with it a certain electricity when we consider the empirical
evidence staring us in the face. Japan, one of the largest and most sophisticated economies in the
world, has not had a policy rate above 50 basis points for decades and has not been able to
achieve a 2 percent inflation target despite aggressive, unconventional monetary policy. The
euro area, also large and sophisticated, has experienced monetary policy pinned down at the
effective lower bound for a decade and now appears set, as indicated by a new round of
unconventional monetary policy actions, to remain at the ELB over the medium term. These
economies—drivers of the global economy—will apparently be more exposed to macroeconomic
shocks in the years ahead because their ability to pursue business cycle stabilization policy has
been greatly compromised.
The timelines here—decades for the BOJ and what looks like a decade and a half for the
ECB—suggest that the ELB is more than a mere temporary inconvenience as it is portrayed in
the staff memos. Instead, the ELB appears to have more permanent features—a sort of black
hole of modern central banking from which it is difficult to escape. Accordingly, the
consequences of getting stuck in such a situation are much more severe than supposed in the staff
analysis. Such an interpretation would be more consistent with the research of Benhabib,
Schmitt-Grohé, and Uribe, which identified the ELB with a steady-state outcome of modern
macroeconomic models. In the Benhabib and others interpretation, lower-for-longer once at the
ELB may only serve to reinforce the steady state and keep the economy in the bad equilibrium.
Given these considerations, I think it may be wise to focus attention on strengthening the
Committee’s framework away from the ELB as opposed to at the ELB, as the best outcome that
will likely be achieved if a future encounter with the effective lower bound can be avoided
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altogether. And strengthening the framework away from the ELB means only one thing—policy
has to lean more toward the “dovish” end of the spectrum than it otherwise would to avoid the
risk of becoming enmeshed in the quagmire with which our Japanese and European friends are
struggling.
The memos make clear that there are many approaches that could be used, but, generally
speaking, one could assume an r* at or below the lower end of available estimates, pledge to
defend the inflation target from the low side especially aggressively, and allow calculated
overshoots of the inflation target in the name of actually achieving the inflation target, on
average, over the medium term. Another option is to treat the 2 percent inflation target more as a
floor instead of as a ceiling in order to stay away from the ELB. We could state our target as
above but close to 2 percent, in a mirror image of the ECB’s language. I do not necessarily see
any of these as viable options once the ELB is encountered. Instead, I see them as changes to
attitudes and rhetoric of this Committee before the next encounter with the effective lower
bound, and we hopefully avoid said encounter entirely.
Time consistency is, of course, a first-order issue. I do think it takes time to build
credibility for policies that have not been commonly employed in the past. However, I also want
to point out that it can be done, and has been done, by this Committee over the years. In the
beginning of the Volcker era, inflation was running at double-digit levels, and a leading theory
developed by Kydland and Prescott as well as Barro and Gordon suggested that the desired lowinflation outcome was time inconsistent, so it would be difficult or impossible for the Committee
to achieve. Essentially, the private sector would understand the Committee’s incentives to
renege on past promises to keep inflation low, so the theory went, and, therefore, the private
sector would continue to expect high inflation, and actual inflation would therefore remain high.
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That theory was blown out of the water during the ’80s and ’90s as the FOMC and other central
banks gradually built up credibility for low and stable inflation outcomes.
The point of telling the story is that credibility can be achieved over time, and timeconsistency problems can be, and have been, circumvented. The desire to build credibility over
time suggests that the Committee should take seriously the learning analysis in the memos. We
should make changes, understanding that it will take time to establish full credibility for the new
framework. There’s essentially no reason for the private sector to believe, based only on
announcements, that Committee behavior well entrenched from past actions has suddenly
changed. Instead, private-sector expectations will likely change only gradually as the Committee
behaves somewhat differently at certain junctures than it has in the past.
Finally, and relatedly, I think any pending framework change should be a matter of
evolution and not revolution. Any elaborate announcement of something like price-level
targeting or nominal GDP targeting could easily fall flat, as the new policy may lack sufficient
credibility to change private-sector expectations appropriately. In that case, it may be that
nothing changes, the attempted framework update would have no effect at all, and, worse,
subsequent attempts to make changes would be all that much more difficult. Better to make
modest changes that can be backed up with clear actions in order to push expectations in the
right direction, given our policy objectives. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. My own views are similar to Governor
Clarida’s on some of the benefits of a through-the-cycle time dimension for our inflation target,
and I agree that that implies accepting overshooting, as President Evans has emphasized.
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After reading the three memos, I was less convinced that rigid makeup strategies would
provide benefits that clearly exceed the cost, for the following reasons. First, I do not find rigid
makeup strategies or rules that may require promises that extend over long periods as attractive
for the reasons highlighted in the memos. Committing future policymakers to decisions taken by
previous policymakers may not be particularly enforceable and, hence, credible. If such
promises are not believed, they will not likely have the desired effect on expectations and
economic outcomes. Under current law, I cannot readily think of a commitment device that
would enforce such a promise, and I’m not sure we would want to use one if it were available.
Central banks should not make promises they cannot, or will not, keep.
Second, once constrained to relatively short-term time frames, the benefits in the memos
seem relatively modest. In part, this appears to be an artifact of the properties of the inertial
Taylor rule benchmark. It builds in a response to lagged averages of inflation and output gaps.
Thus, we already garner some of the benefits of an AIT strategy with our current approach.
Third, most of the examples seem to focus on demand shocks. Large supply shocks,
which we’ve been reminded of very recently, that raise both inflation and possibly
unemployment would present potentially significant issues of concern. An inertial Taylor rule
that responds appreciably to the output gap has the appealing property of reducing the role of
inflation averaging precisely when it is less desirable.
Fourth, all of these strategies, including the inertial Taylor rule, do not incorporate
potentially important aspects of financial markets. In particular, the implications of strategies
that hold rates low for long for asset prices, such as the potential for bubbles, are not in the
models. Small gains in inflation stabilization could come at a cost of excessive leverage and
asset price appreciation—a tradeoff that would concern me, because of the potential havoc
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created by the popping of bubbles. I am not convinced that we have the supervisory tools to
limit leverage of households or firms.
Tying into my first point: A commitment to a low interest rate path, regardless of the
financial-stability consequences, seems like a risky strategy. A less costly way to address our
unfortunate proximity to the lower bound is that once we know we are in a recession, we use all
of our tools more aggressively. Knowing what we know now, it is likely that more aggressive
use of forward guidance and balance sheet policy may be more effective than committing to an
inflexible makeup strategy. However, the suggestion that we should move quickly is hampered
by the fact that we do not instantaneously identify the onset of a recession, and certainly we have
a flawed record of predicting the timing of the onset of a recession ahead of time.
On a more positive note, I do find the example of the Czech experience interesting. First,
the central bank adopted an inflation range, which made it clear that periods moderately away
from the target are acceptable. I would prefer to avoid excessive fine-tuning in response to small
deviations on either side of our target. In the current circumstances, I would be comfortable with
a through-the-cycle approach in which we accept inflation above target during expansions,
recognizing that recessions under the ELB will likely entail inflation below target for some time.
I would also not resist opportunistic inflation shocks, but, in a situation with tight labor markets
and rising financial stability risks, I would feel uneasy contorting markets to attain a slightly
higher inflation rate. Adding to the probability of an episode of financial instability might pose
much greater risks to the economy than missing our inflation target by a few tenths of a
percentage point.
In summary, I found the memos quite instructive. They helped me think through the
underlying assumptions that could make alternative strategies work, the likelihood of these
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assumptions holding, and also some of the practical implications of putting such strategies into
practice. That thought process has convinced me that, although rigid makeup strategies appear
beguiling in the stylized models, a rigid commitment to such a strategy that ignores financial
stability tradeoffs may not provide the desired benefits and would likely have costs that exceed
the benefits. However, a more flexible range that averages through the cycle, so that periods of
inflation somewhat above 2 percent were expected during good times, would ensure that 2
percent was not a ceiling. Thank you very much.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Mester.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I also want to thank the System staff for all the
work that they’ve done on these memos. I think you can tell by the discussion around the table
today that they really raised a lot of issues and food for thought. And they’re not easy issues.
There’s a lot of things that you have to think about when you think about our framework and
how we actually implement monetary policy.
Our experience during the Great Recession and the aftermath, I think, really underscores
the challenges posed by a low interest rate environment. I think we might have differed in our
approaches of how to address policy. But I think no one would disagree that it was a very
challenging time as we came through that period. And, even now, I think we still face
challenges.
If there’s a way to change our framework so that we can actually be more effective—and
I agree with President Evans, who said it very eloquently, that we need to really focus on our
goals and achieving our goals—if there’s a way of doing that so we can actually address some of
the issues posed by the low interest rate environment, I think we really need to consider those
changes—and consider them carefully.
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So, to me, a clear message in the memos is that, in theory, makeup strategies like pricelevel targeting and average inflation targeting can have benefits, albeit modest ones, but those
benefits depend crucially on the public understanding our policy strategy and policymakers being
able to credibly commit to following through on their past promises. So these makeup strategies
really depend on policymakers yielding some of their discretion. And we should understand that
it’s not going to be enough to simply announce that we’re targeting average inflation now.
We’re going to also have to indicate how we would systematically set policy to achieve that
target. This type of communication has proven, I think, difficult for the Committee in the past.
So along the lines of Occam’s razor, I’d like us to explore other ways we could actually
communicate better and make our current policy framework more effective before we decide to
change frameworks. And I also, like President Rosengren, found the Czech experience very
instructive. Their economy, of course, is quite different from ours. But the experience suggests
that coupling clear communication of commitments over relatively short periods with economic
projections can be effective when at the lower bound. And I think the memo by Duarte and
others, which was the first memo in the packet, also makes some suggestions for addressing the
low-inflation bias induced by the ELB, including changing the policy rule we follow in a flexible
inflation-targeting framework to act more aggressively when inflation deviates from its target.
So I agree with President Bullard that this might be a useful approach and a way of thinking
about our current framework and making it more effective.
I also was gratified to see in the memo some discussion of the possible benefits of an
inflation-targeting range as opposed to a point target as a communications device. And I agree
with President Rosengren that thinking about addressing the inflation bias by a through-the-cycle
strategy for the way we target inflation is worth exploring. And that would maybe actually get at
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some of President Evans’s question—that we say “symmetric,” but what does it really mean
when we implement policy?
Regardless of which framework we ultimately decide on, I hope we’ll explore ways to
better communicate our reaction function and our strategy. This strategy document is very
useful, and I certainly think having the explicit inflation target was a real step in the right
direction. But there’s really not much strategy in the strategy document. We say we take a
“balanced approach,” but what does that really mean? And I think some of the memos were very
good at focusing on the question, what does it really mean when we’re setting policy and making
decisions?
So the magnitude of the benefits achievable with the different makeup frameworks
discussed in the memos depends on how likely the current Committee and future Committees are
able and willing to make those commitments. And, to my mind, the time-inconsistency
problems loom large. In the models, the stabilization benefits are greater when the policy
commitment is longer, but lengthening the commitment makes the policy less credible. So if you
look at the credible window, the benefits of the makeup strategy could be quite small. And in the
memo, looking across models, a four-year average inflation-targeting rule doesn’t do that much
better at stabilizing inflation than the inertial Taylor rule. And an eight-year rule is somewhat
more successful, but such a long window would likely overlap business cycle turning points and,
in the “mild recession” scenario, would require the Committee to keep the funds rate below its
neutral level for almost 20 years.
To my mind, in a situation in which demand was weakening and inflation was currently
running at 2 percent, I think it would be very hard for the Committee to explain that, nonetheless,
it was going to keep its policy rate elevated to make up for the past overshoot of inflation. And,
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similarly, if inflation had been running low for a time, would the Committee be able to keep
interest rates low if inflation were now well above target and with growth that’s well above
trend? I think in such a situation, inflation expectations may well become unanchored or move
in directions that wouldn’t necessarily capture benefits. So that tilts me toward the asymmetric
or temporary makeup policies, should we opt to change frameworks.
I think before we do anything, the robustness testing of a proposed framework from both
theoretical and practical perspectives is extremely important. And I thought the analysis in the
memo by Hebden and others—the third memo—was very instructive. But as was pointed out,
it’s based on one model, the FRB/US model, rather than a set of models used in the Arias and
others memo. And it focuses on demand shocks and not supply shocks. So I think we need to
evaluate any proposed framework using a range of models across alternative economic
conditions and further examine how the expected benefits could vary with different assumptions
about the shape of the Phillips curve and how agents form expectations. As President Rosengren
pointed out, if the models suggest that the benefits are modest, do we want to go through a big
change in strategy that’s going to be difficult to explain to the public? In other words, I’d like to
continue along those lines so we really can road-test the theory.
There are some benefits that I think the model pointed out in terms of inflation
expectations formation by households and businesses. No, they’re not fully rational, but they do
seem to respond to information, which, again, to me underscores the importance of the
communications that we use to explain what we’re doing no matter what our framework.
Now, on the practical side, I think consultations with other central bankers about how
their framework works in practice and what types of challenges they’ve confronted that may not
be expected from the theoretical viewpoint could be quite instructive. I think it would also be
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useful to road-test any proposed changes with policymakers. I’m thinking about something
along the lines of a “tabletop” exercise. The Financial Stability Subcommittee of the Conference
of Presidents held two of these exercises. Of course, the focus was different, on the nexus
between monetary policy and macroprudential policy, but I think we found these exercises quite
useful. And I think we could set up similar exercises as a way to take us out of the models and to
road-test how the proposed framework might actually work when policymakers are confronted
with real-world choices under particular economic scenarios. And I think that would also help us
figure out our communications and what type would be valuable on an ongoing basis to help us
make policy more effective, independent of which framework we actually adopt.
Finally, the discussion so far has, again, pointed up the fact that we may want to discuss
our loss function. We’ve talked about having further discussions before. I think we use the
symmetric quadratic loss function because there are microfoundations for that in the models
about how that’s a simplification to optimally achieve our monetary policy goals. But the
discussions and the Fed Listens events have often turned to, why are we worried about
undershooting on the unemployment rate versus why are we so focused on that, and why do we
think there’s a loss there? This may be, as part of this framework review, another chance to
think about those microfoundations and think further about, well, in a low-r* environment, does
that change? Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bostic.
MR. BOSTIC. Thank you, Mr. Chair. First, like others, I’d like to thank the staff for the
excellent memos developed for this meeting. They have very much helped me understand the
key dimensions to be considered and helped me weigh the pros and cons of taking various
approaches.
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Let me offer my top-line conclusion. I’m not persuaded that there are substantial gains to
be realized from enhancing the current framework by formally adopting makeup strategies to
address concerns about policy efficacy at the effective lower bound. In my view, the current
framework was reasonably effective in managing the previous downturn and recovery. This was
an important point that I took from the July meeting’s special-topic memos and from assessments
such as those in the Fed Listens conference paper by Eberly, Stock, and Wright.
Moreover, I think that the lessons learned from past experience will allow us to deploy
our existing unconventional tools faster, more aggressively, and more effectively in the event
that they are needed. I can see there is still a considerable amount of uncertainty about these
tools. But I don’t think this uncertainty is more significant than the uncertainties associated with
the alternative strategies described in the briefings for this meeting. In particular, it is clear that
the effective use of any makeup strategy requires a degree of credibility in following through on
commitments over time. I have to say, my eyebrows definitely raised when I noticed some of
the time horizons for some of these policies. As Governor Clarida and many others around the
table have noted, these are pretty long, and that makes this a very serious issue.
Now, for sure, forward guidance raises the same questions as makeup strategies regarding
commitment and credibility. But I’m not convinced that it’s easier to solve these problems
within a makeup strategy. To the contrary, I’m fairly convinced that the communications
challenges associated with most of the makeup strategies are larger than under forward guidance.
To give an example, I’m pretty sure that it will be somewhat confounding to normal
people when we have to explain that what we call “average inflation targeting” does not actually
guarantee, or even really necessarily aim at, 2 percent average inflation. I would rather not just
go there unless I can be convinced that we can accomplish things with the makeup scheme that
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we cannot accomplish with forward guidance. I’m also not convinced these strategies buy us
much at the ELB. My read of the simulations contained in the memos for this meeting is that the
mechanism at the heart of these strategies is a lower-for-longer path of the federal funds rate. It
seems to me that this can be accomplished with clear, perhaps state-contingent, forward
guidance, and perhaps the Czech model can be instructive in thinking about this.
To summarize my responses to the specific questions posed for this go-round: Regarding
question 1, I am not convinced that the costs and benefits relative to the current framework argue
for a framework that explicitly incorporates a makeup strategy. For question 2, if the Committee
does decide to move forward in formally adopting a framework that incorporates makeup
strategies, I feel strongly that the strategy should be in place both at and away from the ELB.
And regarding symmetry, I prefer an emphasis on state dependence rather than locking into a
symmetric or asymmetric stance. And, finally, on the question of robustness of relative
expectations, I am largely persuaded by the memos that if we get financial markets and
businesses on board, we will be in good shape. I’m also convinced that any issues with these
stakeholders can be resolved by coherent communications and consistent application of our
strategies within the current framework.
I’d like to close by raising one issue that I think is conspicuously missing in our
discussion thus far. The conversation on makeup strategies, in particular, has been largely cast in
terms of what should be done about the effective lower bound. Now, this is obviously a vitally
important question, and others have noted that this has been an issue that other central banks
have struggled with. But there’s an additional—and, in my view, more fundamental—question,
something that President Evans pointed to. And the question is, do we, as a Committee, actually
care if we define our price-stability objective in terms of convergence toward the 2 percent goal
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as opposed to actually averaging 2 percent over some relevant horizon? And the answer to that
question determines what forms of makeup strategies we want to actively consider and which
ones we want to rule out. Or, as was discussed earlier, what dimensions of our current strategy
require particular heightened attention to consider as a change?
For example, if our objective is to ensure that we do not stray too far from a 2 percent
average, then it seems clear that we ought to be focused on some version, perhaps, of price-level
targeting or change to a range or a full-throated, relentless commitment to symmetry as pushed
by President Evans. If we decide that some form of makeup strategy is absolutely what we need
to deal with ELB issues, I don’t think that we should proceed further without first wrestling to
the ground the question of how we should explicitly represent the 2 percent goal as a general
matter. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Harker.
MR. HARKER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I agree with much of what’s already been said,
so let me just add a few of my own comments. So, first, let me also add my thanks—danke
schön, just to mix it up a little bit [laughter]—for the great work. These are thought-provoking
and very well done memos. I want to thank you for that. They obviously touch on a host of
issues surrounding our ability to maintain well-anchored inflation expectations. As we know,
because inflation is likely to run below target when a zero-lower-bound event occurs, it will be
necessary to let inflation average slightly above 2 percent. I mean, that was the whole point of
the memos.
In that regard, I think we should just depart from the symmetric language regarding our
target, and I think that’s something we should do relatively soon. When inflation finally exceeds
2 percent, the Committee could indicate—and we could do this sooner than that—that a slight
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overshoot is consistent with the long-run goal of the average inflation rate of 2 percent, and the
Committee is comfortable with inflation running a bit above 2 percent when we’re away from
the ELB. This conduct of policy has been exposited by Mertens and Williams and is referred to
as “average inflation targeting over the long run.” I think that’s what we can do, without
changing the whole framework.
In that sense, I am in favor of a slightly asymmetric approach to policy when we are away
from the effective lower bound. But until inflation actually exceeds 2 percent, I think it’s
premature to indicate that the Committee has changed its policy—that is, I’d rather walk the
walk before we talk the talk. And I think this goes back to some comments—I think President
Bullard’s—earlier that the best way of proving that we can do this is to do it and not talk about
doing it.
I do not believe, however, as I said, that we should formally adopt average inflation
targeting, either symmetric or asymmetric. Although it’s very attractive from an analytical point
of view, I am uncertain as to how these types of policies would be perceived in a world with less
than fully rational agents. Now, although there are potential gains from such an approach, as we
see, they may not be large enough to risk the potential cost that could ensue if we simply end up
confusing people. As memo 3 points out, both average and symmetric inflation targeting run the
risk of unanchoring inflation expectations when the public does not possess fully rational
expectations. And although, in the FRB/US model, it’s enough that the financial market
participants are rational for expectations to remain anchored, I’m not confident that this is a
robust result that would be obtained in other settings with other models.
Regarding a symmetric average inflation target, I also worry about the credibility, as
others have, of such a policy. Do we really think that future Committees would be willing to
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offset misses to the upside? And do we think the public will believe that is going to be the case?
We know that policies work quite differently when they’re not believed compared with when
they are, and I’m skeptical that average inflation targeting would be a credible policy strategy.
Additionally, the makeup strategies would be extraordinarily difficult to communicate, as we’ve
all said.
To summarize, I favor dropping symmetry from our statement and letting inflation run
slightly above 2 percent when away from the effective lower bound, but I would only wish to
formalize this strategy once we’ve delivered an inflation rate of at least 2 percent—that is, when
we’ve walked the walk. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Barkin.
MR. BARKIN. Thus far, we’ve had a well-constructed but heavy emphasis on makeup
strategies. I’m looking forward to the coming sessions that Governor Clarida outlined where,
like others, I hope we’ll also be exploring ranging our target using multiple supporting core
inflation metrics and evolving our communication. All that said, if the Committee were to
formally adopt a makeup strategy, I would be drawn to the temporary variants, which are more
likely to be credible even if less effective, and the asymmetric ones, which are more likely to be
palatable.
At the core, like President Bostic just said, I do focus on concerns about credibility and
the difficulty of communications. With respect to President Evans’s earlier question on public
reaction, I understand the Bank of Canada, in its last review, decided against makeup strategies
after conducting a field test that convinced them the public would not respond as the models
predict. In a flat Phillips curve world, these concerns are especially relevant. Makeup strategies
have us going all in to push inflation up, but we really don’t know how long that will take.
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Adopting a strategy such as this would be an aggressive experiment on the world’s most
important economy, and I really don’t feel it’s been well tested elsewhere. And that testing
matters because success elsewhere would be critical to the credibility we need. The Czech
example, while interesting, isn’t exactly on point.
What concerns me? With the promise of low rates for a long time, a number of things
can go wrong. President Rosengren mentioned asset bubbles, and, of course, inflation might
eventually rise more than we want. But there’s also a third risk I’ll discuss tomorrow: the
excessive substitution for labor. Central bank credibility is also a risk. A makeup strategy
commits us to a rule. If we don’t have the success we desire, it could erode our reputation. Can
we rule out that extended low-rate policies aimed at preventing a low-inflation outcome end up
causing exactly that as businesses become pessimistic, banks become weaker, leverage
constrains investment, and people become accustomed to low interest rates, which they expect to
last indefinitely?
I agree with President Bullard on the following: The longest effective-lower-bound
episodes are in Japan and Europe, and both arguably added strong verbal commitments, yet
neither gives much hope that extended time at the lower bound delivers inflation at target.
Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kaplan.
MR. KAPLAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you to the staff for these memos.
They certainly spurred a lot of debate among our team at the Dallas Fed. And, I guess, first and
foremost, a big part of our discussion was trying to define the term “adopt,” and what does the
term “commitment” mean? Is it an obligation to act? Is it a presumption that you will act, but
it’s not an obligation? Or is it simply a consideration?
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We had a long conversation about the decision process of the FOMC. First, there’s the
analytical phase, in which we take into account tools, decision rules, and maybe average inflation
targeting. And then the second phase is, everyone around the table uses their judgment, and, as
we’ve seen as part of a balanced approach, each of us—and today is a good example—weight
those various considerations differently and come to a different place, even though we’re using
the same analytics. And then, as a group, we take action. And what we’re confused about on
some of these issues, and I think even around our own team—each person had a slightly different
understanding of what the term “adopt” means, as I think you heard some feedback about.
I’m very reluctant to adopt strategies that obligate us to act and skip the judgment phase,
in which people can balance. I’m probably also very hesitant even to adopt an approach that
gives a presumption during the judgment phase that people will act. I don’t think I am opposed to
a tool that is a consideration in the analysis phase but allows each of us, as part of a balanced
approach, to weight these different factors.
In that regard, we also had a long conversation, and my team explained to me that we
actually have average inflation targeting right now, it’s just that it’s based on one year—
basically, it’s 12-month lagging headline PCE inflation. And, in that regard, going to two years
or three years or four years—it’s a change, and it might be something to consider. I think our
team prefers to use headline PCE inflation or some other measure, not core inflation, but it would
only be comfortable using that approach if it’s part of the analytical part of the process and not a
presumption or an obligation to act on it.
Average inflation targeting, for me, could be very useful if it’s one of several
considerations. I think the Taylor rule, or modified Taylor rule, could be another consideration.
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And I think, in that regard, my own view is, average inflation targeting could be very useful as
one other item to consider in the analysis before we get to our judgments.
I liked a number of the comments led by President Evans about being committed to an
outcome-based approach but not committing to a rule or rules-based approach. And I thought
that was a great way to say it. I would be willing to tolerate an inflation overshoot if we wanted
to be more analytical about how we describe that. Maybe average inflation targeting over some
makeup window could be a useful way to quantify that, and so I’m open to it, but, again, as long
as it’s a consideration, not a presumption or an obligation to act. And I think in our discussions
of these matters, we may have to start being much more precise about what we mean, because I
think these rules strike each of us very differently based on what it is—is it an obligation or
presumption or just a consideration? For me, a consideration might make it very useful.
Last comment. I do think we have a public communication problem. I mentioned this at
the July meeting, and I’ll say it again. I don’t think we’ve adequately explained to the public
why low inflation below target by itself is undesirable. The public understands why low real
GDP growth is bad. I think the public understands why low nominal GDP growth is bad. I think
the public understands why high inflation is bad, which is why I think some of this old language
about “We’re going to be careful above 2 percent” lags, associated with previous generations
when the issue was we had high inflation.
I don’t think the public understands—if my regional and Dallas Fed boards are any
indication, which I think they are—why below-target inflation by itself is bad or even
inconsistent with price stability unless it’s in the context of low nominal GDP growth. Once we
explain it that way, they get it. And I wonder if, in our public communication, particularly if
we’re going to beef up, at a minimum, mention in our framework about being willing to
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overshoot in our efforts to avoid the lower bound, I think that we might, as a Committee, be well
served to get some communication advice. Maybe we’d be better off doing a better job
reframing the dangers of low inflation. For me, the most resonant way to explain it is in the
context of low nominal GDP growth. Encounters with the lower bound make sense to us, but I
don’t think they resonate very well with people “outside the trade,” so to speak. But I think
framing this in a better way, in terms of the risk of running low nominal GDP or other
explanations on why low inflation is dangerous, I think we’d be well served to beef this up as
part of the framework review so we get more public support for what we’re about to potentially
do. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. And with that, we will take our lunch break and resume
at 1:00 p.m. sharp. Thank you.
[Lunch recess]
CHAIR POWELL. We will resume our go-round with Governor Bowman.
MS. BOWMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’d also like to start by thanking the staff for
their work on the framework review. These questions are challenging, and the memos on the
alternative strategies provide a lot to think about. I think it’s very valuable to engage in these
discussions and the framework review process more broadly.
I viewed the latest three memos as addressing a narrow question: What actions could the
Committee consider when the existing toolkit fails to bring inflation up to its 2 percent target?
The memos provide a description of what outcomes we can expect to achieve using various
makeup strategies but without the influence of balance sheet policies or effective forward
guidance.
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When we engage in discussions about our policy framework, it’s important to consider
our current state. The unemployment rate is lower than at any time since the 1960s, inflation has
remained close to our target relative to historical standards, and the financial system generally
looks to be resilient. In this regard, the current policy framework has served us well, and our
challenge now is whether to consider taking action that would move us closer to our inflation
target.
I recognize that our experience with forward guidance and balance sheet policies is
limited. However, there is evidence that these policies helped reduce or at least contain the
economic damage inflicted during the recent financial crisis. The analysis presented in the
memos focuses on addressing the issues we’re facing at present. We’re in an environment in
which the natural rate of interest is very low and in which inflation is not responding as we
expect when we run a “hot” economy. But in order to complete a thorough review of our
framework, in my mind, we need to address inflation in a broader context. We should give
careful consideration to whether these or other strategies would be effective or even appropriate
during a time of a persistent overshooting of inflation.
We can all recall episodes when high and volatile inflation was a problem, and we should
acknowledge the possibility that events we can’t anticipate or control could once again push us
in that direction. We also need to be open to the idea that the low interest rate environment may
not be an indefinite circumstance. Our understanding of the structural changes that exist now are
incomplete, and the effects of these structural changes are uncertain. It’s possible that the factors
that led to a lower natural rate of interest will unwind and, therefore, make it less likely that we
run up against the lower-bound constraint over an extended time horizon.
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If we decide to go forward with some form of makeup strategy, communicating this new
approach will be challenging. Even if we’re careful to provide a clear and comprehensive
roadmap in good times, that will not necessarily ensure that the implementation occurs smoothly
when the time comes to actually use the makeup strategy.
I would also like to see the Committee communicate more precisely what we mean by the
goal of price stability. In the short time I’ve been on the FOMC, I’ve observed material
differences in our individual interpretations of the 2 percent inflation target. Should we view
where we are now as essentially achieving our target, or should we consider it a deviation that
we should take action to address? Outside what range around the 2 percent target would we
consider it necessary to implement one of these strategies or another one? Other central banks
have set a range for their inflation rates. We’ve defined a target, but we’ve not come to a
consensus about what level of inflation warrants Committee action.
The strength of our monetary policy framework depends on our answers to these
questions and on the public’s understanding of them. I believe that we could strengthen our
policy framework by providing the public more clarity on these issues. Agreeing upon and
articulating our goals for inflation as clearly as possible will give us the best chance to ensure
that our policy actions are effective. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Daly.
MS. DALY. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Like everyone else, let me also thank the staff for
the excellent memos. I was struck by something President Mester said, and I completely agree
that you can judge the success of the memos you produced—not just now but in the previous
versions—from the level of the discussion around the table. And I think from that mark, it’s
hard to say you get anything but an A+. So I really appreciate it.
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Now, as part of executing on our dual mandate, we have set ourselves the explicit goal of
achieving PCE inflation of 2 percent. And I have interpreted that as 2 percent, on average, over
an averaging window that is a year or more, but really that we want it on average. That’s what I
thought of as symmetric, so it’s in that framework that I am thinking about the framework.
So the review of our monetary policy framework, then, asks how best to do that in the
world we see before us. Now, as I view it, we start from a really good position. The framework
that we have used since the Volcker disinflation anchored long-term inflation expectations and
contributed to the Great Moderation. This has kept inflation low and stable in both good times
and bad. But looking back, it is clear that those were different times—times when inflation was
mostly at or above target, the Phillips curve was steep, and we had ample policy space to achieve
our goals.
Economic conditions have changed since then. Structural changes in global labor and
product markets are putting downward pressure on inflation, forcing us to confront a sustained
deflationary environment. In addition, the Phillips curve is flatter, and it can be hard to see the
tradeoff between economic slack and wages and prices, at least in the short run. And slowing
productivity growth and changes in demographics have led to a lower real neutral rate of interest,
leaving us less policy space and limiting our ability to meet our policy objectives.
Indeed, I would argue that we are in the midst of these new economic conditions right
now. The Phillips curve is flat, policy space is limited, and inflation has undershot our 2 percent
target for most of the past decade. The sustained downside miss on inflation has already shown
through into lower market-based and survey expectations, which have edged lower over the past
five years. Ongoing future misses, both immediately and as we proceed over the next decade,
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carry the risk that a nominal anchor may slip below our 2 percent goal, further reducing our
policy space. This is currently happening in Europe.
So the question is, what can be done in these new and different times—not the ones
we’ve come from, but the ones we’re in and looking ahead to—that ensures we consistently meet
our 2 percent PCE inflation target and maintain our nominal inflation anchor? And in that
context, I am pulled to strongly consider an alternative framework that makes up for past
inflation misses and telegraphs to the public that we remain committed to our 2 percent target.
Such alternative frameworks clearly tell businesses and households that we dislike extended
periods of inflation undershooting and that we are ready to make up for them. As the memos
detail, establishing the credibility of such a framework before we experience a recession provides
the added benefit of offsetting, at least partially, the deflationary bias induced by the effective
lower bound.
Now, of course, as the memos also note, any multiyear strategy suffers from time
inconsistency. Policies we commit to today may appear too costly to implement when the time
comes to act. So the public will likely be skeptical of our promises until we deliver them. As
President Harker said, we are going to need to “walk the walk” before the talk becomes actually
more than just that. So this pushes me to policies with the following features. First, they should
be easily understandable and observationally verifiable. Providing the public with measurable
markers over reasonable periods allows households and businesses to check our work, if you
will, and quickly see if we are delivering on our stated objectives.
Second, the commitments can’t be so long that they are producing financial risks or other
unintended consequences. I’m persuaded by the remarks of Presidents Rosengren and Mester
and others about how we don’t want to create unintended imbalances. It won’t serve us well if
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our commitments place future Committees in the difficult position of choosing between keeping
our promises—and, thus, our credibility—or creating these imbalances.
An attractive option that balances these objectives is average inflation targeting with a
very short window. And by “very short,” I mean three years. It has the advantage over the
current framework of keeping policy rates lower for longer following periods of below-target
inflation. And with a short averaging window, this policy would mitigate some of the financial
stability risks that lower-for-longer strategies may entail.
Now, in the materials we were given, it looks like the effect of these things can be de
minimis, but, in fact, I would argue that such a framework might have helped today. It would
signal that we are prepared to be slightly accommodative until PCE inflation averages 2 percent
over the defined window. It would also have the added benefit of building credibility and an
understanding of a framework such as this before the next downturn. And it might allow us to
walk the walk.
I didn’t have this in my remarks, but I think President Bullard made a really good point
earlier, which is, when we and our predecessors were going through the Volcker disinflation,
there was a lot of skepticism about whether we could really deliver 2 percent anchored inflation
expectations, and we did. So the idea that it’s difficult doesn’t mean that it’s impossible. That’s
just something to highlight. But you do have to walk the walk.
That said, no framework is a panacea, and average inflation targeting, even with a short
window, is not without risk: risk that households and businesses will be slow to grasp the
change and focus on realized rather than promised inflation, mitigating or tempering some of the
effects of the strategy; risk that we will face unwanted inflation, inflation that’s too high, and
have to offset it rather than simply curb it and bring it back to 2; and risk that any framework we
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choose will not be enough to manage the considerable challenges we face in the future. So
whatever we decide on as our framework, we likely will need to be fully prepared to deploy our
complete set of tools—conventional and unconventional—if we are to achieve our goals in this
new environment.
The last thing I want to say is that there’s this concept that I’ve been grappling with, and
it was really influenced by some of the remarks today of “We don’t want to go lower for longer
for too long.” That’s clear. But there’s also a pull to be intentionally lower for longer and not
have to be reactively lower for longer, like Europe has to do right now. I mean, you can wait,
but then you have to do it, or you’re forced to do it, whereas you could be systematic and frontrun it and maybe prevent getting there in the first place. So with that, I’ll conclude. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President George.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I join others in thanking the staff for these
background papers. Whether or not we ultimately make any changes to our framework, I think
this process is essential, in my view, to the credibility of our decisionmaking, our commitment to
transparency, and our collective learning about the changing landscape. So I hope the exercise
will become a regular feature of the Committee’s policy framework.
Regarding the three questions posed by the staff, my responses are more general than
specific to the alternative strategies and focus primarily on clear and credible communications
rather than a fundamental strategy reset. The costs and benefits associated with committing to a
makeup strategy strike me as highly uncertain and difficult to communicate to the public in a
clear and credible manner. While the modest benefits of makeup strategies are evident in the
models that we’ve been talking about, how the public would come to view and understand a
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change in our strategy that will necessarily entail numerous implementation details suggests to
me that the costs could be significant.
These makeup policies necessitate decisions to manage or fine-tune inflation in the short
run, moving inflation at times above and possibly at other times below 2 percent to achieve a
longer-run objective on average. Such fine-tuning risks destabilizing inflation expectations and
raises questions about whether short-term actions would be consistent with longer-run goals.
Moving to a framework like this could also put at risk the credibility that already exists around
our current strategy and goals in favor of an untested alternative that’s likely to be difficult to
explain. Given the costs and uncertainties associated with alternative makeup policies, my
preference is to consider how to bolster the credibility of our existing framework.
I thought Governor Philip Lowe of the Reserve Bank of Australia framed it well in his
remarks at Jackson Hole when he said, “Keeping inflation close to target is part of the answer,
but it is not the full answer.” Given the uncertainties we face, it’s appropriate that we have a
degree of flexibility. But when we use this flexibility, we need to explain why we’re doing it and
how our decisions are consistent with our mandate.
We also recognize that short-term inflation control looks harder than it once was, and
there is more uncertainty about what is required to deliver this outcome. In the end, simple and
clear communication that the broader public can understand is critical, and I find myself agreeing
wholeheartedly with President Evans’s outcome-based focus. I think we should reorient
ourselves to that.
Within our existing framework, I see two opportunities to bolster the credibility of our
policy strategy. One is to further define what a balanced approach means as it relates to
achieving our dual mandate when the objectives are in conflict. The other is to explore how we
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might use forward guidance more effectively to influence expectations and outcomes in
anticipation of future encounters with the ELB. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Quarles.
MR. QUARLES. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I, too, thought the memos were excellent at
framing the discussion. I agree with President George that the background the memos provide is
an important outcome of this review. I, too, would like to see the review become a regular
feature of the Committee, maybe something like the Bank of Canada does, at some regular
periodic cycle.
I think that the regularity of assessing and questioning of one’s assumptions and
intellectual frameworks is important in any policy setting. And so one of the things that I would
want to caution us about as we continue this discussion is that really being open to where that
leads also means being open to the fact that it might not lead anywhere. And I think that if we
want this to be a regular feature of the Committee, which, again, I do think is just good
intellectual hygiene, if we feel ourselves in this process painted into a corner of doing something
because we have done so much work on it, future Committees may be reluctant to undertake the
process if they don’t think that there is, perhaps, anything that really needs to be changed at the
time. And I wouldn’t want to have that be a disincentive to what is a good regular practice.
So, following the memos in talking about alternative frameworks, I am going to direct my
comments primarily toward average inflation targeting, as I think the memos did, particularly
when thinking of the costs and benefits relative to our current flexible inflation-targeting
framework. The memos list essentially three major benefits of average inflation targeting that
build on one another. First, a public understanding that policy rates will be lower for longer
during recessions will, in turn, second, deliver greater accommodation from the start, which, in
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turn, third, will support inflation relative to the current framework, will do that better than the
current framework, and is, therefore, more effective at preventing inflation expectations from
slipping.
All of that seems very logical and laudable, but the memos also make it clear that the
ability of average inflation targeting to deliver that inflation that’s deemed necessary to anchor
expectations where we want them is very much constrained by the flatness of the Phillips curve.
But that’s the problem we are facing with our current framework. A flat Phillips curve is going
to make it difficult to target small precision changes in the inflation rate regardless of the
particular framework in which we are doing that. And what are the potential costs of average
inflation targeting?
Well, because the framework is primarily a structure for communicating our policy, the
cost would be if, in adopting a new framework, the public or the markets were to become
confused as to what we’re doing, or perhaps they would perceive that we are making promises
that we’re unlikely to be able to keep, and that would damage our credibility. They may not
know what it is we’re doing. They may have a perfect understanding of what we’re doing and
believe that it’s not actually credible.
The memos focus on one aspect of the broad communications challenges that are
associated with AIT. Namely, that’s the challenge of adopting a time-inconsistent policy, a
policy that is structured to produce benefits before it incurs costs, also known as the Wimpy
burger phenomenon: “I will gladly pay you Tuesday for a hamburger today.” [Laughter]
The memos make it clear that average inflation targeting is likely to be more effective the
more credible the commitment. That is to say, depending on how binding the policy prescription
or rule is thought to be, it’s from knowing that the Committee will follow that rule in the future
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that the framework gains its power. So as we consider constraining future Committees in the
way that some of these makeup strategies would, it’s probably useful to review why we found it
difficult to adopt formal constraints on ourselves—for example, through adoption of a formal
policy rule, like the Taylor rule, say.
Besides the difficulty of distilling the varied views of a large Committee into a single
rule—maps versus flags or “hawks versus doves” or larks like me—another issue of concern
associated with formal rules is that they prioritize a certain subset of the data when, rather, the
complexity and evolving nature of the economy argues for the consideration of a wide range of
indicators and assessing the state of the economy at any particular moment. So although a
backward-looking inflation average might make an appealing target now, the memos make it
clear that that’s not always going to be the case, especially if inflation has been running above
target for a time before a recession, such as was the case in 2008.
The world is messy. The data often don’t speak for themselves. Sometimes they need a
little interpretation. When I arrived at the Board in the fall of 2017, discussions of inflation,
which was then running a few tenths below target, inevitably contained a reference. It was a
guideline, maybe even a federal rule of some sort, to the sharp fall in cellphone charges that was
observed in March 2017.
Every single discussion of inflation said, of course, cellphone charges. I was very
relieved when we got to March 2018 [laughter] when that decline finally dropped out of the
12-month window and we could stop nattering on about it every time we talked about inflation. I
certainly wouldn’t have wanted to have to keep talking about cellphone charges for the next four
or eight years as we waited for something similar to drop out of the long-run average.
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More fundamentally, I want to touch on some issues that I brought up at the previous
meeting that I think are still relevant for the discussion today. First, I find it difficult to interpret
model simulations that constrain the Committee’s use of balance sheet policies. That’s not the
world we live in. Model simulations that are based on a binding ELB constraint aren’t very
informative if they rule out balance sheet policies that the Committee is likely to take and that
the market is likely to expect us to take if there were to be a severe downturn.
Second, in the current environment with low r* and low inflation, it’s really unlikely that
any change in the framework will keep us off the ELB. The memos give the motivation for the
consideration of alternative frameworks as the high probability of returning to the ELB. Well,
from the information in the memos—very well done—I seriously doubt that adopting alternative
inflation targeting is going to materially decrease the chance of hitting the ELB. The memos
certainly don’t report those probabilities, so I look at an examination of our toolkit at the ELB as
a high priority.
And I think our discussion of tools and policy options available when the short-term
policy rate is constrained by the ELB—because it would appear that that’s going to be the world
we are living in for some period of time, no matter what we do about frameworks—should be as
robust and prominent as our discussion of alternative frameworks.
To my mind, it really all comes down to this. Brigham Young was a bad speller, and he
attributed this fact to the framework of English orthography. What rules there were were
illogical. In many cases, there were no rules at all. There were simply irregular practices that
were learned by rote, and they served as an obstacle to communication.
And because this is the sort of thing you can do when you are the sole autocrat of a
remote desert theocracy in the vastness of the Rocky Mountains [laughter], circumstances that
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you might envy, Mr. Chair [laughter], he decreed that, henceforth, communication in the territory
of Utah would be in the Deseret alphabet, a set of 38 entirely new symbols, each assigned
uniquely to a separate phoneme, created by the most intellectual of his rough-and-ready apostles
to perfect communication of the gospel. It was taught in the schools. Newspapers and street
signs were printed in it. Sermons and correspondence were written in it. Official documents of
the territorial government were transcribed into it. And it was the alphabet of the first complete
English Hopi dictionary.
On my desk in Utah, at our house in the foothills of the tallest mountain of the Wasatch
Range, I have a copy of the Book of Mormon printed in the Deseret alphabet. I keep it there as a
symbol of the limits of logic to perfect human action, because that book is one of the rarest
books in North America, one of only a small handful of printed materials in the Deseret alphabet
that remain.
Notwithstanding the decree of Brigham Young—which, in his day, was absolute law in
an area that stretched from San Bernardino to the top of the Continental Divide—the Deseret
alphabet was a complete bust. It turns out that people already knew an alphabet. They did not
want to learn a new one, not even one given to them by a prophet or by the Federal Reserve.
[Laughter] The new alphabet was hard and alien. Fonts were expensive and bespoke. And
whatever the limitations of its grammar and orthography, English, as it was written, was
adequately fit for the purpose of building an empire in the Rockies. And it was in sturdy roman
characters rather than the Deseret alphabet that we made the desert blossom as a rose.
I worry that we would encounter some of the same problems were we to seek a
significant recrafting of our policy framework, and that, even in the best case, the significant
transition costs would be simply unnecessary. Brigham Young’s problem was not the
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framework of English orthography. He just needed to work on his spelling. [Laughter]
Similarly, I believe that our existing framework is entirely adequate for the purpose of
formulating and communicating monetary policy. And to the extent that there is room for
improvement, we should focus on improving our spelling and not reforming the alphabet. Thank
you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kashkari, it falls to you to follow. [Laughter]
MR. KASHKARI. I’d like to yield my time. [Laughter] I’ll be very brief. Like many
of you, I thought the memos highlighted that there’s a lot of complexity and probably marginal
benefits in going with one of these makeup strategies that Governor Quarles just ended with. I
actually think our existing symmetric framework provides us a lot of flexibility to actually
achieve a lot of the benefits that these makeup strategies could achieve in theory if we are willing
to use that flexibility.
To date, we have not been willing to use the flexibility. I think many of us have treated it
like a ceiling. So the first thing I would say is, as we go through this process and we consider
refining our strategy statement, it would be great if we all got on the same page on what a
symmetric inflation target means. I think that’s a useful objective on its own, first of all, because
I think there’s a wide range of opinions around the table of what that means.
And, second, I hope that wherever we land is a place that embraces more flexibility rather
than less flexibility. An example of this would be a forward-looking symmetric inflation
objective of 2 percent, which could acknowledge the ELB and could acknowledge that, at the
ELB, we’ll likely be below 2 percent. So when we’re away from the ELB, we might be
somewhat above 2 percent, and then that would be consistent with the symmetric inflation target.
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I think that that’s not exactly where we are today, but I think that’s consistent with our broader
framework, and I think it’s a better place to end up than where we are today.
That’s it. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Great, thank you. Governor Brainard.
MS. BRAINARD. Thank you. Well, I’m very happy to have the opportunity to engage
in this discussion. I appreciate the Chair’s leadership and the roadmap charted by Governor
Clarida. It is very important to review and strengthen our framework in light of the key features
of the new normal.
In my mind, there are three, maybe three and a half. Inflation is low. Underlying trend
inflation is stuck below 2 percent, according to a variety of statistical filtering methods. And,
with the experience of inflation undershooting the target for most of the past 10 years, there’s a
risk that inflation expectations have slipped, as suggested by some survey measures and
measures of inflation compensation.
Second, the sensitivity of price inflation to resource utilization is very low. As we’ve
discussed previously, a flat Phillips curve has the important advantage of pulling more sidelined
workers back into productive employment, but it also makes it hard to achieve our 2 percent
inflation objective on a sustained basis. And it means that the traditional relationship between
inflation and unemployment can be a very misleading guide when policy is being set
preemptively. And, of course, it raises questions about the balanced approach in our Statement
on Longer-Run Goals.
Third, the equilibrium rate is very low. The Committee’s median projection has fallen
from 4¼ percent to 2½ percent over the past seven years. That means the conventional policy
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buffer is now only half of the 450 to 500 basis points in policy rate cuts that the FOMC would
typically deliver in the face of recessionary pressures over the past five decades.
That large loss of policy space will tend to increase, as the simulations show, the
frequency or length of periods when the policy rate is pinned at the lower bound, unemployment
is elevated, and inflation is below target. And, in turn, that experience risks eroding privatesector inflation expectations and further compressing conventional policy space.
The result that I think we are trying to avoid here is a downward spiral whereby
conventional policy space gets compressed even further. The lower bound binds even more
frequently, and it becomes increasingly challenging to return inflation to target, as we’ve seen in
Japan and more recently are seeing in the euro area. This is particularly concerning if fiscal
policy can’t be counted on to play its traditional countercyclical role.
Finally, it’s also important to keep in mind the potential spillovers for monetary policy
settings in other major jurisdictions. The fact that the euro area and Japan are struggling with
more extreme versions of this unholy trinity only reinforces the case for strengthening our policy
framework here.
So, turning to the rules for consideration today, I want to thank the staff for really
excellent memos that roughly quantify the potential advantages of adopting certain forms of
makeup strategies and highlight the assumptions on expectations, time consistency, and interest
rate sensitivity that are most important in determining the potential gains. The memos suggest
that makeup strategies have some advantages over a “let bygones be bygones” approach, while
also doing a nice job illustrating that the makeup rules under consideration themselves have
some important challenges.
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One straightforward conclusion is that there’s little to recommend a symmetric approach,
as we have a largely one-sided problem that we’re trying to address. We have plentiful
conventional policy space with which to deal with inflation exceeding our target—in contrast to
the discontinuity associated with the ELB that risks weakening inflation expectations from
below. So it makes sense to restrict our attention to solutions that reflect that asymmetry.
It’s implausible that a future FOMC would remain committed to pushing inflation below
2 percent just on the basis of its past success getting inflation to run above 2 percent for a few
years once the post-crisis subpar performance drops out of the makeup window. But even with
an asymmetric average-inflation-targeting rule and fairly well aligned expectations, the
simulations suggest it would take many years just to get inflation back to target following a
lower-bound episode.
As many of you have pointed out, communications during that period would be
exceptionally challenging. If the inflation process works as slowly as in exhibits on pages 8 and
10, for about a decade the Committee would be explaining that it is pursuing inflation above
2 percent to make up for the previous stretch of inflation below the target, while actual inflation
would continue to come in below 2 percent.
Indeed, if it takes a decade to get inflation back to 2 percent and even longer to
implement a makeup overshoot, there could well be a return to the effective lower bound before
that initial makeup is achieved, in which case the “makeup” dimension of the AIT policy
wouldn’t be observable through a full cycle.
On the flip side, if the expansion were to continue long enough for inflation to move
above 2 percent, under the stronger versions of the AIT rule the time-consistency problem would
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kick in. This illustrates what I view as perhaps the greatest challenge associated with these
approaches, which is how we would communicate to the public what we are aiming to achieve.
I have four requests for future work. First, I would like to see how an AIT rule might
compare with an inflation-threshold-based policy, both from the perspective of economic models
and with regard to the ease of communications and expectation setting. And this is, in particular,
in ELB episodes. My reading of the literature is that a framework along the lines of the one
outlined by Bernanke, Kiley, and Roberts—using a state-based threshold strategy in which we
simply commit to delay liftoff until our 2 percent goal has been achieved on a sustained basis,
say, for a year—could improve our performance on our dual-mandate goals while being much
simpler to communicate and execute and potentially would not encounter the time-inconsistency
problem with some of the AIT rules.
My interest in this approach may simply reflect personal experience, because in 2015 and
2016, I was worried that the Committee jumped the gun, guided by an “old normal” level of the
equilibrium rate and Phillips curve relationship that were no longer in evidence. With the benefit
of hindsight, delaying liftoff might have led to better inflation performance.
Second—similar, I think, to what Jim Bullard and Charlie Evans and a few others were
saying—I believe the problem we’re trying to solve today is not only what to do in future ELB
episodes, but also how to move underlying inflation back up to target in the near term after a
long period of misses in order to re-anchor expectations and strengthen our buffer.
One approach that I would want to explore and might be much simpler to communicate
would simply be to shift up our target range for a limited number of years with a review to
follow. So, for instance, we could just target inflation in the range of 2 to 2½ percent over the
next five years to make up for the past five years when inflation has been in the range of 1½ to
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2 percent, and we could commit to review that performance again after five years. This could be
seen as a stronger interpretation of symmetry or a field test of a “soft” form of average inflation
targeting. It would help the Committee gently nudge inflation above 2 percent to provide the
public some experience of over 2 percent inflation. Then, at the subsequent review, the
Committee would have some experience with inflation running a bit above target as a basis for
assessing the costs and benefits of possibly moving the inflation target to the top of the new
range in a more opportunistic approach.
However we approach it, I think it would be a mistake not to at least give some serious
thought to a modest increase in our inflation target to partially regain some of the lost
conventional policy space associated with the decline in the real equilibrium rate, which looks to
be long lived. The Eberly, Stock, and Wright paper did a nice job illustrating the advantages of
starting from a slightly higher level of inflation.
Third, I agree with Eric and others that we need to assess the implications for financial
stability as an integral part of this review. The changes to monetary policy we’re contemplating
suggest a low-for-long environment as a feature, not a bug, of the “new normal.” It has
implications for reach-for-yield behavior as well as the buildup of debt. We had a good
conversation last night at the Joint Supervision Committee on why bank capital levels that were
calibrated on pre-crisis historical data may not be adequate in today’s circumstances. My own
inclination would be to get serious about macroprudential policy rather than overburden our
monetary policy, but it’s important to have analysis to make that assessment.
Fourth and finally, it’s critical as part of our framework review to take the
communications challenge note less seriously than the modeling challenge. I thought it was
hugely valuable to engage in our Fed Listens discussions around the country and to invite panels
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of non-economist experts to the Chicago conference. One of the biggest “takeaways” was that
we tend to orient our communications to an exceptionally narrow slice of the American public.
Yet the models presented today demonstrate that the efficacy of the approaches hinges
importantly on consistent expectations not only among financial market participants, but also
among wage and price setters as well as savers and consumers.
Given the centrality of expectations and questions about how they’re formed, it would
seem important to use communications research tools, such as surveys and focus groups, no less
than econometric modeling. As Rob Kaplan noted, many Americans are unlikely to find it
intuitively obvious that inflation below 2 percent is a problem. So we’ll need to put some special
effort into our communications. Similar to the Bank of England, we may find it may be
beneficial to target different kinds of communications to different audiences. Because the
hallmark of Fed Listens has been to engage with a much broader set of stakeholders, I would
hope that we would similarly seek to ensure that any solution that we adopt seeks to
communicate more effectively with that broader set of stakeholders. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Vice Chair Williams.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. A lot has already been said, and I
share what many have said—that the briefings and the memos have been very helpful to frame a
very good discussion.
I guess I go back to something I learned from President Evans early in my tenure eight
years ago, and that is, not to answer the questions in the memo. [Laughter] In your remarks
today, and I wholeheartedly agree with President Evans’s remarks that he started this go-round
with, but I notice that you didn’t answerthe questions either, so I won’t.
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So first is, I think, we do want to go back to the very basic issue, and I go back to the
great success in central banking of the past 30 or more years in anchoring inflation expectations.
This was a huge undertaking. Central banks around the world—including the Federal Reserve,
but many others, too—had allowed inflation to run wild and had inflation expectations that had
become unmoored, and it was an enormous effort to get low and anchored inflation expectations.
It served us incredibly well, both in terms of stabilizing inflation and also—as we all, or
many of us, experienced during the recession and the aftermath of that—that the well-anchored
inflation expectations gave us more policy space to respond aggressively with both conventional
and unconventional monetary policy tools to address the very high unemployment and the
weakness in the economy without concerns of inflation taking off. So, again, getting
maintaining anchored inflation expectations, I think, is really important.
I think that the issue, of course, with the lower bound and the very low r* is that inflation
expectations could get anchored at too low a level or actually get into a situation where they keep
moving down over time, which is what we’ve seen, as President Bullard and Governor Brainard
and others have mentioned, in examples of Japan and the euro area that have seen a huge
downward shift in inflation expectations, which then has a negative effect of reducing policy
space to respond to the next recession.
So I think, again, the goal here really is about anchoring inflation expectations, and that
brings up a number of—I think, to me—important issues. One is, and I think the memo did a
great job—one of the memos covered this well, which is this uncertainty about r*. We had a
good discussion of this in New York.
If you actually told me with certainty that r* was 0.5 percent, and it would be 0.5 for the
rest of our lifetimes, I think that the answer that we could address a reasonably sized or a typical
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recession using very aggressive conventional policy actions, unconventional policy actions, and
forward guidance is probably the right answer for a number of people, to say we just need to use
our tools more aggressively, more effectively. I think that’s true, and we could probably get
through the situation reasonably well, and that’s kind of what some of these simulations were
showing.
At the same time, there’s a great deal of uncertainty about r*. So, say, if you asked me
10 years ago what r* was, I would have told you 2½ percent. And today we’re saying it’s ½. So
say that, in the next recession—which I hope is not for another 10 years—we’re actually in a
situation in which r* is not ½ percent but is actually minus ½ or even lower. In that
circumstance, using the same simulations, we just don’t have nearly as much firepower, either
conventionally—and, obviously, we could use unconventional policies, balance sheet policies,
too.
So, again, when I think about what the future may hold, this asymmetry regarding the
effects of r* and the uncertainty about r* tell you that if r* comes in higher, as Governor
Bowman suggested it might, that’s good. That would make our lives easier, and it would be
better for the economy. But the uncertainty that implies that r* could be lower is what tells me
that those are circumstances where we do need to think seriously about how to create the best
framework to maximize the probability of success.
So that gets to a couple of the other issues around this, and one is commitment. People
brought up time inconsistency, commitment issues. If you go back to the debate about inflation
targeting, this is what the debate was about then. I think, President Bullard, you mentioned that.
A lot of people weren’t convinced that central banks could get inflation expectations anchored
well. So what did it do? What do I think are important components of that? One is to have a
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pretty clear objective of what you’re trying to achieve. Communicate that well, and also walk
the talk in terms of outcomes, as President Evans and others highlighted.
I don’t think the commitment issues associated with some of the strategies that we’re
talking about in the memos are fundamentally that different from these commitment issues that
were associated with its having a low inflation target. If we could find ways to agree on a
strategy—whether it’s a makeup strategy or average inflation target or whatever it is—and we
also commit to carry that strategy out in terms of our actions, I think that that’s not something
that we should see as “Because it’s hard, we can’t do it.” We should actually take a lesson from
history and from central bankers around the world, which is, if you commit to it and you stick to
it, then you actually can achieve that and get the benefits from that.
In terms of some of the other issues around this and having a range versus a point
target—and President Rosengren gave a good example of that—I do worry about the
fundamental asymmetry of the zero lower bound or the effective lower bound, and that is that
inflation is more likely to be under the target than above the target, at least under some
circumstances. If I can do this from memory, the way that President Rosengren described it was,
inflation is, on average, 2 percent over the cycle, and then behind that is a concept that there’s a
range of inflation that sometimes in a recession it might be below, and then during an extended
expansion it might be above. I think that the range supports this notion, but I don’t want the
range to replace the target, because the target is really what we want to see over the cycle, over
the medium term, but the range may help people understand or help ourselves understand that.
So I think there’s a way to connect these ideas in a constructive way.
The last point I’d like to make is, a lot of the discussion in the memos and in this room
focuses on makeup strategies around inflation, and that’s understandable, because we’ve been
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reminded many times that we’ve been missing our inflation target. But if you actually go back to
what the makeup strategies were about, they weren’t really about inflation. They were about
adding monetary stimulus to boost economic growth and to bring the unemployment rate down.
And then, of course, the side effect of that would be to bring inflation back up. And I think
we’re losing that thread a little bit, and I own some of this. And while this talk is about pricelevel targeting, average inflation targeting, we kind of get caught in that.
But at the end of the day, what we’re talking about with strategies is that strategies or
approaches are adding more stimulus during the downturn and recovery to add more job growth
and bring unemployment down and, through that, to bring inflation back to our target and
achieve this well-anchored inflation expectation. So maybe that’s one thing about how we talk
about it that’s leading us a little bit astray, because we’re focused so much on inflation that
maybe we lose track of—really, it’s about boosting demand and boosting the economy during a
downturn to achieve our goals.
And how we change that conversation? In my own talking about it, I’ve started talking
about, you’re trying to boost expected output and expected inflation, not just one or the other.
And, the one thing that I think we also shouldn’t give up on, and maybe it’s a response to
President Kashkari, is, I agree with you completely that we should do everything with our tools,
and that will get us a long way, but I think it’s even more effective if a strategy overlay that
we’ve all agreed on beforehand explains that we expect inflation to run above target during the
latter part of an expansion. We expect that this is what we’re trying to achieve, so that when we
then use all of our tools, it’s not like we’re trying to explain it now. It’s actually coherent and
consistent with the strategy we laid out. I think that’s when it works the best, because when the
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strategy, the decisions, the statements, the press conferences, all of those are aligned is when
we’re at our most effective. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Let me agree with others in thanking the staff for a
really excellent, thought-provoking set of memos and everyone around the table for another
terrific discussion. I’ll get to the specific questions for the meeting, but I want to begin with a
couple of comments on the broader context.
I want to stress that I think the bulk of our work still lies ahead of us on this, and I think
it’s important for us to continue to exercise some patience in reaching conclusions and taking
positions on the issues that we are discussing. And, in that spirit, I want to echo what Governor
Clarida said earlier, which is that we’re not working to a January conclusion here. We’ll
continue the process as long as is appropriate until our work is done. Sometime around the
middle of next year is a good placeholder for that.
I just think we will make better decisions and get better answers if we give ideas time to
breathe, time to be carefully considered and to be weighed against alternative or competing
ideas. I would point to, for example, the discussions about shrinking the balance sheet, when we
went through a series of meetings, and ideas rose and fell during that process. Things like that
will hopefully again happen here.
These are complex, subtle questions. There is no roadmap. If anything, we are creating a
roadmap for other central banks to follow. So I, too, want to say I found the July meeting
tremendously enlightening, and, like Governor Clarida, I went back and reread the transcript,
although I won’t tell you I did it in 15 minutes, as he did. [Laughter]
MR. CLARIDA. Speed-reading.
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CHAIR POWELL. It took a lot longer than that. [Laughter] Regarding that discussion,
many pointed out that our current framework would have allowed the Committee to conduct
policy more aggressively, deploying more accommodation earlier. But, of course, in real time,
we were in uncharted waters. Like others, we systematically were overly optimistic about the
recovery. Many on the Committee were deeply concerned about high inflation coming back,
with monetary aggregates soaring, and also about the possible unforeseen consequences of QE.
Those were not problems with the framework. Now, knowing more about the efficacy,
costs, and risks of our tools, I believe we would act more aggressively and earlier in the face of a
serious downturn without regard to any framework changes. So when the time comes to act, we
are likely to run out of room to cut rates very quickly and probably well short of what the
economy needs. So, with that, we’ll turn to our unconventional tools, including forward
guidance and asset purchases, and much will depend on the efficacy of the tools.
Forward guidance was important in easing financial conditions in the post-crisis era
precisely because the market priced in a higher rate path than the Committee intended. It seems
to me unlikely, though, now, that the market will systematically underpredict accommodation the
next time. The stunning decline over the intermeeting period in global long-term rates—
although it was quickly reversed, in part—suggests to me that markets may be just as likely to
get ahead of the FOMC as fall behind. Thus, our main role may be in clarifying our intentions
and then following through.
As for asset purchases, term premiums are already very low—in fact, negative. By the
time our policy rate reaches the ELB and the economy has weakened, term premiums would
likely be deeply negative already. The incremental efficacy of large-scale asset purchases and
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guidance in that setting is not entirely clear, as the recent experience of some foreign central
banks may indicate.
The decline in r* further complicates the problem. We may not be able to identify or
create tools that will fully offset that policy loss. And all of that suggests that we need to be
scratching and clawing now for every scrap of policy space, because in a serious downturn we
are going to need it. It underscores the high stakes associated with this exercise.
Now, I take the point of the makeup strategy to be to defend and strengthen our main
tool, which is our policy rate. And that brings me to the three questions. John, like you, I have
learned not to make a rookie mistake and answer the questions. But Dave Skidmore alerted me
to the difference between answering questions and addressing them [laughter], so I will now
address the three questions.
First, as to the costs and benefits of makeup strategies, I see the risks in the current
environment as fundamentally asymmetric. We face a high risk of large welfare losses if we get
stuck at the ELB for an extended period. A downward slide in inflation expectations would,
therefore, entail high costs. The potential costs in the other tail are real, but, in my view, they are
more remote and, even if realized, would be more manageable and smaller.
The potential benefit of some form of makeup strategy would be to make it less likely
that we’d start down the disinflationary path in the first place. So I think there is a question that
underlies all of this, which for me really is whether the United States faces an inflation problem
that needs to be addressed in some kind of fundamental way, perhaps through framework
changes, perhaps through more aggressive use of our tools.
So if I posit a world of inflation expectations that are safely and securely anchored at
1.8 percent, let’s say, with symmetric risks, I would be hard pressed to identify big welfare losses
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from that or large gains from nudging the anchor up to 2 percent. All of the arguments about the
imprecision with which we measure, let alone manage, inflation would be convincing in that
case. The indifference of the public to a couple of tenths of inflation—indeed, their confusion as
to why those strange people at the Fed would even care—would be sensible. But, to me, that
hypothetical does not capture the situation in which we find ourselves.
Instead, we see a world in which first Japan and now the EU reacted complacently to
early signs of low inflation. In fact, the historical record is dotted with dismissive comments by
BOJ and ECB policymakers about low inflation. By the time they took the issue seriously, it
was too late. Now, we are not the EU, and we’re not Japan. While longer-term expectations in
the United States seem well anchored somewhere within a few tenths of 2 percent, I think we
should view ourselves as now, or soon enough, facing the test that the ECB and the BOJ seem to
have failed. We have a number of factors in our favor relative to those jurisdictions. We have a
younger, faster-growing population; higher productivity; more flexible labor markets; and,
overall, a more dynamic economy. But many of those factors are waning.
I suspect we will eventually find that we are not exempt from the disinflationary forces
we see around the world. In fact, in the worst case, we could be one downturn away from seeing
further downward pressure on inflation expectations, a road that others have found it hard to exit.
Even if we think the reckoning is further off, I think basic risk-management principles argue for
doing what we can now to support inflation falling symmetrically around 2 percent and not close
to or just below 2 percent. And I sense pretty broad agreement, by the way, on a lot of that.
So I think the memos do a good job of explaining why makeup strategies deserve serious
consideration and of describing features and potential tradeoffs in such strategies. The main
“takeaway” for me, though, is not that any one particular structure or, perhaps, any of these
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complex structures should be the winner, but, really, that there is a reasonable chance that we
will be able to identify and implement changes based on the insights behind makeup strategies
that lead to improved outcomes.
This brings me to the second question about alternative policies to help the Committee
achieve its objectives. Some ideas that appeal to me at this point as worthy of consideration
would include a reference in the consensus statement to the effective lower bound as well as to
the centrality of inflation expectations and their connection to realized inflation. We might
identify a period over which we task ourselves to achieve inflation averaging 2 percent—the
business cycle, for example. We might clarify what we mean by maximum employment. And I
can imagine, for example, a combination of all of those ideas—a range in which inflation is
expected to run over the course of the business cycle, averaging 2 percent or something like that.
So I think there is a lot of common ground around the table if you think about it that way.
The question of symmetry in any makeup effort is an interesting one. I believe that low
inflation is now and likely to remain the problem of this era. And in such an era, an asymmetric
response to low versus high inflation may be necessary in order to achieve broadly symmetric
outcomes. In other words, we must respond asymmetrically to achieve symmetry. Thus, I could
see pursuing symmetric outcomes through an asymmetric approach, one that makes up for
inflation shortfalls but does not promise to deliberately hold inflation below target in a downturn
to make up for a period of high inflation that happened in a previous expansion.
Third, and finally, is the question of robustness. As always, new ideas need to be tested
by exposure to a broad range of models and assumptions about the economy. At the same time, I
think we should focus our attention on the problem we actually face and are likely to continue to
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face for the foreseeable future: a “new normal” of low inflation, low growth, and low interest
rates.
Just going back to the earlier discussion, the staff—Andrea, I think, pointed out that the
FRB/US model has a flat Phillips curve and also, effectively, a flat IS curve, low sensitivity of
output to interest rates. The Phillips curve case—I think we’ve talked about it a lot—is quite
straightforward. I guess I would like to see more thought given to models that have a more
reactive IS curve in a way. Just because I think we know that that’s an FRB/US model feature
that we’ve seen in many ways through the years, it just doesn’t react at all to changes in interest
rates, or it reacts very little.
So my sense is that there are other models, and I think we use them in one of the memos.
I will leave it at that for now, and I look forward to our future discussions. And, again, thank
you for a terrific discussion. With that, we move straight into “Financial Developments and
Open Market Operations.” And I’ll turn it over to you, Lorie.
MS. LOGAN. 3 Thank you. I’ll be referring to the “Material for Briefing on
Financial Developments and Open Market Operations.” Global financial markets
were quite volatile over the intermeeting period, with market participants reacting to
incoming information about U.S.–China trade tensions and the global growth outlook
during two distinct periods. In the weeks following the July FOMC meeting, as
shown in the left-hand column of panel 1, U.S. yields declined sharply and risk asset
prices fell amid a spate of largely negative news and seasonally thinner liquidity. As
shown in the next column, these price moves reversed to some degree in September
as developments on trade and economic data turned more positive. On net, Treasury
yields remained substantially lower, while the S&P 500 index and corporate credit
spreads reversed most or all of their earlier losses to end the period little changed.
As outlined in panel 2, I’ll explore some of the drivers behind the large moves in
Treasury yields and then contrast them with the more modest response in risk assets.
Then I’ll turn to expectations regarding Committee policy.
Trade-related developments were the primary catalyst for cross-asset price action
over the period. In addition to the introduction of new tariffs from both the United
States and China, the renminbi depreciated sharply, breaking through the
3
The materials used by Ms. Logan are appended to this transcript (appendix 3).
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psychologically important level of 7 RMB per dollar and leading the Administration
to declare China a currency manipulator. The escalating trade tensions in August
heightened concerns that the uncertainties regarding trade would persist, raising risks
to the global economic outlook. As shown in panel 3, the percent of survey
respondents expecting more negative outcomes rose sharply in the September survey,
with a large majority expecting the pending tariff hikes to proceed or rise even
further. In contrast, in the June and July surveys, most expected trade relations to
stabilize or a comprehensive trade deal to be reached, an outcome seen as very
unlikely now.
Beyond trade, market participants were also focused in August on increasing risks
around a broader slowing in global real growth, especially in light of disappointing
data in Europe. Against this backdrop, heightened expectations that the ECB would
cut its deposit rate and restart asset purchases drove the yield on 30-year German
bunds into negative territory.
During this period, U.S. Treasury yields fell sharply, most notably at long-dated
tenors. The 30-year Treasury yield declined around 60 basis points from the July
meeting to September 3, an extraordinary move for such a short period of time. As
shown in panel 4, respondents to the Desk surveys attribute most of this move to
declines in expectations of the real policy rate and the term premium and, to a lesser
degree, a change in inflation expectations. This picture is a bit different from some
model-based measures, which attributed more of the move to the term premium.
When asked to rate the importance of factors driving the decline in the 30-year
yield, the median survey respondent assigned the highest average rating, shown by
the red diamonds in panel 5, to changes in, and risks around, the foreign and U.S.
growth outlooks. These factors, if seen as long lasting, could be consistent with an
expectation for lower real policy rates far into the future. Nonetheless, it’s perhaps
puzzling that other factors associated with lower real rates are not highly rated, such
as a lower expected longer-run r* or a high frequency of policy rates at the lower
bound.
It may be that market participants believe at least part of the growth factors,
particularly emanating from abroad, affected U.S. rates through the term premium.
Consistent with this story, respondents also give relatively high ratings to factors
normally associated with term premiums, such as the relative value of U.S. Treasury
securities to foreign bonds and safe-haven flows. Desk contacts widely pointed to the
increased amount of global negative-yielding debt as contributing to a downward
pressure on U.S. yields. Many suggested that investor aversion to negative rates
results in a search for yield that is more significant than in low but positive rate
environments. Panel 6 shows this relationship between the market value of global
negative-yielding debt and the 30-year Treasury yield, which is shown on an inverted
scale, a chart that was circulated widely by market commentators.
Although survey respondents assign secondary importance to changes in expected
inflation in explaining the decline in the 30-year yield, they don’t discount inflation
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entirely. Five-year, five-year-forward measures of U.S. inflation compensation,
shown as the dark blue line in panel 7, fell by up to 20 basis points in August and
touched fresh lows since 2016. In the euro area, far-forward inflation compensation,
shown as the light blue line, is less than 20 basis points above its all-time lows.
While the ECB announced a comprehensive package of easing measures at its
meeting last week, issuer-limit constraints on the asset purchase program and
perceived divisions within the Governing Council fed growing skepticism that the
policies would be effective in boosting inflation.
Overall, expectations of easier monetary policy supported demand for risk assets,
although several market participants questioned whether there was a disconnect with
the sharp decline in yields. However, looking below the surface of the S&P 500
index reveals some trends consistent with the concerns prevalent in rate markets.
Panel 8 shows that equity performance for defensive firms—those traditionally less
negatively affected by an economic slowdown—outpaced those of cyclical firms in
August, continuing the trend seen since May. There was also an outperformance of
large firms—those more capable of weathering a downturn—over small firms.
The market tone generally turned more positive in September in response to
modestly better news related to a range of ongoing risk factors, including the
resumption of U.S.–China trade negotiations and the possibility of a “mini deal.” In
equity markets, defensive positioning partly unwound, including a notable hedge fund
rotation out of what had been described as a crowded position. U.S. Treasury yields
recovered as some better-than-expected economic data releases in the United States
and Europe also slightly reduced concerns over global growth. Diminished
expectations that the ECB will ease further into negative-rate territory may have
contributed to higher Treasury yields. Following this shift in sentiment, the S&P 500
index and corporate credit spreads recovered and are, on net, little changed.
So how have respondents’ U.S. monetary policy outlooks evolved amid these
developments? Even after the partial rebound in September, market expectations are
that the Committee will ease monetary policy further at this meeting. Regarding
panel 9, all respondents from the Desk surveys expect a 25 basis point decrease in the
target range. On average, they assign about an 80 percent probability to this outcome,
with a 14 percent probability for a 50 basis point cut and a 6 percent probability for
no change.
As shown in panel 10, looking beyond September, most survey respondents
expect another 25 basis point cut by year-end. However, respondents who expect
another cut are really divided on whether this move would occur in October or
December.
Further out, while the median of respondents’ modal forecasts for end-2020 point
to no rate cuts next year, individual forecasts are much more dispersed, with nearly
one-half of respondents expecting at least one additional 25 basis point cut in 2020
and about one-fourth expecting two or more cuts.
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The wide range of expectations for monetary policy in 2020 could be a reflection
of dispersed views about the global growth outlook and its implications for policy.
As shown in panel 11, there is an increasingly wide range of probabilities that survey
respondents place on the odds of the U.S. and global economies being in a recession
in six months.
Market participants remain attentive to a range of global risk factors that could
affect the policy rate path, which are summarized in panel 12. Trade tensions
between the United States and China and the related economic effects remain front
and center, as does the health of the Chinese economy. Developments in Europe and
the outlook for growth and monetary policy—and any limits on its effectiveness—are
also a key focus. Investors also remain focused on political tensions, including in
Hong Kong and developments related to Brexit. Now, we would also add escalating
geopolitical tension in the Middle East to this list following attacks on Saudi oil
facilities over the weekend. While oil prices, on net, are higher by around 7 percent,
the cross-asset effect has been quite limited. In summary, although markets have
calmed in recent weeks after the tumult of August, it feels that risks could quickly
escalate again and volatility return.
I’ll turn now to money markets and operations, summarized in panel 13 of your
third exhibit. Money market conditions were mostly stable over the period, and the
reduction in the interest on excess reserves rate (IOER rate) following the July FOMC
meeting fully passed through to money market rates. Nonetheless, as I discussed this
morning, we observed significant volatility yesterday and this morning as a result of
large tax payments and Treasury settlements.
Before yesterday, the effective federal funds rate had averaged 2.13 percent, 3
basis points above IOER, over the intermeeting period, with the spread to IOER
slightly narrower than we had expected going into the period, as shown in panel 14.
Two factors likely contributed to this. First, as shown in panel 15, government and
prime money market funds received large inflows. Much of this new cash was
invested into repo, putting downward pressure on money market rates. Second, the
increase in Treasury bill issuance after the resolution of the debt ceiling impasse was
more gradual than we expected, resulting in less upward pressure on rates.
Despite the softness over most of the period, market participants anticipated
increases in the effective federal funds rate relative to the IOER rate in the coming
months. As shown in panel 16, reserve levels are projected to decline markedly over
the next four months, falling about $300 billion to below $1.2 trillion as the Treasury
rebuilds the TGA. These declines will be associated with periods of high net
Treasury settlements and corporate tax payment flows, particularly in the last two
weeks of September and again in the latter half of December. These factors,
combined with financial institutions’ typical year-end balance sheet management, had
led most market participants to predict a widening in the effective federal funds rate
and IOER spread.
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This morning, however, we saw much larger increases in money market rates, as
well as a higher degree of dispersion in traded rates, than anyone had anticipated.
The SOFR “printed” at 2.43 percent yesterday, and the 75th and 99th percentiles of
SOFR transactions were at 2.55 and 4.60 percent, respectively.
So what happened? It appears that in an environment of uncertainty about
potential outflows related to the corporate tax payment date, lenders were not able to
increase their repo lending sufficiently to meet the increased dealer demand for
funding. Indeed, G-SIBs, which had significant capacity to increase lending into repo
markets, did not do so. In addition, some of these banks maintained reserve levels
significantly above the lowest comfortable level of reserves that they reported in the
survey. Although we have less data on money market mutual funds, we also
understand that they held back some liquidity as well in order to cushion against
potential outflows.
Highly elevated repo rates passed through to rates in unsecured markets. FHLBs
maintained some liquidity in reserve in anticipation of higher advance demand, and
they also shifted funds into repo, which was yielding a higher rate. As shown in
panel 17 and as noted this morning, the effective federal funds rate “printed” at
2.25 percent, 11 basis points higher than the previous day. Though not shown—the
distribution is cut off just to focus on the rate at which the median printed—the trades
were very wide and highly skewed to the right.
Amid these pressures, market participants also appeared to expect some lasting
elevation in rates. As shown in panel 18, September and October federal funds
futures—which settle to a daily average over the calendar month—rose yesterday by
roughly 2 basis points, even as later-dated contracts declined. The increases in the
front months may reflect expectations for higher average rates for the remainder of
September or further bouts of volatility around midmonth or month-end.
Market participants also expect ongoing elevation in repo rates. Futures
contracts, presented in panel 19 of your fourth exhibit, suggested the SOFR–effective
federal funds rate spread was expected to widen to roughly 9 basis points on average.
This morning, money market rates opened again at high levels. Interdealer
trading in repo markets occurred at rates over 8 percent, and federal funds were
quoted as high as 5 percent. As we discussed this morning, the Desk announced an
overnight repurchase operation at 9:10 of up to $75 billion. We received $53 billion
in bids and accepted all of the propositions. There were $41 billion in awards against
Treasury security collateral at an average rate of 2.48 percent and $12 billion in
awards against MBS collateral at a rate of 2.80 percent.
The operations were perceived by market participants as successful, and rates fell
after the announcement and into the morning, as shown in panel 20. Rates in secured
markets were trading around 2½ percent after the operation. The range on the federal
funds rate is still wide, and trades are going through between 2 and 2½ percent. We
won’t have certainty about where the effective federal funds rate will “print” until
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tomorrow, though we’ll have a better sense of this when the brokered data come in
later this evening.
In going forward, we will monitor and assess how repo rates might evolve later in
the year and how banks and other money market participants will be managing their
liquidity.
As shown in panel 21, the third Senior Financial Officer Survey, completed in
August, indicated that the aggregate estimate of the lowest comfortable level of
reserves, or LCLOR, for the banking system declined to about $800 billion, from
$860 billion in the February Senior Financial Officer Survey. Respondents that
reduced their reported LCLORs cited increased efficiency in managing their payment
and deposit flows. Nevertheless, as I noted before, holdings of reserve balances
remain highly concentrated among a few large banks. How money markets respond
to days with high deposit flows or falling reserves will likely depend on how these
banks react. The top three reserve holders, all U.S. G-SIBs, maintain $150 billion in
surplus reserves over their respective lowest comfortable level of reserves. Should
these banks continue to maintain high balances, particularly on these high payment
demand days, other banks may again find they need to bid up rates to attract shortterm funding.
In light of market volatility yesterday and this morning, market participants
expect that pressures could reemerge and have discussed potential responses that the
FOMC could consider. Nearly all expect an additional temporary open market
operation tomorrow as well as around peak pressure dates, including September
quarter-end. Many market participants now expect a technical adjustment to be
implemented at this meeting.
This week’s events may also lead some market participants to update their
assessments of the long-run level of reserves. In the Desk survey conducted in early
September, market participants’ estimates of the lowest weekly average level of
reserves remain centered close to $1.2 trillion, as shown in panel 22. Survey
respondents have noted that their estimates incorporate a buffer that would absorb
variations in reserves due to changes in nonreserve liabilities. Consequently, we
interpret the $1.2 trillion estimate as an average around which reserves may fluctuate
rather than a minimum.
Consistent with their projections of reserves, survey respondents’ assessments of
when the SOMA portfolio will steadily grow again have shifted earlier relative to
when respondents were last asked this question in March, as shown in panel 23. The
median respondent expects the SOMA portfolio to begin growing sometime in the
first quarter of 2020.
Finally, I have three operational updates to note, as outlined in panel 24. First, the
Desk continued to reinvest maturing proceeds from MBS above $20 billion into new
MBS. On the basis of current market rates and prepayment forecasts, we expect to
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reinvest much larger amounts for a longer period of time compared with the estimates
we showed earlier this year.
Second, having concluded the first Treasury reinvestment purchase period last
week, we can report that purchases of Treasury securities across maturity sectors have
gone smoothly. Market participants have not attributed changes in market prices or
liquidity conditions to these purchases.
Third, the Desk completed the annual investment review of the foreign currency
reserves held in the SOMA, which I described in a memo sent to the Committee in
advance of this meeting. Compared with the prior investment period, there was one
recommended risk parameter change—to lower the minimum cash requirement for
both the euro and yen portfolios.
With respect to the euro portfolio, based on feedback from the Foreign Currency
Subcommittee, the Desk recommends maintaining the conditional value at risk at
3 percent, the same level as last year. And, with respect to the yen portfolio, the Desk
recommends maintaining the current strategy by continuing to place proceeds from
securities holdings in a deposit account with the Bank of Japan, which is at an abovemarket interest rate of 0 percent. We expect to begin rebalancing to the new target
asset allocation for the euro portfolio over the next few months.
Finally, as summarized in the appendix, the Bank of England drew down on the
dollar swap line for the first time since December 2009. The small draw of
$20 million was to accommodate a test by one of its counterparties related to Brexit
preparations. Upcoming small-value operations are also summarized in the appendix.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. We’d be happy to take any questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Any questions for Lorie or Patricia? President Kaplan.
MR. KAPLAN. I guess the obvious question is, I know surveys suggest first quarter.
Should we here be debating now or soon deciding to let the balance sheet grow? If our goal is
abundant reserves, are we really running an abundant-reserves regime unless we make some
adjustment, more than the stop-gap measures?
MS. LOGAN. Our assessment of the volatility that we have seen yesterday and this
morning is related to factors that we see as temporary, so we do expect these conditions to soften
a bit as the week progresses.
Our view is that we’re still learning. We are still learning about how these banks,
particularly those that are holding the excess or the surplus reserves, are going to behave in these
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different market conditions. So I think the full month of September will provide a lot of insight
on how these money markets could evolve, and that it might be opportune to see how things
stabilize in October, when reserve levels should be very stable. At that time, it might be a good
chance to assess what we have learned through the month of September and study that issue.
CHAIR POWELL. We’ll plan on that. President Kashkari.
MR. KASHKARI. Thank you. Lorie or Patricia, can you help me understand what is
going on in a bank that would pay 5 percent for federal funds? It seems to me, on the surface,
that would be alarming. Why would they do it?
MS. ZOBEL. Some of these banks, particularly on days when they might experience
large payment outflows, such as tax dates when they mightn’t be able to get funding through
other sources, say that they would like to maintain a certain amount of reserves to protect against
this deposit or payment flow volatility. And so, on those days, particularly if it’s just for one
day, they would pay a high rate in order to maintain that liquidity. If the rates were to persist for
some time, I think they would rethink that and consider other sources of funding. So some banks
got caught short.
MR. KASHKARI. I just think about it in terms of our work on our own liquidity
provision, and they would rather pay 5 percent in the federal funds markets than come to the Fed,
which I think is remarkable. Thank you.
UNIDENTIFIED SPEAKER. Stigma.
CHAIR POWELL. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. It would seem like these factors have become more of an issue
around quarter-end as well, and it doesn’t seem like corporate payments and end-of-quarter
events are all that unexpected. So how much more information do we need to know that we’re
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not in abundant reserves and the volatility that we are creating—I’m trying to weigh what the
benefit is of experimenting and seeing how many times this happens, versus having a bigger
balance sheet now so that people are more certain that we are not going to have these kinds of
fluctuations. What are the costs that you see of us deciding to expand our balance sheet earlier?
MS. LOGAN. I think some of the costs to consider would include that learning period.
It’s possible that, after this week, banks may start to make adjustments to their liability structure
based on what they have learned, and that we might get a better read on that in October, after
going through this. I think the other costs are just associated with the larger policy questions that
you discussed about the overall size of the balance sheet and whether you’d like to see if these
market participants or these institutions will change their behavior over time.
CHAIR POWELL. Governor Brainard.
MS. BRAINARD. Yes. I guess I had the same reaction. Although I think it’s perhaps
beneficial to observe the quarter-end, I see no benefit, really, in waiting until January when we
know the year-end has even greater potential for that kind of volatility. So I do think if we are
going to be doing this in the first quarter, we might as well do it before December.
MR. KAPLAN. I don’t want to beat on this too much, but if, from a risk–return point of
view—we’ve been watching this for the past two or three weeks. Back to Eric’s point, what’s
the benefit of waiting until October? What’s the potential cost of waiting until October? And
should we, in this meeting, be considering—at least, options? Even if we decide to do nothing, I,
for one, am not sure I understand why we wouldn’t be considering options in this meeting, unless
it is just premature. But I just don’t understand the cost–benefit from a risk-management point
of view.
CHAIR POWELL. President Evans.
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MR. EVANS. If I could ask a related question under the assumption that the Committee
decides tomorrow to lower the target range for the funds rate—will it be enough, when the IOER
is also lower, that you expect we would be equally effective in trading in that range as we are
now—that is, no additional shortcomings—or might they pile on top of each other, which would
further Rob’s point, I think?
MS. LOGAN. I think considering a technical adjustment may be something that would
be useful for the Committee to discuss, and it could be an opportune time to do it at this
meeting, given the policy discussion that may be taking place. And that would provide some
extra space if you decided to continue to go through September and October, and I think that
would be useful.
In terms of addressing this type of event, I’m not sure that just dropping the IOER rate by
5 basis points would address these particular circumstances, because this is really being driven
by pressures in the repo market. I think the technical adjustment could be a useful tool, in light
of the decline in reserves that we’re seeing over time and the trend. But I’m not sure if that’s
what would directly affect the pressures we’ll see at the end of the month.
CHAIR POWELL. Vice Chair Williams.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. I think we should be clear that there are two different things
happening over time. First of all, if you look at the funds rate five days ago, it was actually
trading relatively soft in the range. And so the Board and the New York Fed have been doing a
lot of analysis, looking at the ample-reserves framework and how that’s working out on a day-today basis. And what we’ve seen pretty consistently—that is, consistent with what we
expected—is that the funds rate to IOER spread has been increasing gradually over time as the
amount of reserves has been going down.
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You see it in terms of both a time trend and also on a day-to-day or week-to-week basis.
That behavior has been pretty much consistent with our models and past experience. So there’s
not a big surprise that, as reserves have gotten lower, we’ve seen a big move up in the funds rate
or other rates relative to the IOER rate.
I think of this 5 basis point IOER adjustment, if you contemplate that decision, as really
being in the context of the question, as reserves have gotten lower, do we want just to have more
cushion in the range above the IOER rate, given what’s happening in the markets? That’s been
consistent with the decisions we’ve made in the past.
The issue of the past few days and looking ahead to September 30 and the end of the
year, these are really big spikes around big payments, the way Lorie and Patricia talked about it,
that hit the repo markets and then spill into the funds market. So there’s, first of all, a different
diagnosis of what’s happening on those days and, second, a different kind of answer to how to
address that. As we’ve seen today, the intervention was pretty powerful in bringing down repo
rates, as you would expect, and we hope in bringing down the funds rate.
As we think about these issues, I do think that we want to separate out, one, what’s
happening to the funds rate as reserves have come down? How do we keep the funds rate in the
range on average? And then, separately perhaps, we think about this issue of, once in a while,
maybe once or twice a quarter, doing some intervention to deal with these spikes. But I do think
the Committee obviously needs to have the conversation more fully. I think my expectation was,
the end of this month would have been a little bit of a test case to understand how these different
dimensions play out, but Mother Nature decided to give us a test case yesterday and today. So
we’re getting a little bit of a preview of that.
CHAIR POWELL. President Bullard.
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MR. BULLARD. A separate question. I’m looking at exhibit 2, panel 11, “Probability
of U.S. Recession and Global Recession in Six Months.” The point is to say, these recession
probabilities have gone up. It says that the global recession is the IMF definition. Could you
just remind me what the IMF definition is? What are market participants saying here? It does
look like the distribution has shifted up toward a higher probability of recession because the
symbol for “greater than or equal to 40” has a bigger dot there.
MR. GRUBER. I’m not sure I know that we maintain—and I’m going to show in the
international briefing here our own global recession model in which we characterize the global
recession as being 55 percent of our trade-weighted foreign GDP being in recession. And so this
is a similar definition. It is possible that we based ours on the IMF definition. It would be 55
percent of the global.
MR. BULLARD. Okay. So it’s not that a global growth rate falls below some levels?
MR. GRUBER. That’s not our definition for our particular model. But I can’t really
speak to that.
MR. KAMIN. I have to say, I’m a little bit surprised. Maybe Lorie can discuss the
survey itself, because it says “IMF definition for global recession.” I’m a little surprised that the
dealers being surveyed actually have in their heads a definition of an IMF recession. Is there any
light you can shed on that?
MS. LOGAN. Patricia’s looking at the survey. I’m not sure of the answer to that
question. I think we’ve had it defined that way for a while, and I would agree with you, Steve,
that it’s not clear to me that the dealers read that when they’re thinking about it as well. So they
could have different ideas in their own minds when they’re filling out the survey of how to
interpret that.
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My goal in showing this was just to show the wide dispersion of it. While the median has
increased, it’s just really dispersed and probably related to different expectations regarding the
probability of some of these risks becoming reality, as well as different judgments about how to
evaluate the implications if those events did occur.
MR. KAMIN. I would just interpret this as the dealers’ and market participants’
expectation of a global recession, period, until we can get a little bit more information on that.
MS. ZOBEL. We do actually give them the definition in the survey. So if they’re
wondering or curious what the IMF definition is, we provide it, and it is: “A global recession
can be characterized as a period during which there is a decline in annual per capita real GDP
backed up by a decline or worsening in one of the following indicators,” and it gives some
growth indicators. So there you go.
MR. KAMIN. Sounds fairly general.
MR. BULLARD. Per capita GDP.
CHAIR POWELL. Per capita.
MR. BULLARD. Global per capital GDP. Well, that’s a stringent definition.
CHAIR POWELL. Further questions for Lorie? [No response] Seeing none, why don’t
we move ahead to the review of—oh, sorry. We need a vote to ratify the domestic open market
operations conducted since the July meeting. Do I have a motion to approve?
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. So moved.
CHAIR POWELL. All those in favor? [Chorus of ayes] Thanks very much. So, now,
that completed, we can move to the review of the “Economic and Financial Situation.” Stacey,
would you like to start, please?
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MS. TEVLIN. 4 Sure. My materials are in the packet called “Material for
Briefing on the U.S. Outlook.”
Your first panel starts with the positive news from the retail sector. After sizable
increases in previous months, the retail sales data that are used to estimate consumer
spending flattened out in August, as expected, and the three-month change, shown by
the black line, remains at a robust pace. These data, along with the good news we’ve
received lately on services spending, point to solid Q3 PCE growth of around
3 percent. Our estimate of the three-month change in retail sales using the First Data
card-swipe data the red line, which was below the Census reading earlier in the year,
has moved up and is now in line with the Census reading in August. The August and
September readings from the Michigan survey’s measure of consumer sentiment, the
black line in panel 2, raise some concern. However, the Conference Board’s
confidence measure through August—the red line—has not shown a similar decline,
nor have two other measures of consumer sentiment—the Bloomberg comfort index
and the Rasmussen index, both of which we have through mid-September. So at this
point, we are projecting continued strength in the household sector, supported by
plentiful jobs and solid income growth.
Of course, the picture for business investment and, relatedly, the manufacturing
sector is decidedly less bright. The black line in panel 3 shows manufacturing IP
growth, which slowed from a positive 2½ percent in the second half of last year to a
negative 2½ percent in the first half of this year. Trade developments appear to have
held down manufacturing growth considerably. The red portions of the bars show an
estimate of the direct effects of tariffs on manufacturing growth. These estimates are
derived from a detailed industry-level assessment by my colleagues Aaron Flaaen and
Justin Pierce. Their estimates aim to capture the negative effects on IP due to higher
input costs and higher foreign tariffs on our export industries as well as the positive
effects from the protection afforded to our import-competing industries by our own
higher tariffs. According to their combined estimates, manufacturing production
growth was held down about 2 percentage points in the first half of the year by these
effects, almost all of the decline this year and about half of the slowdown from last
year’s growth. Importantly, this estimate tries to quantify only the direct effects of
tariffs. The other half of the slowdown since last year likely reflects mainly the
weakening global economy and, as Joe will address in his remarks, the imprint of
trade uncertainty on business investment. Indeed, a good chunk of the weakness in IP
this year has been in industrial equipment, a key part of investment.
After having declined in the second quarter, business investment seems likely to
remain weak in the second half. Two main indicators that we use to project near-term
equipment spending are shown in panel 4. Both the ISM index and the 12-month
change in capital goods orders have moved into negative territory, a bad sign for
second-half investment. Before I leave this page, I should note that manufacturing IP
4
The materials used by Ms. Tevlin are appended to this transcript (appendix 4).
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for August, which was just published this morning, actually moved up 0.5 percent,
which puts it on a trajectory for positive growth in Q3.
On the next page, we turn to the outlook for overall real GDP. We estimate that
GDP rose at a 2.6 percent pace in the first half and is slowing to a 1.7 percent pace
this half, bringing overall growth for the year to 2.1 percent, a weaker projection than
in the July Tealbook. Our 2019 projection is also somewhat weaker than the Blue
Chip Consensus, as we are expecting a little more step-down in the second half than
many other forecasters are. We have not changed our projection since last week in
response to either the attacks on Saudi oil infrastructure or the GM strike, because our
best guess for now is that both of these would have negligible effects on domestic
activity, on net.
Beyond this year we have also taken down our forecast some, as you can see from
the four-quarter changes shown in panel 6. As in recent forecasts, we wrestled this
round with how to incorporate the recent escalation in trade tensions and global
growth concerns into our outlook for economic activity. In the end, we took on board
downward revisions from weaker incoming news on net exports, the outlook for
foreign growth, the stronger dollar, and analysts’ downgraded expectations about
long-run future profit growth. But our assumption that trade tensions and uncertainty
will not rise further—our now standard assumption—and that the dip in foreign
growth will prove transitory limited our downward revision to the level of GDP to
just ¼ percent by the end of the medium term.
This round we also made some modest but noticeable revisions to our aggregate
supply assumptions. Although we are always reevaluating our supply-side
assumptions, the aftermath of an annual revision to the NIPA is a particularly good
time to reassess. This year’s revision didn’t suggest obvious changes, but we still
took the opportunity to take a fresh look and made a few adjustments. For example,
as noted in the bullets in panel 7, productivity has been running above our estimate of
trend productivity in recent years. This is a surprising pattern in a “hot” labor market,
which typically draws in less productive workers, and suggested that perhaps trend
productivity—and therefore potential output—is higher than we’ve been assuming.
The absence of significant upward pressure on wages and prices also suggested the
economy was perhaps less tight than we’d previously estimated, so we narrowed our
output gap, shown in panel 8—over and above the narrowing that our modestly
weaker GDP path implied—and we lowered the natural rate of unemployment to
4.4 percent.
The new natural rate is shown by the solid green line in panel 9 on the next page.
To be clear, none of the indicators we consult on the natural rate could really
distinguish between 4.4 percent and 4.6 percent, but in this projection we are putting
a little more weight on measures calling for a less tight economy. Over the medium
term, both the output gap and the unemployment rate—the black line in panel 9—are
expected to hold roughly steady at current levels as real GDP growth hovers around
its rate of potential growth.
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Of course, the natural rate that we regularly show is the one that we think is
consistent, absent other shocks, with inflation at its underlying trend, or 1.8 percent in
our projection. Another interesting concept may be the one we showed in a box in
the July Tealbook—that is, the unemployment rate we judge necessary to move
inflation up to 2 percent absent other influences, which is shown by the blue line.
The System staff are currently working on a memo to clarify and explore various
measures of maximum employment, and you should all be receiving that work before
the next meeting.
Last week we received the CPI and PPI data for August. Although the core CPI
increase was relatively large, based on our translation of the CPI and PPI detail, we
now estimate that the change in the core PCE price index in August, the dot in panel
10, will come in lower than previously expected. And, in response to Governor
Quarles, I am not going to tell you what categories were weak. [Laughter] These
data, combined with some downward revisions earlier in the year from the NIPA
annual revisions, now suggest that core PCE inflation will end the year at 1.7 percent,
the red line in panel 11, rather than 1.9 percent as we had anticipated in July.
Two other measures of inflation that attempt to strip out idiosyncratic movements
in inflation are also shown. The Dallas Fed trimmed mean rate continued to run
closer to 2 percent, at least through July, while the common component from a factor
model lies in between. We will see what those measures make of the August readings
received later this month.
As shown by the black line in panel 12, core PCE inflation is expected to step up
from 1.7 percent this year to 1.8 percent next year and then hold steady at that level.
We think that the contribution of resource utilization to inflation over the medium
term—the red portions of the bars—will be mostly offset by the effect of an
appreciating dollar, which is captured by the light green portions of the bars. As a
result, core inflation is expected to remain at our estimate of its underlying trend, the
gray bars. Our inflation outlook has been revised down modestly, based on our
assessment that the economy is a bit less tight than we thought in July. Joe will
continue our presentation.
MR. GRUBER. 5 Thank you, Stacey. I will be referring to the “Material for
Briefing on the International Outlook.”
After stepping down sharply over the course of 2018, foreign economic growth
appears to have stabilized, but at a subdued below-potential pace and lower than our
previous forecast. Since July, disappointing data and further increases in uncertainty
have led us to project an even weaker recovery and, even then, only under the
assumption of more accommodative policies and no further escalation of trade
tensions. Our forecast is not out of line with the outside consensus, though it is a bit
below the admittedly out-of-date July IMF WEO projection.
5
The materials used by Mr. Gruber are appended to this transcript (appendix 5).
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Your next exhibit provides some regional “color.” As shown in the upper-left
corner, the euro area was a big part of the deceleration in global real growth in 2018,
although with 2017 growth so far above estimated potential, the black line, some
slowdown was expected. Growth looks to have weakened a bit further this year as
Germany flirts with recession and the politically challenged Italian economy remains
stalled. We expect a modest recovery next year, but only with the support of
accommodative policies.
In China, the lower left, growth has also slowed this year, amid heightening
concern over the effect of continued deleveraging and increased trade tensions.
However, up to now, the step-down has been largely in line with our estimate for the
trend decline in potential growth, notwithstanding a bit of a tariff-related shortfall in
2020. Notably, with further trend deceleration expected, China plays no role in our
forecasted pickup in total foreign growth next year.
Instead, our forecast for foreign recovery primarily reflects developments in the
emerging markets excluding China, where growth in Asia and particularly Latin
America has been weak but is expected to revert to potential by the end of 2020. In
Asia, there are signs that a downturn in high-tech production that started in the second
half of last year is starting to fade. In Latin America, we see growth turning up, but
we’ve been disappointed before and we could be again.
On your next slide, while our forecast may be viewed as sluggish but fairly
benign, we are acutely aware of the downside risks around our outlook. Besides trade
policy, which I’ll turn to shortly, unrest continues in Hong Kong, and another
deadline for a Brexit deal is coming up at the end of October. We are assuming that
another extension that will “kick the can” into next year, but the politics of this are
particularly tumultuous at present.
Also, the bombing of a key Saudi oil facility has rattled global oil markets. The
disruption has at least temporarily affected over half of Saudi production, or about
6 percent of global production. The price reaction so far has been relatively
contained, and the lack of movement in far-futures prices, the red line on the right,
suggests that the market is currently expecting a quick recovery. However, an
unexpectedly prolonged outage could significantly boost prices. Even after supplies
are restored, an increase in perceived geopolitical risk could have a persistent effect.
However, it should also be noted that with the tremendous gain in U.S. production in
recent years, shown on the right, Saudi Arabia’s presence in global oil markets,
though still large, has diminished.
Even absent these risks, the slowdown in the global economy makes recession
more likely. As shown on the next slide, recession-probability models maintained by
the Division of International Finance have ticked up, with our model for total foreign
growth at its highest level since the China scare from late 2015 to early 2016. The
probability of a recession in the euro area, on the right, is even more elevated, at
60 percent, and the model has been flashing at least yellow for over a year now.
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The estimated recession probability models place a lot of weight on export orders
and industrial production, IP, so the high probabilities are not surprising, given that a
particular feature of the recent growth slowdown has been a persistent slump in
manufacturing—something that Stacey addressed in the context of the U.S. economy.
On the next page, manufacturing PMIs in a large number of countries have slid into
contractionary territory, the black line on the left, even as the services sector, the
orange line, has held up fairly well. The fallback in global IP, the red line in the
middle panel, has coincided with a global investment slump, the blue line, with
investment growth now as weak as it has been in the post-crisis period. The panel on
the right decomposes global IP growth, with the contribution of capital goods
production, the blue bars, turning negative even as consumption goods hold up.
The weakness of global capital spending in part reflects heightened trade policy
uncertainty, the topic of your next slide. The chart at the top plots what must by now
be a familiar newspaper-based index of trade policy uncertainty. Identified along the
x-axis are separate waves of increased uncertainty, with the first wave marking the
initial 2018 increases in tariffs on steel and aluminum and a slice of imports from
China and the second wave capturing further increases in China tariffs in May and
June of this year. Since your July meeting, a third wave of trade tensions erupted as
China retaliated to earlier U.S. tariffs, prompting the Administration to announce a
schedule of tariff hikes that would essentially cover all imports from China by
December.
The bottom panels highlight analysis done by colleagues in the International
Finance Division that has attracted a significant amount of attention in the media.
Their work suggests that elevated trade policy uncertainty has had a meaningful effect
on foreign and U.S. growth. The charts at the bottom update the publicly released
results, which included the effects of the first two waves of uncertainty, summed in
the blue line, with the effect of the third wave of uncertainty since July, included in
the black line. As you can see, this third wave both deepens and prolongs the drag on
global growth such that the negative effect does not start to fade until the beginning
of next year. Of course, in the past couple of weeks or so, there’s been a little
movement toward a U.S.–China deal, and a significant agreement could lead these
uncertainty effects to wane faster than shown here. But that is certainly more of a
hope than an expectation at this point, as evidenced by the survey results that Lorie
referred to.
On the next page, in addition to the negative drag coming from trade policy
uncertainty, the direct negative effects of the tariffs, as discussed by Stacey in regard
to IP, have been growing as the trade war escalates. As shown on line 4 of the table,
we estimate that the direct effects of the implemented tariffs will lower U.S. GDP
about 0.3 percentage point over the next two years mostly as higher prices depress
consumption and investment. The drag would increase by an additional tenth if all
the pending tariffs were also to go into effect.
One way to think about the negative drag from tariffs on U.S. growth is to view
them as equivalent to a tax increase. As the figure on the right shows, the recent
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hikes have increased customs-reported tariff revenue to about 0.3 percent of GDP, a
tax that would increase to about 0.7 percent of GDP if all of the proposed tariffs on
China were to be put in place, surpassing the incidence of tariffs during the Smoot–
Hawley era. For context, at that point, the increase in annual tariff revenue would
amount to about $100 billion per year, or more than one-third of the estimated
$270 billion average annual tax cut in 2019 and 2020 coming from the TCJA.
On the next page, with slowing growth, heightened trade policy uncertainty,
downside risks mounting, and little sign of any inflation pressure, we expect foreign
monetary policy to remain accommodative for quite some time. With euro-area
inflation, the green line on the left, running just above 1 percent, the ECB cut its
policy rate, the green line in the middle, a further 10 basis points to negative
½ percent and announced an open-ended resumption of its QE program, buying
20 billion euros in bonds per month. Notably, the ECB statement included forward
guidance that rates will remain at their present or lower levels until the inflation
outlook robustly converges to target within the projection period, similar to the Bank
of Japan’s standing pledge to hold interest rates near zero until it judges that price
stability is in sight. Insofar as we don’t see euro-area inflation getting near 2 percent
for some time, this implies a prolonged period of negative policy rates.
Weak foreign economic growth and expectations for continued accommodative
monetary policy abroad have contributed to a stronger dollar. With the staff forecast
calling for less FOMC policy easing than markets are expecting, our forecast is of
further dollar appreciation.
On the next page, the strengthening of the dollar not just since July, but over the
past year and a half, as well as the downturn in foreign growth and the trade war with
China, have all weighed on U.S. exports. As shown on the top, exports have declined
over the past year, a rarity outside recessions, but similar to what we saw in 2015 and
2016 when the dollar played an even bigger role.
The bottom-left panel decomposes export growth by the determinants of our
empirical forecasting model. As shown by the black line, exports fell almost
6 percent at an annual rate in the second quarter, held back by slower foreign growth,
the green bars; increasing drag from the dollar, the blue bar; and retaliatory tariffs, the
gold bar; as well as disruptions in the production and export of Boeing 737’s, the
purple bar. The effect of trade tensions has been most apparent in exports to China,
shown on the bottom right. Our assumption that Boeing will resume exporting next
quarter and that there will be no further retaliatory tariffs underlies our forecast for a
recovery in export growth. At that, I’ll hand it over to Jonathan.
MR. GOLDBERG. 6 Thank you. I will be referring to the packet labeled
“Material for Briefing on Summary of Economic Projections.” To summarize: Your
projections show little change in your outlook for economic growth, unemployment,
and inflation. However, almost all of you assessed that a lower path of the federal
6
The materials used by Mr. Goldberg are appended to this transcript (appendix 6).
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funds rate would likely be appropriate to support your economic outlook, with the
median assessment revised down by 50 basis points for 2019 and 25 basis points for
2020 and 2021, relative to the June SEP. The projections for the additional year this
round show that a vast majority of you project that the unemployment rate and the
federal funds rate in 2022 will be below your estimates of their longer-run levels.
Almost all of you project that core inflation will be at or modestly above 2 percent in
2022. A solid majority of you continued to view the risks to your outlook for
economic activity as adversely skewed, with about one-third of you also judging
inflation risks as weighted to the downside.
I will now discuss the projections in greater detail. Regarding exhibit 1, the
median projection of real GDP growth was unchanged or slightly higher for each year
in the forecast period, with many of you modestly increasing your projection for this
year. The median projection of the unemployment rate in 2019 was modestly higher.
While several of you lowered slightly your projections of the unemployment rate in
2020, 2021, and in the longer run, the medians of these projections were unchanged.
The median projections of headline and core inflation were also unchanged for each
year included in the June SEP.
For 2022, all of you who submitted longer-run projections expected real GDP
growth at or slightly below your longer-run estimates. Almost all of you projected
the unemployment rate in 2022 below its longer-run level, with some of you
projecting a gap of 50 basis points or more. Some of you projected total inflation
modestly above 2 percent in 2022, while most of you expected total inflation equal to
2 percent. The range of inflation projections for 2022 was 1.8 to 2.2 percent.
Exhibit 2 reports your assessments of the appropriate path of the federal funds
rate. As indicated by the red lines in the top panel, the median of your projections for
2019 is 1.88 percent, 50 basis points below the June SEP and consistent with the
Committee’s reduction in July of the target range for the federal funds rate and one
further 25 basis point reduction this year. Seven of you assessed that the most likely
appropriate federal funds rate at the end of 2019 is 1.63 percent, consistent with the
July reduction in the target range and two additional 25 basis point reductions this
year, while five of you assessed that the most likely appropriate rate at year-end is
2.13 percent, consistent with no further change this year to the target range. The
median assessment for 2020 is 25 basis points below the June SEP and is consistent
with no change in the target range in 2020 from the 2019 median. The median rises
to 2.38 percent by 2022, only a bit below the longer-run median of 2.5 percent. The
range of your projections for the federal funds rate has shifted down and also
narrowed somewhat for each year included in the June SEP. Muted inflation
pressures, slower global growth, and weak business fixed investment were cited as
reasons for downward revisions, as were trade tensions and risk-management
considerations.
The green diamonds in exhibit 2 show the median prescription for the federal
funds rate based on the Taylor (1993) rule, taking as inputs your individual
projections for inflation, the unemployment gap, and the longer-run federal funds
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rate. Across the forecast horizon, the Taylor (1993) rule prescribes a path of the
federal funds rate that is notably higher than the vast majority of you anticipate. Most
of you did not comment on how your policy rate path differs from simple rule
prescriptions. But your narratives suggest that this gap partly reflects the same
factors that led you to revise lower your anticipated policy rate path, including
concerns about inflation expectations and persistently low realized inflation, as well
as downside risks related to trade policy, foreign growth, and Brexit.
Exhibit 3 presents your judgments about the uncertainty and risks surrounding
your projections. As shown in the left panels, most of you continue to view the
uncertainty about GDP growth and inflation as broadly similar to the average over the
past 20 years, while your views on uncertainty about the unemployment rate remain
roughly split between those who see similar levels of uncertainty and those who see
higher uncertainty. As illustrated in the right panels, most of you continue to judge
the risks to the outlook for GDP growth as being weighted to the downside and for
the unemployment rate as weighted to the upside. Most of you—four more than in
the June SEP—judge the risks to the inflation outlook as broadly balanced, while
none of you assessed risks to inflation as weighted to the upside. In your narratives,
some of you mentioned trade tensions, softer domestic business investment, and
developments abroad as sources of uncertainty or adverse risks to the outlook for
growth and unemployment. These factors, as well as concerns about undesirably low
inflation expectations, were seen as sources of downside risk to inflation, while strong
consumer spending and a more accommodative path for the federal funds rate were
seen as making risks to the outlook more broadly balanced. The adverse effects of
trade tensions on aggregate demand were cited as a downside risk to inflation, but the
possibility that higher tariffs could lead to significant aggregate price pressure was
also seen as a source of upside risk to inflation.
I will end my briefing here. We would welcome any questions that you might
have.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Questions for our briefers? President Kashkari.
MR. KASHKARI. Thank you. Stacey, you didn’t mention it in your briefing, but in the
Tealbook, obviously, you covered the labor market, and I think the Tealbook is forecasting job
growth of 120,000 jobs per month in the second half of this year. With the revisions of the
payroll numbers, it seems like the labor market has taken a pretty dramatic slowdown relative to
a year or two years ago. I’m curious about your take on it.
MS. TEVLIN. I agree that the payroll numbers are definitely slower than they were a
year ago, and if you took into account the benchmark revisions that we think will probably
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exacerbate that, once those come in in February, I think that is a sign of payroll slowing more
than we thought. I don’t know if I would call it dramatic. These are still payroll gains that are
above what we would consider a replacement rate, and they have been consistent, with a flat
unemployment rate—
MR. KASHKARI. But marginally above.
MS. TEVLIN. —at a very low level. So I still think it’s consistent with a solid labor
market, but you’re right. They definitely go in the direction of slowing payrolls and slower than
we had expected.
MR. KASHKARI. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. President Daly.
MS. DALY. Keeping on the labor market for a moment—President Evans mentioned
this morning about our Fed Listens event and how it might gather some information for inflation,
and I’m wondering whether you lowered your u* from 4.6 to 4.4 percent, and you said it’s
observationally equivalent, almost, but choose among those in the models. But have you all
thought about doing a systematic review of the input from the Fed Listens events? Because I
think we’re collecting some pretty good information, and employers are going out and casting a
much wider net on who they would bring into their employment. And with the productivity
beating your trend, it would suggest they’re not bringing in less productive workers. They’re
just bringing in workers they’re less familiar with. And so it might mean in that model, if you
think about that, that would mean that u*, the frictions, are lower than we might expect.
I know you haven’t done it yet, but it’s just something to think about, because we have a
paper being written about we learned from Fed Listens, I think, and there’s been a lot of
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anecdotal information. If we sourced it in, you might judgmentally adjust down your u*. It’s
just a thought. I don’t know if you’ve ever considered it.
MS. TEVLIN. I hadn’t actually thought about that before, but it seems certainly
reasonable. If we’re gathering all of this information, we should take it onboard and think about
what the implications might be.
CHAIR POWELL. Governor Quarles.
MR. QUARLES. Thanks, Mr. Chair. A narrow-ish question for Joe. The jump in GDP
growth in Latin America was pretty striking. What would the drivers of that be, that we would
expect the trend to turn around, and so materially, in the course of a year?
MR. KAMIN. That’s the prospective growth in our forecast.
MR. QUARLES. Yes, exactly, the prospective growth.
MR. GRUBER. It’s an important part, basically, of the pickup in foreign growth, and
one that we’ve been kind of cagey about. I mean [laughter], we’ve seen really weak growth in
Mexico—Q4, Q1, very weak. I mean, rates that we just don’t think are necessarily indicative of
the true growth capacity of their economy—below 1 percent.
And so we are expecting some of it just to rebound to what we think might be a more
normal growth rate. Part of that probably has to do with policy uncertainty regarding the new
government in Mexico, and as that fades and people get used to it, it’s possible that that could
move up.
Brazil has been another case in which it has been particularly weak. The second-quarter
data were actually stronger. So there are some signs, perhaps, that some of that recovery might
be in train. But a lot of it is just kind of crossing our fingers and hoping that a recovery is in
train.
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MR. QUARLES. Okay. [Laughter]
CHAIR POWELL. Vice Chair Williams.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. I really like the new openness. [Laughter] I hear President
Rosengren, I believe, referred to the framework discussion as “beguiling.” I’m hearing the
forecast is “cagey.” It’s good. [Laughter] This is better.
I have a question. Back to the foreign outlook and looking at page 1, “Foreign Growth
Remains Subdued.” One way to look at this—I mean, you mentioned that growth has been slow,
but it’s going to improve, and you downgraded the forecast a little bit on foreign GDP. But then
I’m looking at the alternative scenarios, and I’m struck by the first one, which is “No-Deal
Brexit.” So the current baseline—and I’m just reading from this—in the outlook is “that
negotiations between the United Kingdom and the European Union will extend beyond the
current deadline of October 31 and result in an orderly Brexit sometime in 2020.” So that’s the
baseline.
Then I go to the one on “Escalation of Trade Tensions,” and it says that our current
baseline is that the CFRs already in place will happen, but none of the announced tariffs will
actually happen. So I guess my question is, in the baseline that you have here, it basically
assumes a lot of good news in the way that Brexit goes very smoothly. It assumes that the tariffs
that have been announced don’t get put in place.
And, obviously, there are other risks if you go through the global outlook that you could
be talking about. I guess if you were to think about, instead of the “everything goes completely
well” modal forecast and were to ask the question “What’s your mean forecast?” or taking into
account these risks and probabilities around them—I mean, how should I read this chart? Would
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you say that if you were to draw the distribution of outcomes, they’re mostly to the downside,
say, perhaps to the solid line? Or—I don’t want to lead—
MR. ROSENGREN. Leading the way. [Laughter]
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. So I’ll leave it at that.
MR. GRUBER. So the alternative simulations here are serving the useful purpose, I
think, of bookending and providing some information on real risks to the forecast. At the same
time, personally, and I don’t know if I can speak for everyone in the division or at the Board, but
I think that the assumptions that we’ve made are fairly reasonable, right?
We have, for Brexit—just starting with Brexit—an assumption that there is no “hard”
Brexit at the end of October and other things just draw out and persist for a while before they
come up with some relative solution is a reasonable forecast, and it does result in very low U.K.
growth.
So we have a very weak European—I mean, that’s spilling over into our European
forecast, too. So what’s built into this is continued uncertainty that is holding down growth in
Europe through this entire period. I think that’s a pretty reasonable outlook for the way things
might actually go.
On the trade tensions, it’s hard to say. I think that there has been some progress. I think
there’s some realization that further escalations at this point could be damaging for the U.S.
economy. That might constrain the policy a bit. And so I think that it’s reasonable to assume
that things don’t get much worse but don’t get much better. But, clearly, there’s a lot of
downside risk there, and that’s why we have no idea.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. I’m trying to contrast maybe what we heard from the
primary dealer survey that Lorie talked about, which sounded more like a base case is
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everything—maybe it won’t get much worse by the things that have already happened or been
announced or are in place.
MR. GRUBER. In our forecast, just to be clear, we haven’t actually put in the October
15 or December 15 hikes, which, from the direct effects from the table in the briefing would take
another 0.1 off U.S. real GDP growth, basically, and also lower our estimates for China a bit,
too. I’m comfortable with that assumption at this point, but, you know, the risks are pretty high.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Thank you.
MR. KAMIN. I would underscore a couple of points that Joe made. The first one is, we
have a very subdued forecast. As you can see, on page 1 you have the black line, which is our
forecast below our estimate of potential, the red line, all the way to the end of 2020. So,
ordinarily, you have a recession or you have a slowdown, and you might expect a bounceback
where growth would actually be above potential for some time. We do not have that until 2021
in the forecast. So we’re predicting a pretty subdued recovery. Oh, and actually, that goes
especially toward our “cagey” Latin America forecast.
And then the second point I would make is that Brazil had been in the deepest recession
in its postwar history a few years ago and has yet to achieve sustained growth. And this is an
economy with vast potential—and, as I say, and always will be. [Laughter]
So I’m just saying, it’s reaching close to 3 percent over the next year. You know, it’s
hardly the stuff of fantasy. Mexico, I would say, is even worse. It has been underperforming, in
terms of per capita income growth and productivity growth, for the past decade and a half. And
this year, a negative first quarter, a flat second quarter—so, again, a prediction that it would start
getting up into the 2’s is hardly a wildly optimistic outlook.
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The second point I would make is that, basically, the global economy and trade were in
very much a similar place in 2015 and 2016. And they bounced back, and we had a very
strong 2017.
CHAIR POWELL. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I am looking at Stacey Tevlin’s presentation,
page 1, figure 2, “Measures of Consumer Sentiment.” We’ve got four different measures here.
They track each other very closely from 2010 to 2017, then they spread out. What are the
differences? I mean, this is quite concerning if you went with the low one versus the high one.
So what are the differences between these, and how much signal should I take from one versus
the other?
MS. TEVLIN. We usually just show you Michigan and the Conference Board. And
those are ones with long series that do a decent job of helping to explain consumption, and very
often they move together. In this particular episode, they are not moving as much together, and
so I added a couple more on there just to—and also ones that go through mid-September to try to
add a little bit more information on which one you should take signal from. Generally, the
Michigan survey we think fits a little bit better in explaining consumption, but, really, it’s hard to
distinguish between them because they usually move so closely together.
I would interpret this as, I’m a little concerned about that Michigan number, but the fact
that all three of the other ones have stayed up gives me some comfort. And so we took down
consumption growth just a little bit in our projection in response to Michigan, but if the other
sentiment surveys followed it down, we would certainly be revising.
MR. BULLARD. Growing dispersion in measures of consumer sentiment—maybe it’s
just that the situation is more uncertain than it used to be, something like that.
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MS. TEVLIN. Yes. That could be part of it. I haven’t looked back at other episodes
when these measures were moving differently, so I don’t know for sure.
MR. BULLARD. Well, if you look at something like 2014 where they’re all on top of
each other, then you feel pretty good that you’ve got the right idea about consumer sentiment,
because you measure it four different ways and it comes out the same.
MS. TEVLIN. I guess it depends on which ones they move toward. If they all move
down toward Michigan, I’d be less comfortable.
MR. BULLARD. Okay. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Regarding the international outlook, the policy
rates of foreign central banks—and I’m reminded, taking on board that we had an important
discussion this morning about financial instability risks and low interest rates, I’m noticing that
the ECB has had negative interest rates for a very long period of time. It’s less a question than
perhaps a request. Maybe we could learn a little bit from a discussion about how, in those
central banks, they are asking—wondering about financial instability risk. Is it the nature of
their banking system, capital markets that are definitely different, so that maybe it’s not as much
a concern? Maybe it’s more of a concern.
In Germany, of course, the bund is negative, and so I just wonder if we can take out the
signal from some of that and then understand how the United States is like that or not, and that—
unless you have—well, any insights now would be welcome.
MR. KAMIN. Yes, sure. That’s a topic we are very focused on. About a year and a half
ago, we participated in a BIS project looking at the effect of low-for-long interest rates on
financial stability around the world, but with a focus on advanced economies, particularly Japan
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and Europe. Broadly speaking, we actually did not find a great deal of evidence of two things
that we were looking for.
One concern was that prolonged low interest rates would be demonstrably hurting the
profitability of banks and rendering them weaker in response to future shocks. We did find
evidence that low rates diminished net interest margins, but it looked like, in a lot of countries,
banks were able to offset that by basically goosing their fee income and other activities. That
said, in some markets, particularly ones that were very retail oriented with negative rates, which
is to say Europe and Japan, we did find some evidence that the low rates were hurting
profitability.
On the issue of risk-taking, again, we found relatively limited evidence of that. So if you
look at both Japan and the euro area over the past half-decade or so, there really has not been a
particularly large pickup in bank lending that would be evidence of a lot of exuberance. But
there have been some pockets of increased lending and leverage. So, for example, in France,
corporates have increased their leverage to an extent such that France increased its
countercyclical capital buffer. There have been some indications of increased housing prices in
Germany and particularly Sweden, and also Switzerland—not in the euro area, but a similar
situation. So there have been pockets of increased exuberance and risk-taking, but not in a very
generalized extent. So it looks like, unless you have the combination of low rates plus, basically,
more solid growth, maybe you don’t get that effect. But that’s something we’re definitely on the
alert for.
MR. EVANS. I don’t know if there’s something in the Financial Stability Report or
reports that we get that might pick up on that on a routine basis. You know, quarterly, we have
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this discussion about financial stability, the QS and others, and I don’t know if there is a way to
fold in updates on what types of factors and discussion—
MR. KAMIN. We review financial stabilities in 13 different economies twice a year as
part of our exercise for this international financial stability matrix. And we usually report that to
you, and it’s in the QS process that we circulate to you. So we’ll make sure that you take note of
it.
MS. WILSON. I would just add that the low interest rates and their effect on financial
stability was actually a focus of our QS this time. So we can send you that.
MR. EVANS. So do we combine that with some setting for—I guess everybody has the
same regulatory environment, so we wouldn’t necessarily think about heterogeneity there or not,
I don’t know. Anyway, it seemed particularly relevant, given the discussion.
MR. KAMIN. Well, we’re working on this. We’re actually planning to have that
process contribute a little bit more than we have to the financial stability review that we publish,
and we’ll be happy to report results to the FOMC.
CHAIR POWELL. Further questions for our briefers? [No response] If not, let’s take
our coffee break, and let’s be back at 3:30, please.
[Coffee break]
CHAIR POWELL. Okay. Welcome back, everyone—we’re fully caffeinated now.
We’ll begin the economic go-round with President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. Economic fundamentals have
changed very little since the previous FOMC meeting or, for that matter, since the June FOMC
meeting. If the only information you had was undated Greensheets distributed at the June
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meeting alongside those distributed at the September meeting, it would be hard to know which
month you were looking at.
Labor markets were tight in June, with the unemployment rate at 3.7 percent. Labor
markets remain tight now, with the unemployment rate at 3.7 percent. Core CPI inflation was
2.1 percent in June. With the release last week, it is now 2.4 percent, noticeably higher. The
S&P 500 index was trading at 2,900 before the June meeting and is now trading roughly 2
percent higher.
The similarity in estimates of major variables to those in June extends to the Tealbook
forecast. In June, real GDP growth for 2019 was expected to be 2 percent. In the September
Tealbook, the corresponding forecast is 2.1 percent.
The unemployment rate at the end of 2019 was forecast to be 3.7 percent. It is now the
same, 3.7 percent. Core PCE inflation was expected to be 1.8 percent at the end of 2019. It is
now forecast to be the same, 1.8 percent. Similarly, forecasts for these variables for 2020 are all
within 0.1 percent of where they were in the June Tealbook. This is not an idiosyncratic feature
of the Tealbook forecast. The Blue Chip September forecast for the year has also changed
relatively little from the July forecast. My own forecast has also changed very little.
So what has changed? The potential for higher tariffs on China have become a reality, at
least for the September 1 increase. When talking to my contacts about tariffs, they made two
comments. Two large retailers, one focused on home goods and the other on apparel, both of
whom are subject to significant tariffs on the goods they sell, did not report undue concerns.
Of course, no one wants to be subject to a tax increase, and they are no different.
However, they both highlighted that, given the devaluation of the Chinese currency, the
movement of production primarily to Vietnam, and more price pressures on distributors, the
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price changes are likely to be modest and unlikely to significantly reduce consumer demand for
their products.
The second comment that I have commonly heard from contacts is that uncertainty is
actually down. In the spring, they were navigating what they thought would be temporary tariffs
that would be removed as they became politically unpalatable. They are now assuming that
tariffs are permanent, so they are now rapidly shifting the production of low-cost items from
China to foreign competitors. They can accomplish this shift relatively quickly, they assert,
because they had already started the process in response to rising labor costs in China.
The transition costs seem manageable to these firms, because most of their suppliers are
paying the costs of moving to countries not subject to tariffs. Although Southeast Asia benefits,
China is clearly worse off. They also highlighted the fact that demand for products seemed quite
strong, consistent with the strength we have observed in consumer expenditures. What makes
them nervous, however, is the discussion of a recession in the press.
A second change from the previous meeting is the 10-year Treasury rate. When it was
speculated that Europeans would push their 10-year rates further down, this depressed U.S. rates.
As Europeans have recently made clear that they were not going to push long-term yields to be
ever more negative, our rates have moved up from their lows. Rather than a signal of domestic
weakness, I view much of the movement in longer-term Treasury rates as reflective of weakness
abroad and the rather drastic actions taken, particularly in Europe, to push long-term yields to
very negative levels.
A third change over the course of this year has been a modest deterioration in the outlook
for our key trading partners, only part of which is a result of increasing trade barriers. It is
important, in my view, to take a reckoning of the negative shocks that have emerged since we
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have changed policy course at the beginning of this year and match those with the policy actions
taken since that time.
A combination of trade barriers and weaker foreign real growth have likely knocked
several tenths of a percentage point off current and expected real GDP growth. If we had been
growing at the rate of potential growth and if we had been at full employment, such a
development would normally call for a response of about the same magnitude in cuts to the
federal funds rate. Yet since the beginning of the year, we have removed the expectation of two
to three rate increases and added, likely as of tomorrow, two cuts, with the prospect of more to
come. This reaction seems disproportionate to the effect of the shocks we have seen thus far and
to the possible effect on the economy should additional trade barriers be raised. I agree with the
Tealbook forecast, which factors in all of these shocks and, at the current level of the federal
funds rate, already expects no meaningful progress in closing the output gap.
Monetary policy accommodation does have effects, including less desirable effects—and
this relates to President Evans’s comment at the end of the previous session. As expected, the
reduction and expected further cuts in our rates have helped propel stock prices to near all-time
highs. Particularly affected have been stocks related to commercial real estate, which have
benefited from a benign economic environment and an accommodative monetary policy.
The corporate bond market has also been on fire as firms rush to take advantage of the
fire-sale prices on debt. One large banker—not in my District—has said that his bank is
encouraging firms with high stock yields to fund stock buybacks with debt. Because lower rates
encourage risk-taking, our current actions, and likely future actions, are the driving force behind
the marketing of the risk-taking channel.
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Not surprisingly, leverage is increasing. Data produced by S&P Global tracks debt
multiples of highly leveraged loans. For 2019, the average multiple on leveraged loans is 5.4,
much higher than the 4.9 value reached at the previous peak before the most recent recession.
Similarly, the average cash flow multiples of highly leveraged loans are at their lowest level
since 2007. And the value of leveraged loan transactions with EBITDA adjustments for
leveraged loans is much higher than in 2007.
Clearly, there are risks to the forecast. However, reacting to risks not currently reflected
in economic fundamentals has the potential to boost asset prices and increase the leverage of
firms and households. This will likely exacerbate the next downturn, whenever it does occur.
With very little change in the forecast, it appears that both mine and the majority of the
Committee’s views have not changed much—a topic that I will return to tomorrow. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Clarida.
MR. CLARIDA. Thank you, Chair Powell. I want to begin by posing a provocative
question in the interest of encouraging conversation and discussion, perhaps. Why exactly do we
have an outlook go-round at FOMC meetings? After all, most of the policy rules that we consult
and that we publish in our policy report and that the staff uses to conduct alternative scenarios
are static rules that use only inputs of currently available data and do not incorporate any forecast
information whatsoever.
Forecasting is hard. Forecasts are often wrong. So why do we discuss the outlook at
these meetings, or, certainly, why do we do it on Tuesday? We could vote on Tuesday and
discuss the outlook tomorrow. The answer I would give to my own question is that we have an
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outlook go-round at these meetings because monetary policy operates with lags. Certainly,
Friedman called them long and variable.
Any policy decision that we may reach tomorrow will have exactly zero effect on Q3
GDP or September 2019 employment and inflation. However, operating subject to those long
and variable lags, any policy decision we make tomorrow will begin to affect employment and
inflation sometime next year.
Given this reality, common sense suggests and academic models confirm that good
monetary policy should be forward looking. And, indeed, in some simple DSGE models you can
write optimal monetary policy as essentially a forward-looking policy rule based on expected
inflation. And, indeed, President Bullard 20 years ago showed that well-formulated forward
policy rules have a number of desirable macroeconomic properties.
Having confronted and, I think, prevailed over the rather feeble straw man that I
introduced with my opening question, let me now turn to the data and the outlook. And I agree
with President Rosengren that the U.S. economy remains in a very good place, with low
unemployment and inflation below but projected to revert toward our 2 percent objective.
Wages are rising broadly in line with productivity and underlying inflation. I note that recently
the BLS has projected an increase in trimmed productivity growth over the next 10 years to
1.6 percent relative to the past 10 years.
Labor force participation is up—obviously, a welcome development. Prime-age
participation has rebounded but still remains below levels that prevailed in the previous
expansion. The labor market is robust, but there is no evidence that rising wages are a source of
cost-pushed pressure on price inflation. Indeed, if anything, the revised national income data
show a noteworthy and, to me, welcome increase in labor share of national income in recent
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years. This is similar to past cycles when wage increases are absorbed by margin compression
and are noninflationary.
The supply side of the economy continues to surprise on the upside. Not surprisingly in
view of the strong labor market, household incomes are strong, and we’re all aware that the
consumer is the engine of growth in the economy.
Now, that said, the staff and I agree with the projection, which, under current policy,
projects growth will slow to 1.8 percent in the second half of the year. And this is really driven
by a decline in business investment, in part due to falling profits and a decline in our exports due
to slowing global real growth. Of course, the bright spot, residential investment, is projected to
pick up, given a pretty significant decline in mortgage rates.
So this is some of the good news in the data and in the staff projections, but, in my
remaining comments, I would like to focus on what concerns me in the Tealbook’s projection,
and that is the projection for PCE inflation. The staff projects that core PCE inflation will rise
only to 1.8 percent by the end of this year, and that both headline and core will remain at
1.8 percent through the end of our 2022 forecast horizon. So this is the baseline projection under
roughly current policy: that we should not expect to hit our 2 percent inflation objective over the
forecast horizon, let alone keep it there on a sustained basis.
I’d also point out a recent survey conducted by a Fed watcher, Julia Coronado—some of
you get her stuff. And, before every FOMC meeting, they survey about 120 market participants,
and one of the questions they ask in there I found striking. They asked the question, over the
next two years, what is the likelihood that we will see at least one six-month period with core
PCE inflation at 2 percent? And the answer was 30 percent. So if you define that as success,
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essentially, we’ve got a 70 percent chance of not getting there in expectation, according to the
people who were surveyed.
Now, again, this is the baseline case, not the downside risk. But, in particular, I think if
you look at the downside risk, I would argue that they are to the downside on inflation, and it
comes from this issue of u* and the output gap. The staff in its baseline assumes a u* of 4.4
percent, and the unemployment rate remaining at roughly the current level for the next three
years. In their model, that generates excess demand, but yet it doesn’t push inflation above
underlying. Why? Because import inflation is a drag, through a stronger dollar and global
deflationary pressures. And so even with the assumed excess demand, we’re basically getting to
1.8 percent under the baseline and staying there. Obviously, we have different views, and I
respect those views about the priority, but, to me, I think it is important that, under our
projection, we should be thinking of getting toward 2 percent.
Now, a little comment because I think it will come up in the context of the framework
review. The staff’s baseline, that PCE inflation remains below 2 percent, is internally consistent,
because it relies on a basic policy rule that assumes that u* will remain at 4.4 percent throughout
the forecast horizon. So it’s the usual tradeoff: We don’t like falling short of our inflation
objective, but we don’t like it when too many people are working either, even if there’s no
inflation.
But I think this scenario assumes, contrary to historical experience on the FOMC, that
over the next several years, if we keep seeing no upward pressure on inflation, then what we’ll
do is, we’ll revise down our estimate of u* as we have done repeatedly over the past several
years. And, indeed, in my own mind, that’s the way I think about the way we’re trading off.
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All of us, to some extent, are Bayesians. As we go through a period in which we don’t
see inflation, we have some combination of adjusting our thoughts on the economy and adjusting
policy, and that’s why u* is coming down. And I think that’s a very, very sensible way to think
about our process. But, in particular, what it does tell me is, I think the risks to this baseline
outlook are on the downside.
So, in conclusion, in my remarks today I’ve made no mention of trade policy uncertainty,
breakeven inflation, the Michigan survey—which did “print” at an all-time low, but I won’t
mention that [laughter]—or the inverted yield curve. I have argued that monetary policy should
be forward looking and have relied solely on the staff’s baseline modal projection. To me, such
a baseline indicates that our current policy stance is too tight and inconsistent with our price
stability mandate. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I continue to view the U.S. economy as
slowing, with considerable downside risk and little inflation pressure. I see U.S. consumption,
growth, and labor markets as still performing well, but I also see these as likely to be backwardlooking indicators in the current environment. Anecdotal information for domestically-oriented
companies and businesses is consistent with continued strong performance in these markets. The
U.S. manufacturing sector is contracting based on current data. This could easily get worse
before it gets better. In my view, it may well not bounce back, as suggested in the Tealbook.
I see the newly announced strike at General Motors as ominous in this regard. Previous
strikes there have shaved a few tenths off U.S. real GDP growth. Of course, everything depends
on how long the strike goes. From a policymaking point of view, we should probably assume
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that manufacturing will not improve and make policy decisions accordingly instead of assuming
that all will be well.
Global manufacturing appears to be contracting as well, and it has its own set of
downside risks. A District contact operating in these markets suggested to me that business has
been declining over the past five months. In addition, there’s considerable pessimism about
2020.
Both U.S. and global business investment are being chilled by the expanding trade war.
Let me reiterate my take on the trade war. I think we are witnessing a breakdown in the
consensus on trade liberalization in the United States that has dominated Washington and global
politics for 75 years. Without U.S. leadership, both tariff and nontariff barriers will likely rise
and remain at higher levels than they would otherwise. The retreat from free-trade principles in
the United States is, arguably, bipartisan. I see no other global force for trade liberalization.
Most countries that could play this role are more mercantilist than the United States, so I see this
as a very risky situation for the United States. We depend on global trade. It’s probably going to
be a very long and protracted trade war. I see little prospect for meaningful resolution in the near
term. I see our trading partners potentially pulling back from potential resolution.
I think China, in particular, will likely try to wait out the current Administration. I think
this should be our working assumption—that there’s going to be no resolution in the near term.
Also, I think the issues, especially with respect to China, are far too deep to resolve quickly if
you want to resolve them in a meaningful way. So I see a protracted trade war on the horizon
that will be an ongoing feature of the global economy.
Over the weekend we had the beginnings of what looks like a possible global oil shock,
with an attack on Saudi facilities. This attack was different, I think, from what we’ve seen
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historically. We have drones carrying out the attack. You have the ability to escape particular
blame or easily place blame, unlike with incoming tanks or something like that—instead, you
can send the drones in. I think the message is quite clear that this infrastructure is vulnerable not
just in Saudi Arabia, but also elsewhere, and the technology to carry out attacks has changed, so
the attacks cannot be ruled out. And future escalation might even be considered likely at this
juncture.
Again, from a policymaking perspective, I think our working assumption should be that
there will likely be further disruption to global oil markets, and this will probably chill global
business conditions further than they have already been chilled. I interpret intermeeting bond
market volatility as pricing in some of this downside risk, and the Lorie Logan exhibit 1, panel 3,
seemed to confirm at least some of this with respect to the trade war. Whereas previously
resolution was expected, it’s now not expected, and I think that drove a lot of the pricing in bond
markets over the intermeeting period.
Despite some recovery, yields are generally down since our July meeting. The signal
seems clear to me at least. Markets see less inflation and less growth over the forecast horizon
than the FOMC. Markets are pricing in a higher risk of recession than we are. I think we should
take these market signals quite seriously. The yield curve has become more substantially
inverted based on the 10 year–3 month spread at times during the intermeeting period. The
current U.S. policy rate is higher than most yields anywhere in the G-7 out to 10 years. I find
that a very ominous feature of our current policy. The 10 year–2 year Treasury yield spread is
flat, and that suggests to me that we may just be able to finesse our way out of this, as long as we
follow through on expected rate cuts and possibly return the yield curve to a more normal,
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upward-sloping shape. I’m not sure if the dot plot will send that signal. I think that’s a
consideration for tomorrow’s discussion.
In general, I’m not comfortable with the current yield curve. I think it’s indicating that
this Committee is currently more “hawkish” than necessary. I think it’s sending a bearish signal
about the prospects for the U.S. economy. I’m not at all convinced by attempts to brush off this
signal, given how strong it’s been during the postwar era. And I don’t see a good reason for us
to try to brush it off in this environment, as we’re not trying to fight against particularly high
inflation at this juncture.
Inflation expectations, as measured by a straight read of the TIPS yield, are exceptionally
low. The TIPS five-year breakeven adjusted to go from CPI inflation to PCE inflation suggests
that markets think that PCE inflation will be only about 1¼ percent over the next five years, well
below our 2 percent inflation target on our preferred measure. I continue to regard it as
dangerous to try to decompose TIPS yields using affine term structure models that are known to
explain very little and are known also to be excessively sensitive to underlying assumptions.
These models will nearly always tell us that movements in TIPS yields are merely noise—which
is the same as saying its due to term premiums, because these models embed a prior that inflation
expectations cannot move very rapidly.
A better interpretation, in my view—at least, from a policymaking perspective—is to
throw out these empirical models and instead recognize that the TIPS markets reflect the actions
of actual investors, taking into account all available information and attempting to predict actual
inflation outcomes over various horizons. Their verdict is that the FOMC is likely to miss its
inflation target substantially to the downside over the next five years.
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We need to get to a policy that inspires more confidence in medium-term inflation
outcomes and, in fact, tends toward inflation outcomes on a preferred measure that are higher
than the inflation target to make up for past misses on the low side. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Daly.
MS. DALY. Thank you, Mr. Chair. In many ways, little has changed since we last met.
This is something others have said. The underlying forces pushing on the economy are positive
or negative, depending on where you sit. On the positive side, consumer spending remains
strong, spurred by solid gains in employment and income. And this is confirmed by my contacts
in the retail sector who remain cautiously upbeat, executing on growth plans while ensuring they
are well prepared should a downturn occur.
Other than retail and other consumer-facing businesses, firms are less sanguine. Trade
uncertainty and global developments have translated into less demand and lower confidence. My
contacts tell me that higher tariffs, slower global growth, and dollar appreciation have directly
affected their business investment, and further softness is expected. Manufacturing firms have
been particularly hard hit. One contact noted that he has moved his plan B from his shelf to his
desk, feeling more concerned that a material slowdown is ahead, and others in the businessfacing sector share his unease.
When I weigh these two forces, the positives and the negatives, I am reminded that, while
consumers are two-thirds of the economy, their prospects depend materially on the outlook for
other businesses. In this sense, the decline in business investment and sentiment is more
worrisome than its simple weight in the economy. And, in fact, the slowdown in job growth may
be a first signal that these businesses are starting to affect the broader economy. As a
consequence, my outlook—about the same as it was last time—is conditioned on additional
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accommodation relative to where it was in June, our previous SEP. I will discuss this in more
detail tomorrow.
Now, as usual in an SEP round, we took another careful look at the longer-run variables
used to calibrate policy. So, starting with r*—I knew you’d like that, Vice Chair—I have kept
my estimate of the long-run value at ½ percent. However, in light of the paper by Alan Taylor
and Òscar Jordà presented at the Jackson Hole Symposium last month, I am attuned to the fact
that global factors can influence our neutral rate. Worsening foreign real GDP growth is leading
to inflows into long-term U.S. Treasury securities, lowering their yields, and putting downward
pressure on r*. Indeed, the Christensen-Rudebusch term structure model that we maintain in San
Francisco shows r* has fallen by a couple of tenths since the middle of the year and is currently
below 0.5 percent. Now, some of this may be due to temporary “search for yield,” as Lorie
mentioned. But I remain open to the possibility that r* may be lower than I have penciled in
currently, at least in the medium term.
Regarding g*, a recent symposium on growth that President Barkin and I cohosted in San
Francisco provided few reasons to be more optimistic that growth can exceed 2 percent in the
coming years. Of course, I’m open to President Barkin having a more bullish recollection.
[Laughter] We heard from a range of prominent micro- and macroeconomic experts, such as
Susan Athey, Chad Jones, Peter Klenow, Nick Bloom, and others, as well as from several
industry leaders.The discussion highlighted a variety of headwinds to productivity growth. One
notable factor is the waning contribution coming from rising educational attainment, and this is
something that others have mentioned previously. A second factor is limited public investment
in basic research, even as it is becoming harder and harder to find good ideas. A third factor—
and we spent a lot of time on this—is that higher industry concentration may also be having an
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effect. For instance, the winners of the information-technology race—the leaders, as they are
called—can charge large markups and extract very large rents, and, arguably, they then have less
incentive than they once did to invest in new path-breaking innovation. The followers, those
who came later, also face less incentive to innovate, because they have no realistic chance to take
over the leaders. The key “takeaway” is that rapid growth in information technology over the
past few decades may have led to entrenched positions for industry leaders that, for now, can
translate into slower productivity growth than we would see otherwise.
So, last but not least, let me turn to u*. And here I have revised down my estimate to
4 percent. The discussion at our joint Chicago and San Francisco Board of Directors meeting
last week confirmed for me that the sustainable unemployment rate has fallen significantly over
the past few years not just because inflation has been low, but because these other things that we
are hearing in the Fed Listens events and these anecdotal reports are helping me understand that.
As President Evans can attest, directors from both Districts emphasize that employers are
casting a wider net than they once did, broadening the recruiting to include traditionally
marginalized groups. Employers are also expanding training and provision of nonwage benefits,
such as transportation to worksites. In fact, one company is driving into the inner city to pick up
workers and drive them back to plants in more remot locations just to get workers in place to do
production. These measures are helping sustain employment growth amid a very tight labor
market without spurring above-trend aggregate nominal wage growth.
Now, in terms of price inflation, my lower u* estimate helps reconcile very low actual or
measured unemployment with muted inflation pressures. Core PCE inflation remains soft, with
core PCE prices rising only 1.6 percent in July. I expect inflation to increase subtly over time to
reach target only in 2021. That said, I am a little concerned that inflation expectations are
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starting to work against us. Since our July meeting, market participants have been pricing in
substantially less compensation for future inflation. This could reflect a growing recognition
among market participants that,, due to our proximity to the effective lower bound, monetary
policy will have less ability to offset the effect of future negative shocks. As noted in the
framework memos, this creates a deflationary bias in expectation. But lower compensation for
future inflation might also reflect the fact that actual inflation has consistently been below target
for the past seven years, causing market participants to infer that we are okay with, or at least not
very worried about, inflation close to but not sustainably at 2 percent. In other words, the
perceived pi* may be less than 2 percent.
Ultimately, the issue we are facing is a very practical one. Whether market participants
believe we are constrained in our ability to hit 2 percent or believe that we are content with
1.7 percent or 1.8 percent inflation, the outcome is the same. By lowering nominal rates, every
one-tenth decline in inflation expectation is a loss of needed policy space—a topic I will return to
tomorrow. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Mester.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. There has been little change in the Fourth
District economic conditions since our previous meeting. The Cleveland Fed staff diffusion
index of business conditions was zero in July, indicating stable economic activity. Contacts in
the manufacturing and freight sectors continue to point to rising tariffs and softer global demand
as weighing on activities since early summer. While many firms said uncertainty about trade
policy was generating caution, many also remain optimistic about current and future business
conditions. Almost no contacts expect a recession this year or next or expect major changes in
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their profitability. Firms outside the manufacturing sector have not changed their capital
spending or hiring plans.
Some retailers are concerned about an expansion of tariffs on consumer goods, but most
expect consumer spending confidence to remain solid. As one director said, “Uncertainty is the
issue. Demand is strong.” District labor market conditions remain strong. The unemployment
rate has remained at 4 percent in July, 1 percentage point below the Cleveland staff’s estimate of
its longer-run normal level and near its lowest level seen over the past 40 years.
Year-over-year growth in payroll employment in the District has slowed since the start of
the year to a bit below ½ percent in July, which is the Cleveland staff’s estimate of its longer-run
trend. District contacts suggest that the slowdown in employment growth is related to limited
labor supply rather than lower demand for workers. A Cleveland Fed director associated with a
labor and workforce development agency reported results of his firm’s quarterly employer
survey, in which 9 out of 10 respondents reported trouble hiring workers and 65 percent said
they plan to continue to hire. Some firms were reluctant to raise wages, on account of their
limited pricing power, and others thought the wages they are offering are commensurate with the
skill sets available.
Even so, there were unprecedented spikes in average and median wages paid across
respondents in the survey. The tightness in the labor market is negatively affecting activity. One
director from a community bank noted that several commercial clients continued to turn down
projects because they can’t find the needed workers. Another director reported that increases in
wages for lower-wage workers are putting upward pressure on wages across the skill spectrum as
firms try to maintain their wage structures.
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Now, while wage pressures remain elevated, price pressures of District firms continue to
moderate, partly reflecting lower steel, copper, and shipping costs. About one-fifth of District
firms reported increasing their own prices over the intermeeting period, but that’s the lowest
level since mid-2017 and down significantly from levels seen in the second half of last year.
Regarding the national economy, on the whole, incoming data over the intermeeting
period have come in largely as expected, and I have made little change to my forecast. Although
the attack on the Saudi Arabian oil fields adds to the risk of a more significant slowdown, at this
point, growth in the United States appears to be slowing toward trend growth, which I estimate to
be about 2 percent.
In my view, the most likely outcome continues to be that, over the forecast horizon,
output growth and employment growth will slow toward trend. The unemployment rate will
remain at or below 4 percent, which is below my estimate of its longer-run level of 4 to
4½ percent, and inflation will gradually rise to 2 percent. Although business investment,
manufacturing, and exports are soft, the softness is offset by strong growth in consumer
spending, which is supported by the strength in labor markets and solid consumer sentiment.
Payroll job growth has slowed from last year, but the job gains have averaged 156,000
over the past three months, which is well above trend. The unemployment rate continues to run
at 3.7 percent, near a 50-year low, and the participation rate has remained in the narrow range
that has prevailed for several years despite a downward trend driven by demographics. Growth
in average hourly earnings has remained stable at a level higher than observed a few years ago,
and small businesses continue to find the job market tight. In August, the share of National
Federation of Independent Business survey respondents reporting the quality of labor as their
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largest concern and the share reporting few or no qualified applications for job openings reached
new highs for this expansion.
Housing market activity appears to be stabilizing after several quarters of decline, with
refinancing activity up, reflecting the decline in mortgage rates driven by lower 10-year Treasury
yields. Indeed, on net, financial conditions are accommodative. The Chicago Fed’s National
Financial Conditions Index indicates that financial conditions are easier than for most of the
2015 to 2017 period.
Sovereign bond yields here and abroad have declined since our July meeting, which
suggests that bond investors are less sanguine about the economy. In contrast, corporate credit
spreads in the United States have increased relatively little and remain at historically narrow
levels, and equity prices are near record highs. Now, we have seen some fairly significant
increases in long-term bond yields over the past couple of weeks, which continued after the ECB
announced its easing package and suggests there isn’t an easy interpretation of what’s driving
these movements in yield.
Inflation is running below our 2 percent target, but incoming information is consistent
with inflation gradually firming after low readings early in the year that reflected transitory
idiosyncratic factors. While headline PCE inflation has been held down by energy prices, the
annualized three-month percent change in core PCE prices was above 2 percent in both June and
July. In July, the Cleveland Fed staff’s median PCE inflation measure remained at 2.6 percent,
and the Dallas Fed’s trimmed mean PCE inflation measure remained at 2 percent. And, as
President Rosengren indicated in a recent speech, in the past when the core and trimmed mean
PCE inflation measures have diverged, core PCE inflation has tended to move toward the
trimmed mean.
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The cyclical component of core PCE inflation constructed by the Cleveland Fed staff
based on finely disaggregated data, which I reported on at our previous meeting, has been stable
over the past couple of months. It’s at its highest level in the post-crisis period and near its prerecession level. And in August, the Cleveland Fed’s median and trimmed-mean CPI inflation
measures were little changed, with both rates above 2 percent. I take all of this as positive
evidence in suggesting that inflation should continue to firm.
The only caveat to this is the mixed readings that we have had on longer-run inflation
expectations since our July meeting. Although long-run PCE inflation as given in the
Philadelphia Fed Survey of Professional Forecasters remains steady at 2 percent, readings on
consumer expectations in the New York Fed and Michigan surveys edged down after having
moved up at the time of our July meeting. And the Cleveland Fed’s five-year, five-year-forward
measure, which combines both market and survey data, also edged down after being little
changed from May to July. We’re going to have to wait and see if these latest movements reflect
the typical volatility of these measures or whether this softening continues. But if there is a
sustained pullback in Saudi Arabian oil production as a result of the attacks, higher energy prices
could put upward pressure on inflation expectations. Again, we’re going to have to wait and see
how this evolves.
Now, to achieve the outcomes in my modal forecast, my federal funds rate path is
relatively flat, with the funds rate at its current level over the remainder of this year and
incorporating only a few 25 basis point increases over the forecast horizon. This is slightly more
shallow than I had in my June SEP submission, reflecting both July’s cut in rates and the
downward revision I made to my estimate of the longer-run federal funds rate, which I moved
from 3 percent to 2¾ percent.
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A variety of simple monetary policy rules, including those available on the Cleveland Fed
website, would suggest a steeper policy rate path would be appropriate. I penciled in a shallower
path, because I view that as consistent with a balanced approach to our dual-mandate goals and
also considering the risks of financial stability, which I think we need to take into account when
setting policy in this environment.
This is a policy strategy in which, so long as output is growing at its trend rate, the labor
market remains solid, and inflation expectations remain reasonably well anchored, we wouldn’t
take deliberate action to inflate the economy with another rate cut. And that’s based on the
current level of interest rates and also the current and expected path of inflation. We basically
would allow inflation to move up gradually, as it’s expected to do, even though it would take a
bit longer to get there. But the strategy also doesn’t take deliberate action to curtail an inflation
overshoot so long as inflation doesn’t rise too far above 2 percent. So, again, this is consistent
with a symmetric approach to our inflation goal.
I think this continued patience on inflation, which is basically an opportunistic reinflation
strategy, does recognize there is risk to financial stability posed by the current high levels of
corporate debt, leveraged lending, and commercial real estate valuations. And, in an
environment of low global interest rates, monetary policy actions that would encourage
additional reach-for-yield behavior might offer some near-term benefit, but it would be at the
cost of weakening the economy’s foundation over the medium term.
Now, I have been discussing my modal outlook, but, of course, there are some salient
risks, which I view as weighted to the downside for growth. The ongoing uncertainty caused by
trade policy tariffs has certainly weighed on business sentiment, investment, and manufacturing
activity in the United States and contributed to slower growth abroad. Other risks include Brexit,
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the potential for a disruptive resolution to the protests in Hong Kong, and the possibility of a
sustained pullback in Saudi Arabian oil production, which also poses an upside risk to the
inflation forecast. If the weakness in business spending begins to affect hiring and then, in turn,
consumption, we could find ourselves in a weak growth scenario in which economic growth
slows well below trend, the unemployment rate rises, and inflation expectations and inflation
remain low for a sustained period.
It’s not entirely clear to me what’s driving the behavior of longer-term Treasury yields.
Demand for safe assets is likely one factor. But low yields also suggest that bond investors are
placing a high likelihood on this weak-growth scenario. And, should such a scenario begin to
emerge, the short- and medium-term equilibrium interest rate would move down, and the federal
funds rate would need to move down as well in order to sustain the expansion and foster
achievement of our longer-run goals of maximum employment and price stability.
There are some upside risks to my forecast as well. Many businesses are telling us that
it’s the uncertainty that’s weighing on activity and not weak demand. A quicker and more
positive resolution to some of these uncertainties should support growth and is an upside risk to
my forecast. Consumer spending, which has held up very well despite the uncertainties, may be
indicating there is additional positive underlying momentum in the economy. And during the
2015–16 period, there was a slowdown in global demand, a sharp decline in oil prices, and
sizable appreciation of the dollar, which drove a significant pullback in business investment and
manufacturing activity, but the overall U.S. economy showed considerable resilience. I kept this
experience in mind as I put together my outlook for the economy and monetary policy. Thank
you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Harker.
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MR. HARKER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Regarding the forecast, I once again find the
overall profile of the staff’s forecast in the Tealbook to closely align with my own. I see growth
that’s slightly higher than trend growth in the near term and reverting to trend-like growth of
almost 2 percent further out in the forecast horizon. I also anticipate that inflation will return to
target sometime in 2021, and the recent signs of some firming, especially in core CPI, are
informing my view that inflation is slowly returning to target. That said, the deterioration in
market-based measures of longer-run expected inflation, as well as the consistent undershooting
of our target, lead me to acknowledge that there are significant downside risks to my modal
projection. I also continue to anticipate that the unemployment rate will remain below its natural
rate.
The view that the economy is likely to experience trend-like growth is supported by data
in the Third District as well as from conversations with many of my contacts. Unemployment in
the District is at historic lows, and wages are growing moderately. However, the strength in
employment growth has waned, with weakness showing up in manufacturing and education. On
a brighter note, we continue to see gains in labor force participation. So, like the nation,
economic growth is largely due to the consumer who’s benefiting from accommodative financial
conditions, gains in wealth, steady employment prospects, and solid gains to personal income.
Our nonmanufacturing survey with a reading above-average reflects that strength in consumer
spending.
Now, with respect to manufacturing in our region, the sector is performing quite a bit
better than indicated in other regional surveys and better than the nation. Our current
manufacturing index remained in positive territory in both August and September and showed
strength in both orders and shipments. Of note was the bounceback in current employment from
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its unusually low reading in August. Additionally, manufacturers in the region remained
optimistic, with indexes for future employment and capital expenditures well above
nonrecessionary averages.
One likely reason for the divergence in our survey from others is that manufacturers in
our region are much less exposed to trade shocks than in other areas of the country. In particular,
if you take Pennsylvania, our main trading partner is Canada and not China, so we’re seeing a
very different dynamic in the Third District. Even so, we’re hearing more concerns over the
trade war, and many manufacturers with foreign supply chains are indicating that they are
diversifying those lines or planning to do so in the near future. Take a recent report from the
CEO of a major supply chain inspection company with over 6,000 clients worldwide. This firm
provides services to businesses that are analyzing additions or changes to their supply chain
manufacturing partners. The report indicated falling China-based inspections by U.S.
companies—actually, a 13 percent drop in China-based inspections, as you would expect as
people start to move out of China or not invest in China—and, as others have noted, significant
increases in inspections in Vietnam, Cambodia, and India of 21 percent, 15 percent, and
25 percent, respectively.
These increases are consistent with many reports from contacts and the media, but what
surprised me is the fact that Mexico’s inspection rate has jumped a staggering 119 percent during
the first six months of this year. It appears that neither China nor the United States will be
winners in this trade war, but that countries in Southeast Asia and especially Mexico will be the
beneficiaries.
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So back to the Third District. Weakness continues in residential real estate, and the
decline in mortgage rates has yet to have any noticeable effect on our housing markets. In fact,
real estate sales have been softening of late.
To summarize, the District economy is growing modestly. The growth is almost entirely
driven by the consumer, which is in line with what we’re seeing nationally. The most recent data
continues to indicate that the recovery still has room to run, and my forecast continues to project
trendlike growth and a return of inflation to target. What this means for policy I will discuss
tomorrow. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Although I heard some positive reports, on
balance, my contacts seem more downbeat than last round. Consumer-facing businesses still
report strong sales, though some expected growth will slow next year. Manufacturing is clearly
a different story, with many firms indicating that orders have fallen this year. Repeatedly, we
heard how trade policy has raised uncertainty. On-again, off-again brinkmanship is adversely
affecting many businesses, and a number are putting plans to expand operations on hold. Add in
a weak global growth outlook, and it is easy to understand the many reports of dormant cap-ex.
The recent incident in Saudi Arabia could boost uncertainty further.
The labor market remains healthy, with continuing commentary about worker shortages.
That said, some firms reported scaling back hiring plans, and a few mentioned they have made
staffing cuts. These firms primarily were in manufacturing. My contact with the broadest view
on the labor market, who runs a major temp help services group, characterized labor demand as a
little softer but not unwinding. Nothing notable was mentioned about wage or price pressure.
Firms are certainly not talking about widespread wage increases to address worker shortages. Of
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course, the other labor market news is the strike at General Motors. Before the walkout, our auto
industry contacts had put a high probability on a strike but expected that any work stoppage
would be short lived. We’ll have to see.
Separately, despite the downbeat tone of our nonfinancial contacts, these contacts aren’t
expecting that a downward economic spiral is near. The same can’t be said for our financial
market contacts, who found 101 ways to tell us that investors expect a recession. [Laughter]
They typically acknowledged that this view isn’t supported by the U.S. macrodata but then
continued to highlight downside risks—in particular worldwide deglobalization trends and the
so-called Japanification of Europe. I would note that these finance-contact calls took place in
early September. Maybe they’re feeling better now.
Regarding the national outlook, my growth and inflation forecasts have not changed
much from my June SEP submission. To get to that point, I had to balance the more downbeat
business and global elements with the continued positive momentum in consumer spending
we’ve been seeing. I also had to write down a somewhat more accommodative monetary policy
path than I had in June. My forecast of economic activity is broadly in line with the Tealbook. I
have real GDP expanding a little over 2 percent in the second half of this year and then growing
at a rate that is essentially indistinguishable from potential over the remainder of the forecast
period. Not many external observers are likely to jump and cheer at 2 percent growth in 2020,
but we all recognize that that kind of growth is just a baseline feature of the current environment.
I expect the unemployment rate will hover near its current level throughout the projection
period, which is about ½ percentage point below my admittedly highly uncertain estimate of its
natural rate.
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For inflation, the data have come in roughly as I expected. I do share Governor
Clarida’s, President Daly’s, and President Bullard’s concern about inflation not confidently
getting to 2 percent. So my policy assumption tries to achieve that. I continue to project that
core inflation will move up to target in 2020 and will overshoot by two-tenths of a percentage
pointin 2021 and 2022. This trajectory is an explicit design feature of my forecast, as it has been
for some time. Such an overshoot is necessary to boost inflation expectations to be symmetric
around 2 percent and, thus, deliver our inflation goal. As I’ve said before, I see this kind of
modest overshoot as being consistent with our current monetary policy framework.
To generate my forecast, I have a policy rate path that includes one rate cut for the
remainder of 2019. That presumably would be tomorrow. I assume rates hold steady for a while
and then envision one 25-basis-point increase by the end of 2021 and another in 2022. Relative
to my June submission, this path is “lower for longer.” Given where inflation pressures are
today, I believe this accommodative path and a strongly communicated commitment to our
symmetric 2 percent target likely will be needed to sustainably achieve our inflation mandate
within the current forecast window. I’ll discuss my policy rationale more tomorrow. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Barkin.
MR. BARKIN. I would agree with those who have said, “We know the economic
situation pretty well as it sits today.” The data over the past few months have been quite
consistent. Consumer spending is strong and showing no sign of weakness, with the recent auto
sales report particularly heartening. The labor market remains tight by nearly all measures, with
the recent slowing of job growth signaling only a return to trend. Business investment has been
softer, but, remember, last year’s strength gave us some tough comps. Manufacturing is weak, as
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are international economies and U.S. companies with heavy international exposure. Residential
investment is starting to rebound.
Inflation seems to be firming. The Tealbook forecasts about a 2 percent increase in core
PCE prices in the second half of the year, and core PCE inflation has increased at a 2.3 percent
annual rate over the past four months. I would note that we have to hit only 1.4 percent for the
next two months to meet Julia Coronado’s survey—and I like that bet a lot, Rich.
Risks are clearly elevated versus our previous meeting. Increased China tariffs and
Chinese retaliation went from a threat to a reality. Oil supply may be being disrupted. Brexit
looks increasingly messy. The bond markets moved meaningfully, with the effect not yet clear
on business and consumer confidence. The U.S. political situation looks increasingly
contentious. I will note, one risk reduction is the valuation of WeWork, which has more than
halved since President Rosengren made the case for shorting it at our July meeting. [Laughter]
MR. CLARIDA. Where’s our macroprudential policy? [Laughter]
MR. BARKIN. Over the past few weeks, we have held roughly a dozen business
roundtables in our District, particularly in the smaller towns. We ask participants about their
companies, and the overwhelming response we get is that their business is good, with more
people saying “great” than “iffy” or “weak.” We ask about their investment posture going
forward, and most folks say they are maintaining investment, with more of them doubling down
than cutting back. I share that just to emphasize that today’s economy is still fundamentally
healthy, at least as perceived by our District’s business leaders.
Small town businesses refocused my attention on the tightness of the labor market despite
data showing that that’s where labor force participation is lowest. In every discussion, people
raised the issue of unfilled open positions. So I want to come back to a debate we’ve been
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having about the cost of low unemployment rates in a “hot” economy. For sure, inflation and
asset bubbles remain risks. But I think there’s a third significant risk which I’ll call “labor
oversubstitution,” and that risk creates longer-term effects we should consider.
I see a number of businesses that don’t believe they can increase prices, given
competitive pressures and anchored expectations, and, consequently, they feel limited in their
potential to pay much higher wages. Short term, they create backlogs in response to which they
can run at lower quality or live with stockouts. We hear this especially today from contacts in
the construction sector because of a shortage of skilled trades. Each of us knows how hard it is
to find a good plumber who will show up on time.
As an aside, these quality declines would be consistent with the cyclical
undermeasurement of price inflation. If firms persist in this belief, the relative scarcity of labor
and the low cost of capital may be encouraging excessive substitution of capital for labor,
especially low skilled labor, as that is where substitutability comes most easily. I’m hearing that
in my contact discussions. I hear of firms reluctantly implementing technologies that replace
labor, like scanners in rural grocery stores. I hear of firms switching to mergers and acquisitions
rather than using traditional growth channels because low-cost debt makes acquisition accretive,
and they believe they can’t hire for growth. As supply chains reconfigure, I hear of firms
choosing not to onshore, because they don’t believe labor will be available. I hear of firms
financing buybacks through low-cost leverage, taking away future resiliency. And I would just
note that this labor oversubstitution is raising the risk to the least skilled, and I’d urge us to
monitor it closely. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Brainard.
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MS. BRAINARD. Thank you. Since the July FOMC meeting, we’ve seen an escalation
of trade tensions, and concerns about the global outlook have increased. These forces are
weighing on business investment, manufacturing production, and exports. Financial markets
have been volatile, and Treasury yields have fallen at the long end. Most recently, geostrategic
tensions have risen. By contrast, domestic economic data have come in close to expectations,
reflecting continued strong consumer spending, and the labor market has continued to tighten
from a strong position, although at a slower pace.
Recent revisions to historical GDP and payroll employment data suggest there was
materially less momentum in the economy coming into this year than previously shown. The
revised data show no acceleration in economic growth in 2018 over 2017 and only a modest
acceleration in payroll growth, contrary to our earlier estimates. It’s difficult to tell with
precision how much of that slower-growth trajectory and the revised data reflect a smaller boost
to demand from tax cuts than previously expected. Larger offsets from trade uncertainty, weak
global growth, and noise in the data may also be contributors. But whatever the cause, the
revised data show considerably less momentum and validate the Committee’s revisions in the
path of the federal funds rate and balance sheet policy, although these likely would have come
sooner if the revised data had been available contemporaneously. With these revisions, it
appears the U.S. economy is decelerating gradually from its above-trend pace. According to the
BLS’s preliminary estimate of the benchmark level of payroll employment in March, payrolls
have likely increased at an average monthly pace of about 190,000 last year, close to the 180,000
monthly gains seen in 2017. So, excluding the small increase in temporary hires for the Census
in August, payrolls over the past three months are estimated to have increased at an average pace
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of about 150,000 per month, slower than the downwardly revised estimate for last year although
still higher than the replacement rate.
Meanwhile, the unemployment rate has stabilized around a historically low 3.7 percent
over the past year, while the labor force participation rate of prime-age individuals, and
especially of prime-age women, moved up last month, continuing its upward trajectory. And the
unemployment rate of African Americans fell to the lowest rate on record. Similarly, wages
have continued to grow at a moderate pace. In terms of indicators that I track for signs of a shift
in the outlook, weekly initial claims for unemployment insurance remain at historically low
levels, and the latest report contained a reassuring improvement in the workweek, which ticks
back up to 34.4 hours after having declined in previous months.
Consumer spending has remained strong despite some slowing in retail sales in August
and appeared consistent with PCE growth at an annual rate of about 3 percent in the current
quarter, similar to the first half. In addition, there are signs that activity in the housing sector is
starting to rebound, consistent with the decline in mortgage rates since last year. In contrast,
business investment has been weak and on track for an outright contraction in the second half,
although the jump in oil prices may provide some support to investment in drilling and mining.
Manufacturing production fell in July after declining at an annual rate of 2½ percent in
the first half, and exports have also been disappointing, posting a decline in the first half against
the backdrop of trade conflict, weak foreign growth, and a strong dollar.
In speaking with fiscal and monetary officials of other major economies, I found that a
common theme is difficulty in discerning whether the weakness in factory output and in exports
will remain restricted to the global integrated supply chains in the manufacturing sector, or
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whether it is an early harbinger of a broader slowing that could spread to services and
consumers.
Financial markets have shown considerable volatility in reaction to shifting news about
trade conflict and global growth, although, on net, financial conditions uniformly have remained
at highly accommodative levels in terms of aggregate indexes. Equity prices were volatile but
have moved sideways, on net, over the period, with defensive sectors gaining as cyclicals in
sectors with China exposure showed declines. The most pronounced moves have been at the
long end of the yield curve. The 10-year Treasury yield has declined 21 basis points, on net,
since we met in July but, within that period, had declined close to 60 basis points. It’s hard to
tell how much of those earlier large moves reflect fundamentals, such as flight-to-safety flows
and expectations of monetary accommodation in the face of weaker global growth and trade
conflicts.
Technical factors were prominently cited in my discussions with market participants,
similar to the New York Fed’s survey. The demand for long-dated Treasury securities on the
part of both U.S. and foreign investors, notably pension funds and insurers, was reportedly very
strong in the face of expected increases in the share of negative-yielding debt globally. Some of
this reflects the fact that many of these investors are forced buyers of the long end, and foreign
investors appear to be surprisingly willing to add long-duration Treasury exposure without
hedging the FX risk, given the yield differential relative to negative-yielding instruments, such as
bunds and JGBs.
On net, the reduction in Treasury yields has led to more-accommodative financing
conditions despite the dollar strengthening somewhat. Yields on investment-grade debt have
fallen largely in line with Treasury yields, while yields on speculative-grade debt have fallen
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less. But in absolute terms, their yields have declined roughly 50 basis points since earlier in
the year.
On the international front, indicators of economic activity in the third quarter have been
generally disappointing. In China, industrial production and retail sales disappointed in July and
August, which came on the heels of a marked slowdown in second-quarter GDP growth. In the
euro area, second-quarter GDP growth slowed to 0.8 percent, reflecting a slump in net exports
and continuing weakness in manufacturing. And in Germany, output contracted in the second
quarter and could contract again in the current quarter. So, in contrast to the stability of the
modal outlook, I think the balance of risks has worsened notably in the intermeeting period. Last
month, the spread between 10- and 2-year Treasury yields turned negative for the first time since
2007.
Recession probabilities implied by a variety of models that use term spreads increased
modestly since our July meeting. Although, as other have noted, extracting the right signal from
the yield curve of the odds of recession is quite difficult at present, given the unusual levels of
term premiums, I do take some negative signal from the pronounced changes in the curve we’ve
seen over recent quarters. In terms of those downside risks, first and most prominent is that
business investment appears increasingly paralyzed in the face of the neverending stream of
surprises on possible additional tariffs, creating what is now looking like fundamental
uncertainty about the rules governing international transactions, with important implications for
global supply chains.
A second important risk is that, even without any further deterioration in trade tensions,
the ongoing slowdown in business investment, manufacturing, and exports could tip into a
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broader and more severe slowdown than is generally anticipated if firms’ pull back spreads from
investment to hiring, affecting consumers who have remained quite resilient.
A third substantial risk is a possibility of a much sharper slowdown in foreign growth
triggered possibly by geopolitical developments, including a “hard” Brexit, which would be an
important hit not only to the United Kingdom, but also to important European trade partners,
such as Germany.
The recent disruption to the oil supply in Saudi Arabia and the attendant increase in oil
prices is likely to have mixed effects on the U.S. economy, imposing some tax on consumers in
the form of higher prices at the pump while creating more favorable conditions for shale
producers. And while some of our significant trading partners, such as Canada, could likewise
benefit from the windfall to producers, others who are net importers are likely to see further
weakening in consumer sentiment and purchasing power from an already weak place.
Finally, with respect to inflation, the latest reading suggests that core PCE prices rose
about 1.6 percent over the 12 months ending in July, and monthly readings on core inflation from
April to July were higher than in the first quarter, consistent with our earlier assessment that
much of the weakness seen early in the year was transitory. Nonetheless, inflation continues to
fall short of our 2 percent objective. In looking ahead, even with the expected boost to inflation
from increased tariffs, the staff projects that core inflation will move up to only 1.7 percent by
the end of the year.
Meanwhile, market-based measures of inflation compensation have declined since our
previous meeting, along with the latest reading of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York Survey
of Consumer Expectations and the preliminary September reading of the Michigan survey. The
deterioration of the balance of risks suggests to me that a further small adjustment to the policy
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stance is appropriate, and we’ll have the opportunity to discuss that tomorrow. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kaplan.
MR. KAPLAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me just say a brief word, as many of you
have commented on the Saudi situation. This is based on discussions with our contacts and the
work of our team in Dallas. Obviously, it goes without saying that 5 million barrels a day is an
enormous outage. Five percent of the world’s output is substantial. Having said that, we are
pretty well convinced, and our contacts are convinced, that Saudi is going to do everything they
can to get this 5 million barrels a day of production back online. The thing that they have not
been particularly transparent about is exactly the extent of the damage and what exactly was
damaged, and that’s why the world is very uncertain about how long it will take.
If we had to guess, our base case is, if you look out three months from now—not a month
from now, but three months from now—our best sense is, most likely, they will have restored
most of the outage. But you will probably have embedded in the global oil price $5 to $7 just
because a greater cognizance now sort of woke people up. There is greater security and
geopolitical risk in the price of oil, and we should probably get used to that just being embedded.
For those who are hopeful this might increase U.S. production, we are a little bit skeptical
on that so far. And, just to remind you of the context, U.S. production growth in 2018 was
1.8 million barrels. This year it’s 1 million barrels. We think next year it will be ½ million
barrels. The reason for the substantial decline is, in light of capital discipline and a little bit more
sluggish oil price, shale firms are not spending as much money on cap-ex, and they are just
simply completing these so-called DUCs, drilled but uncompleted wells.
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We think, based on discussion with our contacts, they would need to see more evidence
of persistence in this elevated oil price for them to say, “We want to gear up cap-ex.” And the
reason they are hesitant is, they are under such pressure by capital providers because their stocks
have underperformed. So we think it’s too soon to say.
In terms of U.S. real GDP effect, the good news is, the U.S. economy is structurally much
less sensitive to the price of oil than it was even 10 or 15 years ago. And, obviously, because we
produce more ourselves, we’re more balanced between the cap-ex effect and the consumer
effect. So, I guess, net–net of this, if our best guess—and unless there is some escalation, then
you can forget everything I just said. If there is an escalation and you see much higher prices of
oil, we’ve got a different situation. But our best guess is, as we look out three months from now,
you just have a somewhat higher price of oil and a similar situation as we’ve got right now. This
is unlikely, though, to create great strain globally, but it probably isn’t going to be a boon to the
U.S. energy industry either unless something new happens that hasn’t already happened. So
that’s our comment. We’ll keep you updated on that.
Regarding our own real GDP forecast in Dallas, it’s very similar to the Tealbook—a little
bit more than 2 percent growth, supported by a strong consumer but reflective of weakness in
manufacturing and weak business investment. And this translates, as the Tealbook points out,
into a deceleration into the second half of the year to stand at 1.7 percent.
The Texas story I won’t go into. It’s very similar—strong first half growth, weaker
second half growth. But that’s not surprising, given that trade plays a big role in the Texas
economy, and certainly the trade uncertainty plays a key role in cap-ex also. We do note one
thing in our surveys which struck me. To our special question about being able to pass on cost
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increases in the form of prices, a much higher percentage of the firms reported an inability to
pass on cost increases in terms of price increases—a noticeable jump this month.
So what we’re debating and we are all talking about here is the deceleration in global
growth and weakness in manufacturing, which is only 11 percent of the U.S. economy, and we
know that. Will that intensify primarily because of heightened trade uncertainty? And will this
weakness seep into other aspects of the U.S. economy—which, right now, are strong—which
will cause growth to be weaker than we’re currently forecasting?
We’re heartened by the strong consumer. But we view it as more of a coincident
indicator, and the consumer is underpinned by a strong jobs market. And the question we’re
asking is, does the weakness in manufacturing and global growth ultimately cause businesses to
retrench sufficiently that, over the next several months, we start to see weakness in the job
market, and this one term will start to dim consumer confidence and lead to a weakening in
consumer spending? That’s what we’re watching. We don’t pretend to know the answer to that,
but that’s what we’re concerned about.
In that regard, I will comment on one last thing, which is the yield curve. One of the
things we think has been helpful to the U.S. economy this year has been the enormous rally
along the entire Treasury yield curve. We think this has provided a substantial stimulus to U.S.
businesses and the economy generally, in the form of lower costs of credit. And we believe the
U.S. economy is right now reaping some of the benefits of that easing. The question we are
debating related to the yield curve is, given that the easing has already occurred in the form of
the yield curve coming down, what’s the harm in allowing the federal funds rate to stay above
most of the Treasury yield curve?
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For that, my team and I have gone back and looked, as some of you have commented on,
at every inversion we can detect in the postwar period, particularly in the past 50 years. And the
only comment I will make in taking an unscientific look, the only thing I would observe is, even
though every case is different, I don’t see a single example in which, once this has occurred, the
Treasury curve has moved up fully to meet the federal funds rate. In every case I have looked at,
it’s always been the case that the federal funds rate has eventually had to move down. And I say
“eventually,” and I’m particularly thinking about 2006—it took a while for that to happen. And
the reason—now going back and looking, I can see why it takes a while. 2006 is a good
example. Strong current conditions entice observers to dismiss the inversion.
So, given I’m not smart enough to know how the future is going to turn out, my team and
I have come to a few conclusions about what we do have conviction. First of all, having looked
back over the previous periods, I think it’s a mistake to rely heavily on the thought that this time
is different. Second, I am convinced that if the federal funds rate stays above the curve for long
enough so the financial intermediaries cannot borrow short and lend long and make a sufficient
spread, this is eventually going to cause a tightening of financial conditions.
That does not mean that easy financial conditions won’t persist for some number of
months. I think they will. But it’s my judgment that financial conditions will eventually tighten.
And talking extensively, for example, to banks and other institutions in our District, I can see
they are already starting to move, on the margin, more money into the federal funds rate, and
they’re raising the bar for lending. We’ll see if that continues.
Others, and I have joined them, have flagged the worry about excesses in balances in the
economy due to low rates, particularly the growth in the level of corporate debt. I’m very
sympathetic to that concern. However, I believe that the dramatic move down in 5- and 10-year
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rates has already occurred and has already created the incentives for borrowing to finance
mergers and share repurchases. Basically, for lack of a better term, the horse has already left the
barn on that. In fact, I believe that a setting of the federal funds rate that’s too tight may actually
depress the longer end of the curve and increase the incentives for corporate borrowing. In other
words, if we have too tight a setting for the federal funds rate, I believe that has a negative effect
on the level of the 10-year rate. And I think recent corporate bond issuance, which has been
substantial, has been a case in point of that. I think getting the yield curve on a proper slope will
do more, I’m hopeful, to ultimately reduce the incentives for excessive borrowing. But I don’t
think at this stage that the federal funds rate being above the curve or lowering it is going to do
much to increase incentives for borrowing. I think it may work in the opposite direction. We
can discuss that more, and I’m sure we will over dinner.
Lastly, I believe an upwardly sloping curve is not going to happen by the FOMC doing
nothing. If anything, doing nothing, I think, may further invert the curve, which will create
greater impediments to borrowing short and lending long and ultimately lead to a tightening in
financial conditions. I believe it’s going to take action by us to adjust the policy rate. I believe
this action may seem incongruous with current, relatively decent GDP growth in loose financial
conditions, but I believe this action is essential to a forward-looking risk-management approach,
which acknowledges that clear skies right now is not a great forward indicator of conditions 12
to 18 months from now. I believe the yield curve is one forward indicator in the context of weak
global growth and manufacturing weakness, which we should be taking into account as a factor
in our decisionmaking at the FOMC. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor—a two-hander from President Bullard.
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MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. President Kaplan, I just wanted to follow
up on the oil comments. You said that we are taking 5 percent of global oil production off the
market. You also said that you didn’t think the United States would be the marginal producer.
So where is the 5 percent going to come from, according to your analysis, over the next 90 days?
MR. KAPLAN. According to what our contacts are observing, first of all, the Saudis
have some amount in reserve. Second, they are saying publicly that they think they can get most
of this restored in the next 30 days. Until they do, though, I’m very confident you’re not going
to see the shortfall made up by the United States. Even if people pushed the button today, most
of our contacts tell us it would take a good six to eight weeks to be able to ramp up production
more. So we’re just going to have to weather this situation heavily based on observing what
OPEC and Saudi do to rectify this, at least for the next 30 days.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Bowman.
MS. BOWMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I’ll echo what many others have noted
before me—that the data have continued to indicate that the economy remains strong. On labor,
the employment reports released since July suggest that we have continued strength in the labor
market. The unemployment rate has maintained historic low levels. The increases in payroll so
far this year are slower than last year, but the pace of job creation remains healthy and sufficient
to accommodate the growing labor force. There are other positive signs in the employment data:
The unemployment rate for African Americans moved below the low levels recorded before the
past recession, and, in fact, the level in August was the lowest on record. We saw further
increases in entry to the labor force, and the labor force participation rate for individuals aged 25
to 54 is now well above its levels before the previous recession. In addition, the share of workers
employed part time but preferring to work full time is trending down.
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In contrast with previous years, the healthy demand for labor appears to be feeding
through to higher wages. Anecdotally, I have heard reports from several firms in different
sectors and regions that they are expanding bonuses, vacation time, flexible schedules, and other
benefits in an effort to attract, retain, and hire new workers. Yet we’ve not seen those higher
labor costs feeding through to consumer price inflation as they typically have in the past. The
changing relationship between labor market tightness and price inflation continues to be one area
that we continue to watch. The strong labor market is also driving wage gains that are
supporting consumer spending growth. And, other than the recent drop in the Michigan survey
measure of consumer sentiment, at this point, there is little to suggest that the recent economic
uncertainties are having a material effect on consumer attitudes. In all, I remain optimistic that
consumption growth will continue to rise at a healthy pace with a strong labor market.
Recently, there has been further downgrading in the outlook for business investment,
with the weakness centered on manufacturing firms, especially those with higher export shares.
Readings on business optimism both here and abroad have continued to deteriorate, and in the
agriculture sector, the outlook remains guarded. There is still some uncertainty about the effects
unusually wet weather and late planting will have on crop production this year. Earlier in the
year, reduced crop yield expectations pushed up prices for some farm commodities, but more
recently we have seen renewed downward pressure on prices from global oversupply, weak
export demand, and reports of better-than-expected crop yields.
As I have noted during previous meetings, agricultural producers are already facing
intense financial pressures, given the increase in carryover debt from preceding years and higher
input costs. But this carryover debt has continued to rise for many borrowers, and many
producers have been forced to restructure short-term debt on long-term, multiyear repayment
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terms because of cash flow shortages. The sole bright spot is the USDA payments, allowing
some of them to continue to make their loan payments. Even though recent reports on
agricultural trade appear to be more supportive, conditions in the ag sector will remain
challenging, and a longer-term concern is that opportunities to continue exporting farm products
to China have likely diminished, given the emergence of trade replacement routes.
On the price side of our dual mandate, the incoming information is consistent with staff
expectations that weak inflation readings early in the year were transitory and inflation would
pick up in the second half. The staff’s current estimate of the 12-month change in the core PCE
price index in August is now 1.7 percent and is expected to hold through the end of the year.
Given earlier declines in energy prices, headline inflation is tracking slightly lower, though
recent events may affect this.
Despite the recent volatility in financial markets and the uncertainty surrounding trade,
my outlook for the domestic economy has not changed since our July meeting. We’re essentially
meeting our goals of maximum employment and price stability, and this has continued with
support from monetary policy accommodation and our consistent message that we’ll take the
necessary steps to sustain the expansion. The underlying risks to the outlook have continued to
evolve, and, most notably, the outlook for global economic growth appears more fragile than
before. We continue to monitor changes in trade policy, which seem likely to continue. China’s
economic performance has also deteriorated, further complicating the outlook. And, finally,
there are still major risks surrounding developments in the United Kingdom and the likelihood of
a “no-deal” Brexit. And although the effect of these headwinds has been modest to this point,
they will continue to factor into my outlook for U.S. economic performance. Thank you, Mr.
Chair.
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CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President George.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The 10th District economy continues to
expand at a moderate pace, and our business contacts remain generally optimistic about the
outlook. However, a clear dichotomy has emerged between the region’s manufacturing and
service sectors. According to our surveys, manufacturing activity has contracted in each of the
past two months while service-sector activity continues to expand. District employment growth
in recent months was mostly due to increases in service sectors. Our manufacturing contacts,
including those in the aircraft sector, report that they are maintaining current staffing levels but
eliminating overtime. Tight labor market conditions continue to support real wage increases in
consumer spending. Most contacts expect to see similar or higher wage increases in 2020
relative to increases observed in 2019.
Business contacts continue to highlight weaker global demand and tariffs as concerns.
District exports to China are down 20 percent from a year earlier. With regard to trade policy,
our contacts expect trade tensions to persist over the next 6 to 24 months and expect negative
effects from the September round of U.S. tariffs on Chinese imports. Recent reports that
soybeans and pork would be exempt from the step-up in tariffs offer little relief to the ag sector
in the District, where the outlook remains subdued. Crop prices declined notably in the third
quarter based on production estimates, and, as Governor Bowman noted, government payments
are expected to offer notable but temporary support to farm finances.
Finally, oil and gas drilling activity in the region continues to soften, as oil prices moved
lower and remain well below average prices needed to substantially increase activity as reported
in our energy survey. The outlook for this sector is subdued, as growth in petroleum
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consumption is slowing globally, with noted additional downside risks to oil markets and oilproducing regions if China’s economy slows further.
For the national economy, my outlook is relatively unchanged from our July meeting:
Incoming data suggest that the economy is expanding at a moderate pace. While the historical
revisions released in August seem consistent with the view that growth momentum has slowed
over the past year, the most recent data continue to indicate that the economy has been growing
at an above-trend rate in recent years. My SEP submission calls for growth to stabilize near
trend heading into next year and the unemployment rate to remain relatively stable over the next
couple of years. Solid growth in household spending continues to be the primary driver of
overall growth in the economy. Stronger-than-expected spending on durable goods in July,
together with the solid figure on auto sales in August, point to a resilient consumer that remains
willing to spend on big-ticket items despite the ongoing trade situation. Additionally, the
personal savings rate remains stable at a relatively high level and is supportive of consumption
growth.
Tight labor markets continue to underpin consumption growth and bolster my outlook for
consumption. The latest reading from the NFIB survey suggests finding qualified workers is
becoming increasingly difficult. The percent of respondents citing finding qualified workers as
their number one problem hit a 46-year record high in July. As labor markets have tightened, the
momentum in job gains has slowed. Although the economy added, on average, 150,000 jobs per
month over the past six months, which is still comfortably above the threshold needed to keep up
with population growth, I anticipate some deceleration in payrolls during the second half of this
year. This outcome is consistent with my modal outlook, which calls for employment growth to
slow to levels more consistent with the pace of labor force growth by the end of 2020.
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While consumption and employment remain bright spots in the economy, business
investment has weakened alongside deterioration in manufacturing activity and bears close
watching as a harbinger of future economic activity. The ISM manufacturing index fell below
50 last month, driven largely by the decline in the new export orders subcomponent. A weak
global growth outlook, combined with trade policy uncertainty and tariffs, will weigh on
domestic manufacturing and remain a headwind to equipment investment.
Given these global dynamics, my outlook calls for inflation to remain low and stable,
although I see some potential that the latest round of tariffs could generate temporary inflationary
pressure. Since the first round of tariffs went into effect last year, goods prices and the PCE
price index have continued to fall as the dollar has appreciated. However, this latest round of
tariffs is larger in dollar terms and affects goods for which it may be more difficult for
households to find substitutes. That has the potential to push inflation higher, albeit temporarily.
While my modal outlook calls for growth to stabilize near trend heading into next year,
risks around the outlook for real activity and inflation remain tilted to the downside. These risks
include the pending sales tax increase in Japan, the disorderly Brexit, further slowdown in China
or the euro area, and ongoing trade tensions and tariffs. I continue to monitor the data carefully
for signs that these risks either materialize or sufficiently affect business and consumer
confidence so as to undermine the expansion and the Committee’s objectives. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bostic.
MR. BOSTIC. Thank you, Mr. Chair. My outlook is largely unchanged relative to our
July meeting, and my baseline economic projections remain largely intact, little changed from
our June SEP submission. The incoming data continue to point toward an economy that is
currently achieving our dual mandate, and that solid performance is largely reflected in reports
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from my District. Sentiment from Sixth District businesses has remained largely positive on
balance. Contacts continue to report that activity is on track to meet—or, in some cases,
exceed—targets that were expected at the outset of the year. This is particularly true for contacts
in or connected to the domestic retail sector. According to a contact representing one of the
largest outdoor advertising companies in North America, demand is “on fire,” especially in the
Southeast.
In our discussions with contacts, we take special care to ask about firms’ internal data
analytics and assessments of what they have found to be leading indicators of business activity.
Whether driven by hard data or sentiment and experience, we are hearing very few reports of any
expectations regarding a material near-term downshift in household spending. That view is
predicated on continued solid employment performance and ongoing gains in household income.
In this regard, I have yet to detect anywhere some signs that hiring is beginning to deteriorate.
Most firms continue to note tight conditions across most labor market segments.
I’ll recount one notable anecdote. An employment screening company based in Alabama
relayed that their largest account, a national casual dining chain, has removed nearly every
hurdle to employment beyond filling out an application. [Laughter] In particular, this chain has
recently moved to an “apply and start the same day” model [laughter] for many of its positions,
and this does not appear to be an isolated phenomenon. The same employment screening
company also noted that in the trucking and transportation industry, firms are increasingly
running just the required motor vehicle record check rather than a more thorough criminal
background check.
More generally, employers making adjustments to hiring practices, compensation
schemes, and working conditions to cope with challenges in attracting and retaining workers in
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the current environment remains a persistent theme. Consistent with aggregate data, annual
wage increases for District firms remain in the 3 to 4 percent range, and, perhaps in part due to
growing momentum across industries to increase minimum hourly wages to $15 per hour, there
has been a more pronounced pickup in wage growth for lower-skilled positions.
Regarding inflation, trimmed mean measures of underlying inflation—whether they are
PCE or CPI based—have been trending very close to target for some time now. Even through
the first three months of the year when core PCE inflation had softened, the trimmed mean
inflation measures held up near target, which I saw as a signal that the weakness in the core was
likely transitory and driven by idiosyncratic factors. Indeed, the latest data reinforce that
position. Translating August’s CPI and PPI component data into a PCE basis suggests that core
PCE prices will increase at an annualized rate of around 2 percent, bringing its annualized
growth rate over the past five months to 2.2 percent. So I think Julia’s test is in trouble. It does
not look to me that inflation is currently muted relative to our objective. In light of relatively
tight labor market conditions, coupled with an expectation that inflation expectations will remain
anchored at mandate-consistent levels, I continue to expect that underlying inflation will remain
at 2 percent. In this regard, my reading of the situation mirrors that expressed today by
Presidents Mester and Barkin, among others.
One decidedly negative aspect of the current economic picture is businesses’ apparent
lack of appetite for capital investment. Although it is evident, a priori, that slowing global
conditions, trade tensions, and increasing tariffs are contributing factors to the slowdown in
capital spending, there are some potentially mitigating factors to consider. First, as noted by the
staff today, the drag from Boeing’s suspension of the 737 Max shipments appears to be a
significant factor pulling down equipment spending. Excluding aircraft, equipment spending
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expanded 3 percent over the first half of the year instead of the 0.3 percent as indicated by
overall equipment spending in the category.
Second, if we assume that the 2018 tax reform had an effect on capital spending at all,
that effect likely manifested itself in firms pulling forward spending into 2018 that otherwise
would have occurred this year. So the benchmark baseline is a more difficult level.
And, third, while trade policy tensions and tariffs are providing a drag, it is one that I
would still characterize as modest. Our survey data suggest that tariffs have subtracted about
3.2 percent from private-sector investment spending over the first half of the year, and if this
drag persisted for the entire year, it would amount to just $90 billion off a nominal $2.9 trillion
of private-sector investment spending. More broadly, with regard to tariffs, most survey
respondents and contacts indicated that trade policy has not directly resulted in forecast revisions
or a significant downshift in 2019 activity.
Let me close by making a final point. While businesses still appear to be forging ahead
on current investment projects and hiring plans, I do get the sense that many of my contacts are
preparing for the proverbial shoe to drop. Myriad uncertainties, ranging from escalating trade
conflicts to a disorderly Brexit to volatility in financial markets to the unfair prospects of what
the upcoming election cycle will bring, are weighing on the collective psyche of firms in my
District.
This cycle, there were an increasing number of reports of firms engaging in contingency
planning and attempting to gird themselves against these downside risks. Along lines very
similar to what President Daly reported, plan B’s are getting much closer to companies’ desks
and activation. This is especially true with regard to escalating trade tensions, where firms are
spending a substantial amount of resources on tariff mitigation, including contingency planning,
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supply chain reconfiguration, onshoring of some operations, stockpiling inventories, and
frontlining activity. The downside of this redistribution of activity is that it employs resources
that could have otherwise been engaged in productive activities. But contingency planning
arguably leads firms to becoming more resilient if any of these uncertainties become a reality.
To sum up, I’ve left my baseline projections intact and continue to see economic
performance as hitting our mandates. I do see the risks as modestly tilted toward the downside in
the face of a multitude of uncertainties. I leave for tomorrow an explanation of how this modest
tilt informs my view of the appropriate stance of policy, so stay tuned. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. A two-hander. Vice Chair Williams.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. I’ve got to ask Stacey, because there’s been a lot of
discussion about how to read the inflation data. What you said and what you presented was that
when converting the August CPI and PPI data into August PCE that you’re expecting PCE
inflation to actually be lower than you had previously—
MS. TEVLIN. Right. Well, the change would be 1.7 percent. That’s what we—
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Right. So it’s actually—
MS. TEVLIN. A downward revision.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. A downward revision, in terms of both that month and also
your view on the 12-month change for December. Okay. It seems to me that the change in the
information is actually a little bit lower inflation, not higher inflation, from a 12-month picture.
MS. TEVLIN. It sounded like Atlanta had a different translation, and that maybe we
could talk a little bit—
MR. BOSTIC. Yes. I think it’s unclear what the right answer is, and we should confirm
what our methodologies are and come to an agreement on what the appropriate outcome is.
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VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. I just wanted to make sure I understood that we were talking
about the same thing.
MR. BOSTIC. Yes.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Okay.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Quarles.
MR. QUARLES. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Like President Bostic and, I think, most of my
compatriots of the “map tribe” [laughter]—Vice Chair Williams is wondering where the flags
are—my near-term outlook remains about unchanged since the SEP in June. I will note, as an
aside, that at the break, a colleague, who shall be nameless, pulled me aside to observe that,
given the discussion of Latin America, it appeared that a consequence of my long period of work
with Joe Gruber seemed to be that my indefatigable and unreasoning optimism seemed to be
rubbing off on Joe—a development that this person viewed with some alarm. [Laughter] In any
event, I continue to see reasonably robust growth this year—only a gradual deceleration going
forward. I am encouraged by the continued strength of consumption and a labor market that,
while easing up a bit, remains very solid. I continue to expect inflation to slowly pick up over
the next few years. It’s not going to deviate meaningfully from target.
All that said, I do see, like, I think, everyone here, an increasingly fragile outlook. Risks
and uncertainty seem especially elevated surrounding both trade policy and geopolitical
developments—this weekend’s disruptions to oil supplies. More fundamentally, I also see
reasons to temper my optimism regarding the long-term outlook. In particular, I have been
discouraged by the weakness of business fixed investment. As I’ve said in previous meetings,
my relatively robust outlook for potential growth reflected a basic belief that the investment
slump that had characterized 2015 and 2016 had been broken, that tax cuts and wise regulatory
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changes would revitalize capital accumulation and growth. And in 2017 and 2018, I was
encouraged as investment did, in fact, pick up. But the recent data suggest that this momentum
has stalled, although I am very interested in the comments that President Bostic made about how
one might look at that. Nonetheless, I think the prima facie interpretation of the data is that
investment is slowing not just in the United States, but globally. And, with a weaker pace of
capital accumulation, I have nudged down—it pains me to say it—both my estimates for
potential growth and the longer-run interest rate. Not as low as some.
VICE CHAIRMAN WILLIAMS. Would you repeat that, just for— [Laughter]
MR. QUARLES. Though I remain on the high side of the Committee, I am not quite as
high as I had been. [Laughter] I do think that a significant portion of the falloff in investment is
related to increased uncertainty about the direction of U.S. trade policy. As Joe discussed in the
international briefing, trade policy uncertainty is elevated. That is likely to be weighing
significantly, I think, on growth and investment, which is consistent with the anecdotal reports
from many Districts. When you look through the quantification, it seems as though the tariffs
have worked to buffer and mitigate the boost that might have been expected from the tax cuts in
2017—almost quantitatively exactly. Although the staff forecast is conditioned on no further
tariff increases, like President Bullard, even I think that that will prove to be endearingly
optimistic. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kashkari.
MR. KASHKARI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you, Governor Quarles, for
taking it easy on me. Although I know you’ve brought props now—you’re just upping your
game. [Laughter]
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Starting with the Ninth District economy, I would characterize it as stable. Our contacts
report more chatter about recession but see little evidence of one in their own businesses: Most
businesses report continuing plans to hire. There are continued complaints about skilled labor
shortages but with no evidence of faster wage growth. I came across one company that said they
had 75 open positions, and I said, “Well, if you’re not going to pay more, why stop at 75? Why
not make it 500?” It’s like fishing with empty bait on your line—just put out more postings.
Residential construction is strong, but the slowdown in manufacturing is becoming more
widespread, and the agricultural sector continues to be weak.
Regarding the national economy, as others have noted, core inflation remains below
target, with 12-month core PCE inflation at 1.6 percent. You know, it is very tempting for me to
look at many different measures, but I try to force myself to be consistent and look at the same
measure, and I am focused on 12-month core PCE inflation. Market-based inflation expectations
have slipped notably since July. The straight five-year, five-year from the TIPS is down about
20 basis points. Market-based probabilities, based on option prices that we compute in
Minneapolis, indicate the risk of inflation falling below 1 percent is about 10 times larger than
the risk of inflation exceeding 3 percent. So I think the skew is clearly to the downside. And, as
others have noted, the Tealbook now forecasts core PCE inflation at 1.8 percent over the entire
forecast horizon, and this forecast is predicated on no recession. Obviously, with our discussions
about frameworks, if there were a downturn and we did hit the lower bound on the policy rate,
we would expect inflation to fall lower from there.
With respect to the real side of the economy, as others have said, we continue to see a
mix of strong consumption growth and very weak investment. The weak investment is driven by
declining export demand and, in part, rising uncertainty over tariffs and the general outlook.
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Manufacturing PMIs declined below 50. Weak investment is especially striking in the context of
very low borrowing costs. Firms are either highly uncertain or just plain pessimistic about the
outlook.
Now, weak investment has been hard to reconcile with the strong payroll growth. But as
we talked about earlier, it seems like the payroll growth has not been as strong as we thought it
was. Preliminary estimates suggested that job gains have been running about 40,000 per month
lower than we thought, which, to me, is a big adjustment. And payroll growth appears to be
slowing. After the annual revisions, job gains average around 190,000 in 2018 and 150,000
more recently, and the Tealbook is forecasting only 120,000 for the later half of this year. That,
to me, is a notable slowdown. I know the ranges of estimates, what we need to keep up with
population growth, is between 80,000 and 120,000 a month.
So, at the high end, if the staff is right, the basic labor market is not going to be tightening
at the end of this year. It is just going to be treading water—which, to me, is a notable
deceleration from a few years ago. And this slowdown, in my mind, does not seem to be
because we have reached maximum employment. I would expect wage growth to be picking up,
and we are not seeing wage growth picking up. To me, it more likely reflects an underlying
slowing of economic activity that is consistent with the slow business investment. You know,
businesses are nervous, and they are going to be nervous about investing and nervous about
hiring. Those two stories, at least, seem to hang together. So it seems like momentum has
slowed in the U.S. economy.
For the global economy, as others have noted, risks to the outlook from weak global
growth and trade uncertainty are high and rising. The Tealbook has revised down the foreign
economic outlook yet again. Chinese exports and imports have declined year on year. The
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German and U.K. economies shrank in Q2, with little progress on Brexit. Foreign central banks
are loosening monetary policy, and the OECD composite leading indicators continue to decline.
The uncertainty around trade frictions remains the largest domestic risk to the outlook, and sharp
declines in long-term rates since July mean the yield curve is now flashing more red than yellow.
I share my colleagues’ concerns about the yield curve. I said publicly that I think this time is
different—they’re the most dangerous words in economics. I continue to believe that.
In terms of the current policy stance, is it expansionary or contractionary? Obviously,
there is great uncertainty around both the current and long-run neutral interest rates. But if we
just look at where yields are pricing today, with the five-year TIPS currently yielding less than
25 basis points, if we assume a 25 basis point neutral real rate and inflation of 1.6 percent, which
indicates a neutral nominal rate of 1.85 percent, compared with the effective federal funds rate of
2.1 percent—or a little higher than that today, I guess—that tells me that policy is a little bit
contractionary today. Another way to look at that is, look at the slope of the yield curve. The
fact that it’s inverted out to five years yields the same conclusion. Monetary policy is likely
somewhat contractionary, and I don’t think the economic fundamentals warrant contractionary
policy. So, in sum, inflation remains below target. It seems likely to remain below target for the
foreseeable future. The global economy is weak, with a lot of downside risk. Current policy
seems to be mildly contractionary, and I don’t think that’s appropriate. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Vice Chair Williams.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. The economic expansion is showing
signs of slowing in the face of intensifying global headwinds. Real GDP growth has shifted
down to about its trend rate, and job growth, although still solid, is clearly decelerating as well.
And I would like to echo the remarks of President Kashkari about how much it is slowing toward
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trend, given the revisions to past data and what we’ve seen recently. The song remains the same.
Faltering global growth, accompanied by trade and geopolitical uncertainties, increasingly weigh
on manufacturing, investment, and exports, while consumer spending continues to be buoyant.
The strength of consumer spending has caused me to dig into that a little bit deeper, and I think
one piece of information that is relevant here is, there seems to be a surge in spending on home
furnishings and home improvement in the Hudson Valley of New York. [Laughter] I’m
concerned that this might just be that this surge is temporary, but my interlocutor in the District
says, “No, this is going to go on for a long time.” [Laughter]
Inflationary pressures remain muted despite the various crosscurrents and dramatic
swings in news headlines and markets. My projection, like many others, has not changed much
from the one that I submitted in June. For the record, I am SEP participant number three. So
this unchanged economic outlook obscures a darkening of the economic landscape that did lead
me to write down a somewhat more accommodative path for policy. Business fixed investment
and exports are in decline. Manufacturing production has been contracting through most of the
year, and the latest ISM manufacturing index indicates that conditions are unlikely to improve
over the near term. In fact, seen through the lens of the New York Fed’s nowcast, the negative
surprises in the ISM manufacturing index for July and August translate into a sizable drag on
third-quarter GDP growth. The nowcast currently stands at 1.6 percent. Together, these
developments suggest that slowing global growth and uncertainties related to trade and
geopolitical risks are already taking a toll on the sectors of the domestic economy that were most
exposed in international trade. And the question going forward is, how will the divergence
between robust consumption and a strong service sector on the one hand and weak investment in
manufacturing on the other be resolved?
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The good outcome in which these uncertainties are resolved in a relatively benign manner
seems increasingly unlikely, whether from Brexit, trade policy tensions, unrest in Hong Kong,
the debt crisis in Argentina, or the recent attacks on Saudi Arabia. In fact, you know you are in
trouble when the one sliver of good news comes from Italian politics.
The developments in financial markets reinforce this view. Even with last week’s
rebound, Treasury yields have fallen quite a bit, leading to a further flattening of the yield
curve—a pattern that has occurred for sovereign yields in many economies. Financial market
contacts point to downside risks to global growth, escalating trade policy tensions, and
disappointing global data as the primary drivers behind the declines. In this regard, the memo on
the out-of-sample recession forecasting performance of various yield curve models is sobering.
And I would point to page 8 of the memo, which looks at the recession probabilities of some of
the best forecasting models. So this is the probability of the U.S. economy transitioning to a
recession over the next 12 months. The probabilities based on these models generally range
from 60 to 80 percent.
Now, like Presidents Kaplan and Kashkari, I agree with what they said. We all can come
up with numerous reasonable reasons to dismiss these warnings in the hope that this time is
different—I think you both said something to that effect—but it would be imprudent to totally
disregard the signal that markets are sending of the potential for a recession.
Regarding inflation, recent data have been broadly in line with my expectations, and
that’s good news relative to the disappointing data that we saw in previous months. But I expect
core PCE inflation to come in only around 1.7 percent for the year as a whole—consistent with
the Tealbook or the latest forecast from Board staff—and then to rise to our objective over the
next two years.
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The one ongoing concern is the decline in a number of measures of inflation
expectations. The staff revisited the question of whether inflation expectations remain anchored
and what conditions would cause them to become unmoored, and they were using data from the
New York Fed’s Survey of Consumer Expectations, the SCE. The good news is, the mediumrun inflation expectations appear to have become better anchored in recent years. This is seen in
a trend decline in the cross-sectional dispersion of three-year-ahead inflation expectations, along
with a narrowing of uncertainty about future inflation that’s reported in the survey. A more
cautionary tale from this analysis is that the anchoring of long-run inflation expectations may be
vulnerable to a persistent decline in inflation.
In July we fielded a special module of the SCE in order to elicit the sensitivity of
participants’ longer-run inflation expectations to different situations. In particular, participants
were asked how they would modify their five-year-ahead expectations of inflation based on the
following statement: What if, in each of the past three years, inflation had been lower or higher
than it actually was by 1 percent per year? Now, a clear pattern emerged. First, about 40 percent
of the respondents did not change their longer-run inflation expectations at all. So we’ve got
40 percent of people convinced of the rock-solid anchor. That’s progress. But for the other
60 percent, there’s still some work to be done. When asked about three years of 1 percentage
point lower inflation in the past, respondents lowered their inflation expectations 0.4 percentage
point, on average, overall. That’s quite a sizable change in your long-run view of the inflation
forecast based on three years of data.
Interestingly, the response to higher past inflation was less than half as large in
magnitude, suggesting a sizable asymmetry in the sensitivity of longer-run inflation expectations
today. And we found corresponding results when we asked if inflation were persistently lower
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or higher for a whole decade. So my “takeaway” from this evidence is, we cannot take wellanchored inflation expectations as a given. FOMCs over the past 40 years have worked tirelessly
to anchor expectations, which has contributed to better economic outcomes, especially during
downturns. Sustained deviations from our inflation goal risk undoing that important
accomplishment to the detriment of our long-run economic health. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Thanks for a great round of comments. A whole lot has
happened since we last met. Trade tensions have repeatedly boiled over only to return to a
simmer. Geopolitical tensions have risen and fallen around Brexit, Hong Kong, Argentina, and
Italy and have now flared in the Mideast. Markets have swung from complacency to panic and
back.
A lot has happened, but how much has really changed? Our challenge, as always, is to
look through the volatility to identify and react to underlying trends and forces that are likely to
affect our ability to achieve our dual mandate. While trade and geopolitical drama have been
grabbing the headlines and moving financial markets, the hard macrodata have shown a less
dramatic, but probably more consequential, erosion in the global outlook and, as I will discuss,
some reason for concern in the United States.
Global growth has continued to weaken, especially in Europe and China. Data revisions
here in the United States reveal that growth of GDP and payroll employment was slower than
had been reported in real time. In the United States, consumer spending is keeping the economy
moving forward despite growing weakness in manufacturing, cap-ex, and exports; and inflation
remains stubbornly below target.
And while the labor market is clearly still in a strong position, I admit to being concerned
about recent developments. If you take onboard the 500,000 job downward adjustment in
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payroll employment, as Governor Brainard did, you get 191,000 jobs per month in 2018, down
from 223,000, which is still a solid performance. More concerningly, though, if you back out
that adjustment for the first quarter of this year and then assume a 15,000 per month carryforward adjustment, you get payrolls this year down close to 130,000.
Job creation has slowed more than expected, and I guess it’s still a bit above breakeven
levels. And we’ve, of course, been expecting a decline to trend, as eventually must happen, I just
wasn’t expecting it to arrive so suddenly after years of defying predictions. Moreover, most of
our wage and compensation measures show a bit slower growth this year than last year. Job
openings have moved off their highs.
In sum, the labor market has not been as strong as was thought, and, for the first time in
many years, there’s decent evidence that it’s no longer tightening. Now, this has happened
before: We’ve had job growth, I guess, in the first half of 2016 that dropped quite low—150,000
or in that range. And I understand it can also be about supply, because you’ve had an awful lot
of job creation for a long time. I guess I would just say that it’s a moment that calls for
vigilance. None of this is probably surprising in the 11th year of an expansion, but it just, to me,
calls for heightened vigilance.
With regard to inflation, core PCE inflation has come in slightly softer than expected,
with a 1.7 percent baseline for this year, as Stacey just discussed, down from 1.9 percent. As
wage growth weakens, upward pressure on inflation will also weaken, and inflation expectations
remain low. The staff’s downward revision to their estimate of the natural rate of unemployment
and upward revision to structural productivity makes sense to me, though I believe that the
natural rate is even lower. Most of us have revised down our estimates of u* in recent months,
and that could help account for the evidence we’re seeing of weaker upward pressure on wages
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and prices. And in the staff baseline, we don’t see inflation getting up to 2 percent at any time
during the forecast through 2022.
None of that is to deny that the economy is still in a good place. There’s no question
about that. But the margins to absorb demand or supply shocks or a tightening of financial
conditions have narrowed. We now see an economy growing at about its trend rate. The labor
market may no longer be tightening. The forecast suggests that the odds that we never really
reach symmetric 2 percent inflation during this cycle are increasing, and it would take no more
than a modest further weakening in the jobs market to slow the main—perhaps only—engine that
sustains this expansion, which is consumer spending. Moreover, that’s the baseline.
Downside risks abound. Global growth could continue to weaken. The trade working
parties appear to be trying to put together some sort of interim agreement that would address
concerns, lower temperatures, and leave other concerns to continued negotiation. I personally
think such an agreement might do a good deal to calm worries and improve sentiment around the
world, but we don’t know whether that’s coming or not. If they do reach an agreement, we don’t
know whether it will meet approval at the highest levels. If not, the process could easily swing
back to recriminations and belligerence, and if that happens, I suspect it would be a significant
blow to confidence and, ultimately, to the economy. In the meantime, I would say that trade
policy uncertainty is weighing on the economic outlook.
Much of the volatility in the financial markets seems to relate to developments regarding
trade and global growth, and I’m not taking much signal from the round-trip behavior of longterm sovereign yields except to note that portions of the yield curve remain inverted. And
however much weight each of us individually might put on an inverted yield curve, I would
guess that we could agree—I would certainly agree that it’s not a comfortable place to stay for an
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extended period. When I put all that together, the inflation and employment outlooks have
slipped a bit since July. Downside global risks have increased a bit. I see the case for moving at
this meeting as solid and as having strengthened since July.
Looking ahead, and absent major changes in the outlook, I have written down another
rate cut by the end of the year—although I don’t have a strong conviction on that at all—and I
see a flat path from there forward through 2020. I realize that rate cuts, like any policy action or
inaction, come with risks. Persistently lower rates could increase financial stability
vulnerabilities. To me, given the low leverage, low funding risk, and low maturity
transformation in the financial system, I don’t at this time consider these risks to be large enough
to preclude easing. The possibility of higher inflation, of course, is actually more of a benefit
than a risk, as it would mean a faster return of inflation to target.
Finally, there is significant uncertainty about where the neutral rate is right now. Many
of us have marked down our estimates this year, and policy is probably less accommodative than
we had thought. In light of the asymmetric risks associated with the proximity of the effective
lower bound, risk-management concerns, to me, suggest acting as though r* is at the lower end
of the range of plausible values.
As for communications tomorrow, if the policy decision goes as seems likely, I plan to
emphasize in the press conference that the Committee is effecting an adjustment of policy to a
somewhat more accommodative stance. I will say that we are not on a preset course. I will say
that if the economy turns down sharply, we would, of course, respond aggressively, but that is
not what we see or intend, based on the current situation. I look forward to hearing your views
on policy tomorrow. Thank you. And with that, I propose we turn to Thomas Laubach for the
policy briefing.
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MR. LAUBACH. 7 Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Fortunately, a lot of the things
that I am going to mention in my briefing have already shown up in one way or
another during your go-round, so I hope it will be relatively easy.
I will be referring to the handout “Material for the Briefing on Monetary Policy
Alternatives.” As Stacey discussed in her briefing, the spending and labor market
data we received over the intermeeting period have been consistent with an outlook in
which real GDP growth slows to its estimated trend rate of around 1¾ percent, while
payroll gains move down over time to a pace closer in line with unchanged resource
utilization. As shown in the upper-left panel, the continued strength of the expansion
rests increasingly on household spending. All three draft alternatives note that
business fixed investment and exports have weakened. The four-quarter growth rates,
the black and blue lines, peaked about a year ago and have declined substantially
since. As a result, overall growth in real GDP has slowed considerably from a year
earlier. Similarly, the unemployment rate, the black line in the panel to the right, has
flattened out over the past year, and the three-month moving average of payroll gains,
the solid green line, has stepped down notably since the start of the year.
The deceleration to date is broadly in line with your own expectations: Your
median projection of 2019 real GDP growth has been steady since March at a little
above 2 percent, and you expect the unemployment rate to flatten out near its current
level. But there are a number of risks that, if realized, might cause a sharper
deceleration, and both the staff and most of you see risks to the outlook for economic
activity as tilted to the downside. In addition, although most of you project core
inflation to edge up to 1.9 percent or higher by the end of next year, presumably a
weaker labor market would jeopardize this outlook. A key question for your policy
decision and communications tomorrow is, therefore, which path for policy would
best sustain the expansion so that inflation returns to 2 percent and the job market
remains strong? And in light of the downside risks that many of you have discussed,
the answer will likely involve a degree of risk-management considerations.
A while ago, the staff reported on work suggesting that nonfinancial data help
predict business cycle turning points over horizons of a few months, but that at a
12-month horizon, financial variables such as yield curve spreads and the excess bond
premium—a measure of the willingness of investors to bear credit risk—had greater
predictive power. Recent staff analysis by Tyler Pike and Francisco Vazquez-Grande
has revisited the predictive performance of a number of recession models, focusing
on the real-time tradeoff between obtaining a higher signal when a recession is, in
fact, coming but keeping low the rate of false positives. As it turns out, a model that
uses both a yield spread and the excess bond premium is among the best-performing
models on this criterion and outperforms a model that uses only a yield spread. The
middle-left panel shows the excess bond premium as well as the long-term spread,
defined as the spread between the 10-year and 3-month Treasury yield. As you know,
the yield spread has been in negative territory for most of the time since late May and
took a rather dramatic round trip over the intermeeting period. By contrast, the
7
The materials used by Mr. Laubach are appended to this transcript (appendix 7).
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excess bond premium—which tends to increase before the onset of recessions—has
remained low.
The middle-right panel shows the probability of the economy being in recession
sometime over the next 12 months based on either a model that uses information only
from the long-term spread, the blue line, or from the long-term spread and the excess
bond premium, the red line. I should note that models replacing the long-term spread
with the near-term forward spread, popularized by our Board colleagues Eric
Engstrom and Steve Sharpe, do, if anything, marginally better. If these series look
somewhat more jagged than you are used to seeing, this is because they are out-ofsample estimates: At each point in time, the model is estimated based only on data up
to that point, and it does not use information from later historical observations. The
latest probability estimates are based on the yield spread as of last Friday and on the
excess bond premium, which we can calculate monthly, as of August. The yield
spread–only model indicates a probability of recession over the next 12 months that is
quite elevated, about 60 percent. By contrast, adding information from the excess
bond premium reduces the odds of recession to about one-third, though these odds are
notably higher than earlier in the year.
The lower-left panel provides another perspective on why the yield spread, taken
in isolation, may currently overstate the likelihood of recession. For each of the three
most recent yield curve inversions, the light blue bars show the cumulative change in
the 10-year yield over the 12 months before the first time of inversion, the what I will
call “blue bars,” for lack of a more refined vocabulary, show the change in the 3month yield over the same 12 months, and the navy bars the change in the yield
spread, which is the difference between the first two bars. As shown by the blue bars,
the previous two inversions were preceded by larger increases in the 3-month yield,
suggesting that more monetary tightening was winding its way through the economy
around the time when the inversion occurred. This contrasts with the current
inversion, which was largely set in train by a decline in the long end of the yield
curve. The work by Eric Engstrom and Steve Sharpe suggests that the long-horizon
forward rates embedded in long-term yields have less predictive power for business
cycle turning points than the near-term forward rates. Hence, as far as recession
signals are concerned, one could argue that not all inversions are created equal.
As discussed in the lower right, the alternatives in front of you balance, in
different ways, the still solid growth and strong labor market, on the one hand, and an
incrementally weaker foreign outlook, muted inflation pressures, and elevated risks of
a sharper slowing of the economy, on the other. Alternative B views another modest
adjustment to the funds rate as appropriate to balance the risks around a continued
positive outlook for growth and a return of inflation to 2 percent. It notes the
remaining uncertainties and preserves a posture of watchful waiting. At the same
time, by retaining the “contemplates” language and, more generally, by making few
changes to the July statement, alternative B does not convey a sense of heightened
concern about rising recession risks.
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Alternative C expresses fewer concerns about low inflation and risks to real
activity by omitting the references to global developments and muted inflation
pressures and consequently views that maintaining the current target range is leaving
the positive outlook intact. That said, alternative C likewise notes the remaining
uncertainties and retains the “monitoring” and “act as appropriate” language.
Alternative A, by contrast, reduces the target range 50 basis points to mitigate the risk
that inflation may fail to reach 2 percent on a sustained basis. Alternative A also
signals in subtle ways a greater readiness to take further action by dropping the
“contemplates” language and conveying greater concern about downside risks.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. That completes my prepared remarks. The July statement
and the draft alternatives and implementation notes are shown on pages 2 to 11 of the
handout. I will be happy to take any questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Thanks very much. Questions for Thomas? President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am looking at the middle panel, right
side. I just want to make sure I have the message correct here: The blue line uses just the spread
variable, and the red line uses the spread variable plus the excess bond premium. You said that
the red line is better than the blue line—is this correct?
MR. LAUBACH. Correct.
MR. BULLARD. But I’m following this picture, and it surely doesn’t look like it. I
mean, there are false positives from the red line, including at the end of the 2007–09 recession,
where it predicts that you’ll stay in recession, which isn’t what happened. And you get the false
positive in 2004 and possibly the false positive in 2016, whereas the blue line correctly presages
the recession and is about at the level today that it would be before a recession.
MR. LAUBACH. One thing that works against the blue line is that it was declining
pretty rapidly ahead of the onset of the 2008 recession. So, by this criterion that, you know—
MR. BULLARD. But the goal is to be high 12 months ahead, right?
MR. LAUABACH. That’s right.
MR. BULLARD. Okay.
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MR. LAUBACH. But it fails to signal that toward the end of the recession, the economy
will still be in recession, whereas the blue line sends a signal that there is going to be no more
recession. So that’s basically how the criterion works.
MR. BULLARD. That would be whether you want the criterion to be “I want to signal
the onset of a recession” or “I want to signal the continuation of the recession.”
MR. LAUBACH. Yes, the criterion is whether you are in recession any time during the
next 12 months. And it’s right that if you switch that criterion, if you only ask “in 12 months”
and not “what happens in between today and the next 12 months,” that can change the results. I
don’t have results right now on that. But, in general, in the earlier work that I referred to that we
sent to you in early 2016, that, too, suggested that if you ask the question “in 12 months,” for
example, by Bayesian selection criteria, you also end up with the yield spread and EBP as doing
very well.
CHAIR POWELL. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. If you look back at the previous periods, frequently, the yield curve
inversion was, the short rate was going up rapidly because monetary policy was tightening, not
that the long rate was coming down. Do you think that these results would hold up if you
conditioned for the stance of monetary policy? If you looked at r minus r*, right now we already
have, arguably, an accommodative monetary policy, while in almost each of the previous
examples, it was a period where we were trying to slow down inflation, so r minus r* was
actually quite positive. Do you think these results adequately condition for the stance of
monetary policy? And do you think the stance of monetary policy at this time is similar to those
other instances?
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MR. LAUBACH. That is what the lower-left panel is trying to get a little bit at, in an
admittedly very simplistic way. Because that does suggest that there was a larger increase in the
3-month yield ahead over the 12 months prior to the inversion than in the most recent episode
where the increase in the 3-month yield was actually relatively small. So that’s giving you the
direction. Now, I confess, although I think r* estimates are obviously crucial [laughter], one
would have to be pretty cautious about not using too much ex post information in computing the
real rate gaps. You would really want to do that very cleanly in a way such that you don’t endow
your r* estimates with knowledge of what comes later. But I think one can do that, and I haven’t
done that yet.
MR. KAPLAN. Can I just comment on that?
CHAIR POWELL. President Kaplan.
MR. KAPLAN. Because we’re struggling—we’ve been talking about this same thing.
And we didn’t have this study, but—and the thing that complicated this whole situation about,
did it come from the front end or from the back end, is the fiscal stimulus, meaning, as we look
back, I guess our thesis would be that the fiscal stimulus that passed in the fall of ’17 in our
estimation—and I was guilty of this too—caused me to be more optimistic about the neutral rate.
It caused me to be more aggressive about the stance of policy.
As we look back on past inversions, I struggle to find a situation where you had a
temporary—I don’t know, how would you call it—temporary fiscal stimulus that has waned now
into ’19. And maybe the thesis is—and it’s hard to find a similar situation—maybe we
overtightened, influenced by that fiscal stimulus.
Now the Treasury yield curve has moved down much like it was before the fiscal
stimulus, similar to ’16. And that’s why you’ve heard me say as we look at the setting of the
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federal funds rate, I think ’16 for us may be a more relevant year to look at than ’17 and ’18,
because you had this fiscal stimulus that has since waned. I don’t know if that’s a valid
argument, but that’s the way we’ve been thinking about it to try to fit this together. It’s the fiscal
stimulus, I think, that complicated our job in ’17 and certainly in ’18.
CHAIR POWELL. President Kashkari.
MR. KASHKARI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. On the same topic, on the same chart—
the bottom left, the yield curve inversions—I’m just curious. Why did you look at a 12-month
horizon? Because when I think about the flattening of the yield curve of the past few years, there
has actually been a lot of tightening, and a lot of the flattening has taken place concurrent with
the tightening of the Committee. It’s true that in the past 12 months there hasn’t been much
tightening, but if you pick this window over the past three years, the bars might look very
different. I’m just curious, is there a science behind why you picked a 12-month window for the
snapshot?
MR. LAUBACH. I confess, there wasn’t very much science behind that. It was because
I was working essentially off this problem that we try to solve in the middle-right panel—
namely, to try to predict over the next 12 months—
MR. KASHKARI. I see.
MR. LAUBACH. —so that was what was drawing me to what was in greater proximity.
MR. KASHKARI. But then, I guess—because one of the points that I’ve heard Eric
make, and he made it just now, is, a lot of the flattening is on the back end. I don’t think that’s
correct. I think a lot of the flattening has actually been on the front end, as the Committee has
raised rates over the past three years. It’s true that in the past few months, the big change has
been on the back end. But, in my view, a lot of the flattening has already come in because of us.
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CHAIR POWELL. Further questions or comments? [No response] Seeing none, thanks
very much. A reception will begin immediately downstairs. We start tomorrow morning at 9:00.
Thank you.
[Meeting recessed]
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September 18 Session
CHAIR POWELL. Good morning, everyone. Let’s go right into the policy go-round,
beginning with Governor Clarida. Sorry—Governor Brainard.
MS. BRAINARD. Can we just get an update on the repo operations this morning?
CHAIR POWELL. I’m sorry. I apologize. Yes.
MS. BRAINARD. We haven’t heard much about this. It seems pretty important.
CHAIR POWELL. I apologize. That was what I meant to do. Over to you, Lorie.
MS. LOGAN. 8 Thank you, Mr. Chair. I’ll be referring to the “Material for
Briefing on Morning Briefing, September 18, 2019.”
This morning, the effective federal funds rate—which reflects Tuesday’s activity
in the federal funds market—“printed” at 2.3 percent, above the top of the target
range. The SOFR “printed” at 5.25 percent, as shown in panel 1.
Similarly to Monday, the distribution of trades in both the federal funds market
and repo markets was widely dispersed and had a notable right tail. The 75th and
99th percentiles of trades underlying the effective federal funds rate were 2.5 percent
and 4 percent, respectively, according to preliminary data that we’re showing here.
The 75th and 99th percentiles of activity underlying the SOFR were 5.85 percent and
9 percent. These distributions can be seen in panels 2 and 3.
Most repo is traded early in the morning, so much of yesterday’s SOFR activity
reflected trading conditions before our operation. Federal funds volumes occur more
evenly throughout the day, and therefore our operations had more influence on that
rate. Rates in the Eurodollar market, which reflect some trades even later in the day,
suggested softer conditions in the afternoon, and the 1st percentile of Eurodollar data
suggested there was some unsecured trading below 2 percent late in the day.
The announcement at 4 p.m. yesterday that the Desk would undertake another
temporary open market operation this morning appeared to ease conditions further.
The average spread between the SOFR and the effective federal funds rate, an
indication of secured funding pressures implied by futures over the month of
September, narrowed discretely by 4 basis points following the announcement.
Today, money market conditions eased somewhat, although money market rates
continue to remain elevated. Federal funds are currently trading at roughly between
2.25 and 2.5 percent, and interdealer general collateral repo rates are trading around
3 percent. Our contacts are reporting better liquidity and higher trading volumes this
8
The materials used by Ms. Logan are appended to this transcript (appendix 8).
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morning in the federal funds market, which has historically coincided with softening
in the effective federal funds rate.
In accordance with the FOMC Directive, the Desk performed a repo operation
again this morning, as announced. The temporary open market operation had the
same parameters as yesterday’s operation but occurred much earlier, at 8:15, and
closed at 8:30 this morning.
Primary dealers placed $81 billion of propositions, and $75 billion of propositions
were awarded. $52 billion in Treasury collateral was accepted at a weighted-average
rate of 2.25 percent, so that weighted-average rate was within the target range. These
operation rates are considerably lower than yesterday’s rates—which may be another
positive sign.
We’ll continue to monitor conditions in money markets today. The Desk will
conduct additional open market operations as needed to help maintain the federal
funds rate within the target range. Although we expect conditions to soften as the
payment shocks related to the tax date subside, it may take a couple of days for that to
occur. Our expectation is that funding conditions may become strained again as
September quarter-end approaches, and it seems possible that we would have to
conduct temporary open market operations around this date as well.
In this context, the staff assesses that a 5 basis point technical adjustment to
interest on required reserves and interest on excess reserves may be appropriate at this
time. If the Board were to take this action, it would bring the IOER rate to 20 basis
points below the top of the target range and 5 basis points above the bottom of the
range.
Since Monday, market expectations of a technical adjustment at this meeting have
increased, though some dispersion in views remains among market participants on the
likelihood of this option versus other policy options, such as temporary open market
operations or permanent open market operations, to begin to grow the portfolio in line
with Federal Reserve liabilities. Some view a technical adjustment as a complement
to the open market operations that we’ve been doing.
I would note that the immediate effect from a technical adjustment may be
relatively small, given the volatile trading conditions and short-term money market
rates that we’ve seen this week. Nevertheless, as with the previous technical
adjustments, it would further support trading in the federal funds market within the
target range by providing more space for the effective federal funds rate to trade
above the IOER rate but still within the range as reserves continue to decline in
coming weeks.
I should also note that a technical adjustment would reduce the spread between
the IOER rate and the overnight RRP offering rate to 5 basis points. The Committee
could consider today where to set the overnight RRP offer rate relative to the federal
funds target range in order to mitigate the potential for substantial usage in the
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facility. For example, in reducing the IOER rate by 5 basis points, the Committee
could today reduce the overnight RRP offer rate such that a 10 basis point spread is
maintained below the Board’s intended setting of the IOER rate. In view of the firm
level of repo and other money market trading, we do not anticipate that the narrower
spread would notably increase usage in the facility at this time. However, doing so
may lower the risk that rates will fall such that incentives shift and unsecured
volumes decline. Doing so may also simplify today’s communications.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. That concludes our prepared remarks, and I’d be happy to
take any questions.
CHAIR POWELL. Thanks, Lorie. Any questions or comments? Governor Brainard.
MS. BRAINARD. I think the fact of tax payments and Treasury security issuance—
these were things that we knew or that were knowable. To what do you attribute the turmoil in
this market? Why have the moves been so outsized, and why didn’t we have a better sense of it
coming into this moment?
MS. LOGAN. I think we did expect rates to firm with the payments, much like we saw
in April when we had those tax payments, but we certainly didn’t expect them to trade like this.
And our expectations were similar to those of market participants.
I think the key issue is the distribution of reserves, as we’ve talked about. What we saw
yesterday was that some of the institutions that do have excess reserves above what they’ve
reported as their minimum comfortable levels didn’t increase their lending in repo even at these
higher rates. So it’s possible that they’re just going to be more conservative on particular days
than what they report to us about their behavior. And that distribution of activity turned out to be
quite disruptive in money markets.
Additionally, as you know, the Treasury is issuing significantly more debt, and the
liquidity that may be required for that debt to be distributed on the settlement dates may be
higher. We were seeing small stresses of these payment flow days and the settlement dates a
year ago or two years ago, so it’s possible that the additional liquidity that was in the system then
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was providing just enough liquidity for these distributional issues. But it’s also possible that
these conditions have changed and it’s not related to the overall level of reserves—it’s just
related to the size of the settlement that we’re seeing in the Treasury securities market. And I
think we’re just going to have to see how conditions evolve in the next few days, as well as how
conditions evolve in the latter part of September, to get a better read on which one of those
stories is more applicable.
CHAIR POWELL. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Lorie, could you just give us a sense of, if
we had a repo facility to complement the reverse repo facility, would that solve this problem, or
would we still have the same kind of volatility?
MS. LOGAN. I think we learned yesterday from the operation that we did that the
counterparties that we have do intermediate. Some of the counterparties that we saw come to the
operation most likely did not need the liquidity themselves—they onlent that liquidity. I suspect
that if there had been a repo facility, that would have provided a lot of comfort at that rate, and
that we would have seen the usage come and some of that liquidity would have been
redistributed into the system. Whether it would have prevented the full volatility, I can’t say. I
don’t think we know. But I do think that the liquidity that we did provide through this type of
operation was very supportive to the market.
CHAIR POWELL. President Kaplan.
MR. KAPLAN. I’ll defer. I see John has got his hand up, but I’ll defer to John and
others. But I would just say, from a 100,000-foot point of view, I would rather the Fed be seen
as not reacting to this but making arrangements that preempt this volatility to the extent we can,
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because I think it may prove to be, if it continues, a distraction and maybe even undermine our
credibility.
I don’t want to throw out a solution. Jim just threw out one about a standing repo facility.
Maybe there are others that are more appropriate. I don’t want to prejudge matters. It may
mean, over the horizon or even now, that our balance sheet, I think it’s sort of suggesting to me,
is too small. And, certainly, market commentators have suggested that. But I think, from a
stance point of view, this is an area in which, unless there’s some cost to doing it, I’d rather be
preemptive: preempt this volatility, rather than react to it.
CHAIR POWELL. Vice Chair Williams.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Yes. I think that’s a really good way to frame the issue. I
mean, getting back to President Bullard’s questioning, this question—If we had a standing
facility in place, how would that change market dynamics?—is one that, obviously, we’re
thinking through. But also, we’re learning from the experience of doing these temporary open
market operations. The first one kind of came in, in reaction, but the one that we did today was
announced the day before. Basically, it was fully subscribed at $75 billion.
Over the next few days, I think we’re going to get a little bit better view of—with the Fed
in there, basically doing something that’s kind of like a standing facility—how we’re
performing; we’re going to learn about two things that are important. One is, how do the repo
rates behave under these circumstances? You know, there’s this huge distribution of repo rates
and funds rates. So we talk a lot about the median or the weighted average of things, but there’s
just a lot of—as you see in these pictures, a distribution. So we’re going to learn about that.
We’re also going to learn about how that passes through to the funds rate itself. I do
think that, over the next few days and in just two weeks, we’re going to get more information
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about the market dynamics not only in terms of how it comes out of the shock, but also in terms
of how our facilities—and, assuming we do change the rate on interest on reserves, how that
affects things. But with that information and with that analysis, I do think that we will need to
come back next month to, really, these basic questions. The really basic question is, what’s the
right level of reserves to successfully implement an ample-reserves regime in the way that the
Committee decided? And then, what are the actions that we, as a Committee, need to take in
terms of organically growing our balance sheet, as we talked about, or getting to this right point?
There has been a lot of market commentary—that is, for people who’ve been saying that
we shrunk the balance sheet too much, they’re saying, “Told you so.” For sure, that’s out there.
But I think we in the Fed have also been studying this very carefully. I think it would serve us
well in the longer term to double down on the analysis and the market outreach, understanding
what’s going on out there and then having a very informed discussion about, I think, the last
stage of the normalization—which is really, what’s the right level of reserves, and how do we
grow that?
We are learning. As these events have unfolded, I think market participants were
completely caught off-guard. We have been learning through that. So I think, at least from my
perspective, this is going to be a relatively short period of intense study, assessment, and
evaluation that should lead the Committee to figure out what are the last stages of the
normalization.
If anything, from my perspective—and others have different views on this, I’m sure—I
think we want to get to the right level of reserves, consistent with the framework that we all
agreed on, rather than setting up a system where we think that we’re going to be having these
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facilities, whether temporary open market operations or a standing facility, being the main tools
to keep the rates low. So that’s my personal view on that.
CHAIR POWELL. Governor Brainard.
MS. BRAINARD. Yes. I think that the framework that President Kaplan set out is a
useful one. While I support the technical fix today, I’d much rather be in a framework that looks
structurally sound. And in that regard, I’m just wondering whether having some emphasis on the
message, “we’re looking at sort of resuming organic growth of the balance sheet soon,” in the
press conference today—how you think that might affect market perceptions and whether that
would be a stabilizing force.
MS. LOGAN. My own perception on the basis of the commentary is that there will be
some expectation that the Committee is closely monitoring the situation, has taken note, and may
be seeing some signs that suggest that that level is getting closer. I think that’s the expectation
that I’ve heard regarding the press conference today.
CHAIR POWELL. Yes. Let me just say—this is really echoing what has already been
said—we’ve adopted an abundant-reserves system, and we’ve said that means that we use our
administered rates, and that will minimize this kind of thing, in terms of using open market
operations, temporary open market operations, or, for that matter, a standing repo facility.
Really, the tool here is to have the level of reserves right, so that we don’t have to do that. That’s
sort of the definition of what an abundant-reserves regime is.
I don’t plan to be shy about noting today that we’re learning about what the appropriate
level of reserves is, and it may be lower than—we’ve done all of this work. I’ll talk about all of
the work we’ve done—the surveys of market participants and such—and then say, “But we’ll be
very carefully monitoring this situation and developments as we go forward, and we have a clear
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sense of where we want to get.” And I’ll also talk about, it may well mean that the balance sheet
needs to begin to grow sooner than we had thought. I’m planning to be very candid about that.
But the thing is, I think we have to go through this and probably go through what we
learn at the end of September. If that means we need to start increasing the balance sheet, that’s
what we’re going to do, because this is the regime we’ve said we were going to have, and we’re
going to use it. We’re not going to be sitting here doing months and months of temporary open
market operations. That’s not the regime we said we were going to adopt. President Kashkari.
MR. KASHKARI. I have a quick question. I’m curious: How do you “size” the
$75 billion? And does the fact that it was fully subscribed mean that it was not big enough?
MS. ZOBEL. There were $80 billion of propositions today, so I would say it was
roughly in the range. I think yesterday we were thinking about what the day-over-day changes
were in typical repo volumes, and we were sizing it that way. It was a learning exercise. We
took rough metrics of what we know—how the repo market trades and behaves—and we “sized”
the operation that way. I think we came in a little bit later in the trading session yesterday, so it
was undersubscribed even though rates were elevated yesterday. This morning, coming in early
in the trading session and seeing those results, I think we got it about the right level.
MR. KASHKARI. And is the expectation that you’ll need to do this again tomorrow?
MS. ZOBEL. I think we’re going to see how conditions evolve today and make that
decision. I don’t think we’ve had the benefit of seeing how repo markets are trading after the
operation.
MS. LOGAN. Once we make that assessment in the next couple of hours, we would plan
to announce today just to confirm to the market so they know first thing, coming in, that we
would be there.
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CHAIR POWELL. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you. A question, I think, in line with all of the good commentary
here—the way to sort of craft it is, do we think that this is a normal-sized incident that we might
be dealing with, almost like a cost of doing business for us as we probe for what the efficient
level of the size of the balance sheet is? Or is it outsized relative to what we might experience?
I think that might be a kind of question that you might get as you do the “We’re studying this—
we’re looking at this.” And it’s like, “Well, was this a big one, or was this a small one?”
MS. ZOBEL. I think market participants, as Vice Chair Williams said, got caught offguard yesterday. So I would presume that, in some sense, they’re going to learn a little bit about
how to approach these dates. Nonetheless, I think we will be assessing this as we go forward,
seeing what the underlying causes were, and bringing an assessment back to you about where
this fits intowhat we might expect going forward. I think the tax payment dates are frequent—
and quarter-ends and the types of circumstances under which we see these pressures. So whereas
yesterday’s move was probably greater than one might expect, because people were a little bit
caught off-guard and maybe a little bit—
MR. EVANS. Rusty.
MS. ZOBEL. —trading at higher rates, I think we probably would expect some pressure
on those dates, and it’s just the degree. This degree, I’m not sure.
MR. EVANS. I think the way John and the Chair described it, about how we’re going to
be studying this and probing, is exactly right. It’s just the way that the questions might come
about, that’s all. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. But, to be clear, the overall message is that this is not going to be a
regular part of our world. This is something that happens as we’re feeling for the level of
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reserves. So if it’s happening frequently, that means that we don’t have the level of reserves
right—ultimately, it will mean that. But we have to analyze the situation and not overreact
today. President George.
MS. GEORGE. On that point about the communication around this, I think this is the
right approach—the studying and the learning. I think, in the context of some of the concerns
about where the economy is, what the risks are to the economy, and the actions we’re taking, to
me, that just puts a different context around—I wouldn’t want to be overly confident and say,
“Yes, we’ve got this all figured out.” On the other hand, I think the message will be harder. If
we were in normal times—if this had been last year—we probably could have said, “Yes, we’ve
got a lot of learning we can bump around.” And you understand this better than I do, but I think,
in the context of watching how the media are circling today on the question, “What does it
mean?” and saying, “They haven’t done this since the crisis”—
CHAIR POWELL. We’re sort of reacting in real time here, but what I wrote down this
morning to say about that is, this is an important matter about market functioning. But this is
really us using our tools to foster federal funds trading within the range that the Committee has
set, and it doesn’t have implications for the broader economy. This is not something that will
affect our performance in pursuing the dual mandate. So I’ll try not to downplay the market
participants’ concern, but say that, for the broader audience, this is not really about the stance of
monetary policy—the journalists are trying to make that connection. Really, there is no
connection. We’re trying to find the right way to say that. President Mester.
MS. MESTER. I guess I agree with what’s been said, but I think we have to think about,
what if we have to keep going into the market every day, right? Because we want to get to the
quarter-end to do it. So it may be more difficult to kind of have the waiting game. I think we
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have to think a little further out about how to frame this, just because we don’t know whether
we’re going to be going in every day until the end of the month. And I guess I have some
concern that we’ll lose the narrative and someone else will take over the narrative for us, like this
morning: They were talking about how we can’t keep the funds rate in the target, and I worry a
little bit about that.
CHAIR POWELL. Well, we will keep at it. We can’t promise we’ll do it every day, but
we will use our tools if we have to in order to keep the funds rate in the target. I mean, restarting
the balance sheet is not something that will solve this problem right away. It doesn’t move that
quickly. The level of purchases is just not big enough—it would take some time. I think the
message today is going to be one that preserves a lot of flexibility, doesn’t overpromise, calmly
states that we’re looking carefully at this, and tries to give that sense.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Can I come back to the IOER?
CHAIR POWELL. Please—yes.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. There are multiple issues that we’re trying to resolve here. I
completely agree with President Mester. We need to be multitasking as we assess and evaluate
those decision-tree kinds of elements that we need to be thinking through on these issues.
You know, abstracting for the moment, taking a deep, cleansing breath, if I can, over the
past few days, and thinking about the underlying dynamic, we’ve seen, as the amount of reserves
has come down, the funds rate trades a little bit higher relative to the IOER rate. That’s been
consistent with our analysis and our models, as I think I said yesterday. I do think that, given
that that dynamic is going to be likely to evolve through the rest of the year, based on our own
forecast, giving that little bit of extra room and having the IOER rate a little lower in the range
will give us—it’s a little bit of a preemptive action. I don’t think we necessarily need to do it
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immediately, based on where the funds rate was trading last week, but it does provide us with
some more cushion. We’re going to, I think, need it anyway because I think the funds rate will
be trending up relative to the IOER rate later in this year, depending on other factors. So I feel,
from a risk-management point of view—and also saying we’re on the job—that having the
interest on reserves rates lower in the range is helpful.
I also think that there are advantages to lowering the overnight reverse repo rate kind of
in parallel. The concern we have is—and we talked about this, I think, in May when we did the
previous technical adjustment, right?—as the IOER and ON RRP rates get closer and closer, that
could potentially lead market participants to move away from holding reserves into holding
balances in the ON RRP facility, which is kind of a big shift over there. That’s a risk that we’ve
discussed, which I think would have negative implications for much trading that goes on in
Eurodollars and federal funds. So I think there is some advantage in lowering the overnight
reverse repo rate.
I also think it’s a little bit easier story to tell if we just say we’re doing a technical
adjustment, moving these two administered rates lower in order to foster conditions that keep the
funds rate in the target range. It isn’t a strategy designed or a move designed to deal with the
spikes as much but just to get the underlying conditions right. So I think there are some benefits
to that.
I also think, as I think Lorie said, these are complementary tools that address different
aspects of the firming that we’re seeing in the funds rate. Again, I would just say, these are
interventions to raise the probability that we keep the funds rate well within the range over the
next few months. I do think these bigger issues that many have already brought up—about the
right level of reserves and the growth in reserves over time—are the ones that we’re really going
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to tackle this longer-run issue. But to get to the long run, we need to get through the short run.
So having things positioned as well as possible, I think, will manage some of those risks then.
CHAIR POWELL. Okay. Thank you very much. If there are no further comments or
questions, why don’t we move, then, now to our policy go-round, beginning with Governor
Clarida.
MR. CLARIDA. Thank you, Chair Powell. I support alternative B as written and the
policy decision to lower the federal funds rate target range by 25 basis points as well as the
decision to lower the IOER rate and the reverse repurchase rate.
I note that in this statement, we continue to acknowledge that “measures of inflation
compensation remain low” and continue in the statement to state that “survey-based measures”
are little changed.” This is technically correct, but it does obscure the fact that both of these
indicators are at historically low levels. If these measures of expected inflation were consistent
with our target before the crisis, then they’re not consistent with our target now.
I also support in the statement the reference to the empirical fact that exports have
weakened on a year-over-year basis. They are contracting, and, in fact, as the chart in the pack
showed yesterday, it’s actually unusual outside recessions to have contraction in demand
originating from abroad.
We also recently received data that the ISM index, a venerable indicator of the economy
going back 50-plus years, has now fallen below 50—obviously not indicative of anything in
itself, but noted here at least. Of course, the U.S. consumer remains the engine of growth in the
economy, but the slowdown in global growth and trade, as well as pervasive global
disinflationary pressures, are beginning to affect the trajectory of U.S. activity. And, as I noted
yesterday, one of the reasons why the staff projection is for core PCE inflation to remain below 2
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percent, even though they see cyclical upward pressure, is global disinflationary pressure on
import prices.
In regard to the way forward for monetary policy, I’d like to make two points. Building
on my outlook remarks yesterday, I note that the median SEP number for u* remains at 4.2
percent, and five participants, including me, project a long-run u* of 4 percent or lower. If,
indeed, u* is 4 percent or lower—and, of course, I think this is consistent with the wage data and
recent research by Crump, Giannoni, and others—then the output gap is smaller than we think,
which means that upward pressure on the output gap will be less than we think, which in turn
means that, if anything, the staff estimate that core PCE inflation remains at 1.8 percent may be
too optimistic. To me, this is a persuasive argument, along with market signals from TIPS and
the yield curve slope, that our current policy is too tight.
Second, I would like to discuss briefly the way that I think about monetary policy
alternatives in response to a fall in economic activity that could be attributed in part to trade
policy. Here I believe it is important to distinguish between trade policy actions that have been
taken, as opposed to trade policy uncertainty about possible future actions. Trade policy actions,
such as tariffs that are in place for a long time, potentially affect both aggregate demand and
aggregate supply via disruptions to global supply chains. And recent empirical research from the
IMF does support this logic. It finds, in a large panel of countries over recent decades, that with
a lag of several years, a sustained rise in tariffs does lower real GDP and, ultimately,
productivity, but this has to be sustained over a number of years.
To the extent that trade policy actions reduce long-run U.S. aggregate supply, the fall in
potential output is not something that monetary policy should try to offset. If inflation
expectations are well anchored, I think a central bank can and should be willing to “look
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through” price-level increases arising from new tariffs but not try to maintain GDP at a level
inconsistent with potentially lower potential output. Let me be clear: I don’t think that’s the
case now. But, theoretically, that is the case.
Trade policy uncertainty, on the other hand, or trade policy actions that do not reduce
potential output reduce aggregate demand via lower investment and reduced purchasing power.
These are shocks that monetary policy can and, I believe, should offset, just as it would endeavor
to counter a fall in aggregate demand arising from any other source. Although we have not seen
this yet, were we to see a material rise in unemployment that we might attribute in part to trade
policy uncertainty, our dual-mandate obligation of maximum employment would not vanish
simply because unemployment rises in response in part to uncertainty about trade policy. Thus
far, neither we, as a Committee, nor the staff is marking down our view of potential growth or
maximum employment. Nor, for that matter, are we projecting that current or anticipated trade
policy will push inflation above our target or compromise our price-stability mandate.
Finally, in practice, if not in textbooks, fluctuations in aggregate demand are caused by
multiple and shifting sources that are difficult to disentangle statistically even after the fact, let
alone in real time. Governor Brainard and I recently attended an OECD meeting, and the
discussion among global central bankers and finance officials was quite telling. There was, to be
sure, discussion of the adverse effect of trade policy uncertainty on the outlook. But other
factors were also mentioned prominently as contributing to the global slowdown, including
Brexit uncertainty, weakness in emerging market economies, and a slowdown in China due to a
rebalancing of the economy and the lagged effects of past restrictions on private-sector credit
growth.
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The state of our knowledge and time-series econometrics is simply incapable of telling us
with any precision how much of any fall in demand is due to any particular source. And I think
we need to bear that in mind. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Chair Powell. I support alternative C at this meeting.
If the statement made it clear that we would need to see more evidence in the data of an
economic downturn before easing further, I might have been supportive of alt-B at this meeting.
However, with language that is nearly identical to July’s, which led to the near-certain
expectation of an additional reduction in interest rates at this meeting, I fear that the language in
this statement will lead markets to similarly price in another cut in October or December with
near certainty.
With today’s reduction in the funds rate, we are now noticeably below where we judge
the federal funds rate to be in the long run. Monetary policy and fiscal policy are already
accommodative. I do not see credit being restricted—quite the opposite. Reducing rates at the
peak of the cycle has more undesirable financial stability features because it encourages more
risk-taking. In a recession, we need to push back against credit contraction, but that is not a
problem now.
With this sequence of easings, I also have communication concerns. Labor markets
remain tight. The soft inflation numbers seem to have been temporary. It is not clear where the
easing cycle would end. It is unlikely that tariffs go away anytime soon, and many of the
geopolitical risks seem far from a resolution. Do we keep easing as long as risks are elevated?
Another way of putting this is, if these actions are about buying insurance, how much insurance
do we need, and at what point do the premiums become too expensive? It seems as if we’re
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paying a lot for risks that appear to have only modest effects to date on the economy and the
economic outlook. So I hope that we do not continue easing for as long as these risks remain
elevated. I would much prefer to express a bias toward easing and then to react strongly if it
becomes clear that these risks will materialize.
We have a trade policy that is distorting trading relationships and supply chain
management. The solution to that problem is not to distort monetary policy unless the trade
distortions significantly affect our primary focuses of inflation, unemployment, and real GDP.
Just as tariffs have side effects, so does very accommodative monetary policy. I do not
think, at this stage of the business cycle, we should be encouraging more risk-taking by further
reducing rates. Lowering the price of credit will almost surely expand the quantity of credit and
will likely reduce the quality of credit, particularly while economic conditions remain benign.
The risks that we all see warrant a bias toward easing, not a preemptive sequence of rate
cuts that push real short-term interest rates into negative territory. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I didn’t sleep well last night, and I had a
dream. And in the dream, I confronted the “WWBYD,” which is What Would Brigham Young
Do? [Laughter] The prophet offered three alternatives, but they were labeled in a way that I
couldn’t understand. [Laughter] I didn’t know what the different letters were, so I couldn’t quite
make it out. But I think the prophet was telling me to support alternative A. So, therefore, I am
going to support alternative A for today.
Alternative A, as you know, does contain a 50 basis point reduction in the policy rate. In
my opinion, this would better center the policy rate on what I think is the desired value, given
what I see as substantial intermeeting developments. I view the intermeeting bond market
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volatility as more seriously pricing in the possible consequences of what is now likely to be a
protracted global trade war, with little or no leadership pushing in the direction of trade
liberalization. The Chinese side will likely want to wait for the 2020 U.S. election outcome
before agreeing to any trade arrangements. Unfortunately for them and maybe for all of us, I do
not think the election will change anything with respect to trade issues, because, as I said
yesterday, I think it’s really bipartisan agreement on ending the consensus on the United States
being the leader and pushing for free trade globally.
Most other nations are more mercantilist in nature, so, accordingly, I think the right way
to interpret the situation is that trade uncertainty will likely be a feature of the macroeconomic
landscape over the medium term—that is, several years into the future and possibly beyond that.
This is likely to continue to disrupt global business investment and lead to slower growth than
would otherwise occur. The attendant global slowdown may feed back to the United States in
important ways.
Bond market repricing has been swift during the intermeeting period and has left this
Committee out of position with respect to the policy rate. The policy rate today is higher than
nearly all sovereign yields in the G-7.
We are reducing the policy rate today if the Committee adopts alternative B, but, in my
opinion, not far enough and in conjunction with a Summary of Economic Projections that
suggests only weak appetite for further policy rate reductions. This might leave the yield curve
inverted over a longer period.
I do view the Committee as taking out insurance, both at this meeting and at the previous
meeting, against meaningful downside risks. I think an important consideration is that we can
take rate cuts back later should we view these risks as having subsided. The Committee did
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behave in this manner during 1995 and ’96 and again in 1998. I think the 1998 example is
particularly apt in this circumstance. You had disturbances overseas that we wanted to guard
against, but, eventually, we took those rate cuts back.
In both the ’95 and the ’98 cases, the Committee successfully lowered rates, mitigated
risk, and subsequently increased rates. My SEP path does pencil in a baseline that mimics this
pattern, with two rate increases over the forecast horizon as current downside risks fade.
To those who argue we are meeting our dual mandate today, I generally agree, but I also
think we are at substantial risk of not meeting our mandate over the forecast horizon should a
recession develop. In that case, our current low unemployment rate will rise sharply, and, in
addition, inflation will fall further below target. At that point, should we allow it to develop, we
will not be meeting our mandate, and it would likely be a long time before we could meet it, and
our tools will be limited.
Recession probabilities, according to many models, are high. I think we should take the
signal from these at face value. I don’t see any reason to play them down in the current
environment.
With inflation by our preferred measure running below target, there’s little to gain from a
tighter-than-necessary stance, given current conditions. I also take some signal from President
Kashkari’s comments concerning probabilities of inflation outcomes based on options pricing
that suggest that the probability that inflation will be less than 1 percent is much greater than the
probability that inflation will be greater than 3 percent in coming years. This suggests that the
big risk over the forecast horizon for this Committee is that we unwittingly allow the United
States to fall into an outcome that looks like the situation in Japan and Europe today. We should
be especially aggressive now to avoid that outcome in the years ahead.
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Core PCE inflation, our preferred measure, is below target, but I don’t think it is enough
to simply argue that it will return to target or to 1.8 percent, as the Tealbook has it, in the next
couple of years. The framework discussion yesterday highlighted the fact that we would prefer
to run inflation above target, perhaps 2 to 2½ percent, when the economy is not in recession in
order to meet our inflation target, on average, over a long time frame—that is, over the entire
cycle.
So, in summary, I support alternative A for today. As general advice to the Committee, I
suggest that we move the policy rate where we want to go and go there, and suggest that we’ll
watch the incoming information from there. With alternative B, I think markets will, as in June,
price in another rate cut with high probability. If that’s what’s going to happen, then I think
we’re better off simply making the 50-basis-point cut today and maintaining flexibility to take it
back in the future if downside risks do not develop or fade away.
On the question of the federal funds rate and where it’s trading, my preference would be
that the Chair would state during the press conference that we are at least studying the possibility
of a repo facility. In my mind, if we had a repo facility, we would meet an international standard
for how these kinds of things are done. I think we would eliminate the liquidity scrambles like
the ones we’ve seen in recent days. I don’t think we’d have to say anything more than that we’re
looking at it, but I think this would calm the current situation.
If we hint that we are thinking about restarting balance sheet growth, I think that will be
taken as a cue that we’re restarting quantitative easing. I’m not sure the Committee is ready to
send that signal. I’m also not sure that merely allowing the balance sheet to grow would actually
mitigate these types of situations all that well. As we just heard, the traders more or less were
caught off-guard on a particular day because of a confluence of events. That could still happen
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even if the balance sheet was somewhat larger than it is today. So I think the way to control this
and really take it off the table—President Kaplan was saying, put something in place that will
just take this issue off the table—that would be the repo facility, in my view. Thank you, Mr.
Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Harker.
MR. HARKER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support alternative C at this meeting. Most
economic forecasts show an economy growing at or above its trend rate because of solid
consumption growth, which continues to be supported by strong personal income growth, a
dynamic labor market, and accommodative financial conditions. Now, although I have concerns
over the persistent undershooting of our inflation target, we do seem to be making slow—again,
slow—headway, and I share the staff’s view that inflation is moving toward target.
I am cognizant of the increase in downside risks posed by a weakening global economy
and by uncertainty over trade policy. But with the exception of investment, important effects
have yet to materialize on the U.S. economy or on forecasts of its likely trajectory. And, in view
of the increased uncertainty, investment is unlikely to rebound with another 25 basis point cut.
That is, I simply do not believe the rate cut or cuts we’re contemplating today and in the near
future will have any meaningful effect on business investment. So, for example, in the survey of
the National Federation of Independent Business, a group of small companies that are sensitive
to rates, they stated that only 3 percent of their member firms said that their need for capital was
inadequate—3 percent. Larger firms also expressed little to no concern with respect to access to
capital.
So, in this situation, lower rates will not significantly increase business investment.
Coupling this fact with the supply chain reorganization information I mentioned yesterday in my
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economic outlook, wherein very few firms are considering moving production back to the United
States, I simply do not see how cutting short-term rates will demonstrably increase business
investment in this country. Rather, my contacts clearly indicate that they want to see where the
dust settles on trade policy and other policies before ramping up capital expenditures. As well,
the price effects of the trade war have had a larger effect on the price of investment goods. If
firms believe that these effects are temporary, they will delay investment decisions and wait for
more favorable prices in the future.
There are also compelling economic reasons for keeping our policy powder dry, because
there could be costs of preemptively taking out insurance against the possibility of a future bad
shock. If the shock arrives in the near future, the effectiveness of further cuts in boosting
demand may be impaired.
The logic is straightforward and works off the idea that a drop in rates—say, deposit and
borrowing rates—encourages households that were expecting to make a lumpy purchase in the
near future, such as a car or a house, to make that purchase now. But once these households
have done so, the stock of households who can be induced to bring their purchases forward in
time is depleted, and it takes time for that stock to build up again. Thus, the next rate cut will be
less effective in boosting aggregate demand if it follows the first cut too closely in time. On top
of that, if the next rate cut occurs when incomes are falling, the stock of potential adjusters could
be further depleted, and the rate cuts will be even less effective.
Now, I admit that there is a possibility that the current rate cuts may lower the probability
of negative demand shocks and, hence, help avoid the scenario I just outlined. However, given
the strength in current consumption, there is little reason, in my mind, to think that we are about
to witness a downturn in demand. And the insurance policy is not likely to have a material effect
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on investment in the current climate of uncertainty. Therefore, the insurance policy that we’re
purchasing may, in the end, not provide any insurance at all but merely damp the effects of
policy reactions to future shocks, while reducing the room for future policy adjustments.
If we were to see meaningful weakening in the labor market or on the part of the
consumer, I would favor a very aggressive easing. But the policy contemplated in alternative B
is not likely to have any appreciable effect, and it is also difficult to communicate as a systematic
response consistent with past actions.
I worry that alternative B is putting us on a glide path of continuing increases in
accommodation, with little communication of what we would need to witness before rates are
deemed low enough. I am uneasy with the lack of a clear narrative. Without one in place, others
will and are supplying it. That could risk an eventual disconnect between the Committee and
markets. And I am hearing an increasing concern among my contacts and directors regarding the
FOMC’s underlying strategy, with many expressing, simply, confusion and frustration. Thus, a
clear communication of the Committee’s path of our policy stance at this time is absolutely
critical. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. President Mester.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support no change in the federal funds rate at
this meeting. This is based on my assessment of incoming economic information, my outlook,
and the risks to the outlook.
The economy continues to perform well along a number of dimensions. Although trade
policy, tariffs, and uncertainty have weakened business investment and manufacturing activity,
this weakness has been offset by strong consumer spending, and, overall, the economy continues
to expand at its strong pace. Labor market conditions remain strong, and wages continue to grow
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and are supportive of continued solid consumer spending. Recent inflation readings are largely
consistent with inflation gradually moving back to 2 percent over time.
No doubt there are salient risks to the outlook. If these risks manifest themselves and we
find that the weakness in business investment is spilling over into hiring and into consumer
spending or if we see evidence of a deterioration in inflation expectations, I would support our
acting—and acting decisively. But, until we see that evidence, I prefer not to add to the risks by
cutting rates again in an economy that is still performing well.
A main source of the weakness in the business sector is uncertainty about trade policy,
not restrained access to credit. Corporate debt levels are already at high levels, and firms are not
reporting that access to credit is a problem.
The main short-run effect of a rate cut would be to raise asset prices, posing a potential
risk. The effect on the real economy would come from a signal that a rate cut would provide
about the future path of our policy rate. In light of the already low level of our funds rate, I
would prefer to preserve that signal until it’s needed and then act decisively.
I don’t feel that our communications over the intermeeting period have given us the
optionality that we craved coming into this meeting. The markets are placing 100 percent odds
on our cutting the funds rate today and very high odds on another rate cut by the end of the year.
There’s little change in our statement language from the July meeting, when we last cut, and the
Committee plans to cut again at this meeting. It’s hard to see how this statement creates any
optionality for us going into the October meeting. The lack of a change in language reinforces
the expectations for further cuts consistent with market expectations. Even under the revised
SEP median path, the policy rate path expected by market participants is still easier than what the
Committee currently sees as appropriate.
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So it’s difficult to see how this ends well. If we take no steps to influence market
expectations via our communications, at some point, our actions will have to disappoint the
markets. Or if, instead, we put very high value on not disappointing the markets because of the
potential disruption that would cause, we will be compelled to ratify market expectations and
take actions that we don’t view as necessarily appropriate, given our outlook.
We can avoid this situation by using our communications to help bring market
expectations into alignment. Perhaps the Chair can use his press conference to clarify things and
convey that the Committee may be biased toward easing, given the risks, but our future decisions
are going to be very dependent on how the economy evolves from here and whether we see the
weakness in the business sector spreading to labor markets and the consumer sector. This is
going to be a challenge, and, rather than placing this communications burden solely on the Chair,
I would have preferred that the statement do some of the work—perhaps by articulating the risks
to our forecast and bringing back a version of the “balance of risks” language. Thank you,
Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support alternative B as written. I support
lowering the IOER rate as suggested and also the overnight RRP rate. As best we can, I think we
should get the focus on the reduction in the target rate this round.
The downside risks to growth arising from international developments appear to have
intensified and are spilling over more noticeably into business confidence and spending plans.
With regard to inflation, the recent readings on consumer prices have been good news,
but the further deterioration in inflation breakevens just heighten my already strong concern
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about the headwinds from low inflation expectations. We still have a ways to go to achieve our
symmetric 2 percent objective, so I am on board for a rate cut today.
Beyond the current decision, I recalibrated my SEP funds rate assumptions this round.
After a move today, my policy rate path is flat through late 2021 at the range of 1¾ to 2 percent.
This is the same assumption I had in June, but I’ve slowed the subsequent funds rate increases by
having only one 25 basis point hike in each of 2021 and 2022. This puts the funds rate in the
range of 2¼ to 2½ percent at the end of 2022. That’s 50 basis points below what I would have
written down if we’d been forecasting out that far in June.
The change reflects some reconsideration of r* on my part. We haven’t moved our view
of long-run nominal r*, which is still 2¾ percent, but important headwinds, especially
uncertainty over the rules of the game regarding international trade and weak growth abroad, are
pushing short-run r* below its long-run level. We recognized these headwinds in June, but we
now think they are somewhat stronger and will be longer lived than we assumed back then. This
view is supported by our DSGE model in Chicago, which estimates current short-run nominal r*
is quite low and will still be under 2½ percent at the end of the projection period. Some
decompositions of the yield curve also suggest that the real short-term rates will be low for quite
a while.
In light of this r* reassessment, we had to move our baseline funds rate path to maintain a
modestly accommodative policy stance and generate overshooting of our inflation target within
the forecast window. This overshooting has been a design feature of our projection for some
time, which, as I’m sure you all know by now, is something I feel we must do in firmly
establishing the credibility of our symmetric 2 percent inflation objective.
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I also see this as a risk-management move. Our uncertainty about short-run r* is very
large, but a lower-for-longer rate path is consistent with managing against the asymmetric risks
between policy being overly restrictive rather than overly accommodative. Overly
accommodative policy would lead to inflation picking up more quickly than we expect, but in
that case, we would then simply achieve our inflation objective sooner, and the Committee could
then use its usual policy tools to manage the economy. Overly restrictive policy could produce
risks to the expansion. It would also further cement below-target inflation trends, making it even
harder to achieve our symmetric 2 percent objective, and bring the effective lower bound closer
into play.
Tealbook B spelled out this risk-management argument quite well in making the case for
alt-B this round, and it seems to me that this rationale will be an important factor in our policy
thinking for some time. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Barkin.
MR. BARKIN. Thank you, Mr. Chair. At my core, I remain convinced that the economy
is healthy. Growth is good, labor markets are tight, and inflation is firming toward our target. In
a bubble, I would keep rates steady. However, the environment feels like it’s interfering with my
calm life within the bubble. The risks are clearly elevated versus our July meeting. The markets
are sending a strong message, one we’ve not pushed back on. In that context, it’s clear to me
that holding rates steady would be a significant negative event, and, with the economy possibly
at a razor’s edge, that event could put us in the center in a way I feel would be unwise.
When reasonable people disagree, as we are doing today, I find it helpful to step back and
try to calibrate myself. I clearly share the view of many that the risks are tilted to the downside
and that the cost of a couple of cuts that I might not have chosen is probably low. Where I think
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I may differ from some, on reflection, is the weight, as President Harker also said, that I place on
the risk of moving too low too quickly. I fear that our logic on inflation or on risk management
will inevitably lead markets to pressure us to go ever lower, as they have over the past six weeks
and as President Bullard foreshadowed. I see nothing in the statement that works to limit this
downward progression, and I believe taking rates back up will be more difficult than our
forecasts suggest, meaning we spend ammunition we may want later.
In the late ’90s, just for context, we did take rates up, but when we did that, real GDP
growth was more than 4 percent. In the ’90s, we used to communicate two messages: rates and
tilt. While not my preference, like President Rosengren, I could get comfortable on this rate
decision if we had a message that flattened the outlook to one that’s more balanced. One idea is
to let the statement do that work—say, by changing “this action” to “this adjustment” or another
phrase that you might prefer more—or to do so in the press conference, and the median SEP may
offer a reference point that helps that.
My board meeting was interesting. I made the case to them that I just made to you and
asked for their support for a 25 basis point reduction paired with a flatter trajectory. Kartik is
here, and he will attest that I was extremely compelling. [Laughter] After reassuring themselves
that my ego could accept rejection, they voted unanimously to hold.
This raises for me the question of how we best communicate. They do not believe
monetary policy tools are effective stimulus, given that business hesitation is being driven by
uncertainty and labor market tightness. They, too, fear a race to the bottom and would have us
conserve our ammunition. They believe further reduction sends a negative confidence signal.
They would like us to take a stand against what they perceive as bullying by the markets.
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One final comment—on the phrase “sustain the expansion.” I know we’ve grown
accustomed to it, but it does worry me, given that the expansion will surely end at some point,
and it’s most likely to be ended by a factor other than monetary policy. It sends a message that
we own that outcome, when it’s easy to imagine that we shouldn’t. I accept that this is a
comment about future statements. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kaplan.
MR. KAPLAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I support alternative B as written. From a
risk-management point of view, I am concerned that decelerating rates of global growth, weak
manufacturing, and weak business investment in the United States will ultimately translate into
slower jobs growth, which will, in turn, ultimately affect the consumer. I’m concerned that, if
we wait to see that consumer weakness in order to act, I believe we will have waited too long. I
believe the yield curve is a reality check in this regard, and it tells me that the policy setting is
too tight.
I agree with President Barkin’s comment that, over time, I hope we can wean off that
sentence about sustaining the expansion. I would prefer that the FOMC focuses on full
employment and price stability over a sustained period. There are limits. We haven’t reached
them yet, but there are limits to what I would be willing to support in order to sustain the
expansion, for fear that going too far, maybe as other central banks in the world have done, will
ultimately make it harder to meet our dual mandate over a sustained period. So I hope we will
consider weaning off that language not at this meeting but in the future. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Bowman.
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MS. BOWMAN. Thank you, Chair Powell. I support alternative B as currently written.
My baseline expectation continues to be that the domestic economy will perform well in 2019.
We continue to achieve our goals of maximum employment and price stability. But since our
July meeting, the outlook for economic performance abroad has declined again, and trade
uncertainty remains high. Compounding this are the recent disruption in global oil production
and the effect that it may have here in the United States.
In light of these facts, I believe a modest downward adjustment to our policy rate is
appropriate at this meeting to help lower these risks and mitigate their possible effect on the U.S.
economy. Although the economic headwinds from abroad have had a modest effect at this point,
the global growth outlook and ongoing trade policy uncertainty are serious risk factors weighing
on the outlook for U.S. economic performance. With inflation pressures muted and a strong
labor market, we have room to provide some additional accommodation to reassure firms and
households that the expansion in U.S. economic activity is poised to continue. Thank you, Mr.
Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Bostic.
MR. BOSTIC. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support alternative C as the appropriate policy
action at this time.
There are several dimensions along which I’m currently assessing the stance of policy:
the dual mandate, including both the current performance of the economy and inflation as well as
risks to the outlook; the current signal being given by financial markets embodied in a flattening
and/or intermittently inverted yield curve; and a strategic perspective on policymaking over the
coming months. Along each of these dimensions, I believe the best action is to hold.—First, let
me start with the macroeconomy. As I mentioned yesterday in the go-round, my assessment is
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that the economy is currently achieving the dual mandate with continued solid employment
performance and gains in household income.
That said, there are certainly risks related to the potential for a global slowdown, led by
Europe, China, and a full-blown trade war. Any of these could potentially drag the U.S.
economy into recession. And I agree with others that we need to protect against this possibility.
However, our policy action in July was widely viewed as providing just such insurance. While
the new cycle of risks has continued and arguably strengthened with the recent disruptions to
Saudi oil production, the U.S. macrodata have continued to come in, in line with my 2019
forecast for 2 percent growth, and I see no indications that more insurance is necessary at this
time.
In fact, I am concerned that a further insurance-motivated cut could signal that we
perceive the economy to be on the brink. Some of my directors and contacts are suggesting that
some of their pullback in manufacturing capital expenditures is being driven more by fear that
we know something that they don’t than any actual softening of demand or forecasts of
weakening demand for their products. Continuing to ease in the absence of weakening data may
facilitate a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Regarding the other half of the dual mandate, another motivation for easing that has been
discussed at these meetings is the view that inflation is currently not at target and that decisive
easing is needed to drive it to target and protect against a lowering of inflation expectations. As I
noted yesterday, the most recent data on inflation suggest that by some measures, we are close to
target, if not beyond it. Therefore, on this basis, a hold also seems appropriate at this time.
With respect to financial markets, my staff and I—like, I imagine, many of your staffs
and you—spent a lot of time during the intermeeting period discussing the flattening and
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inversion of the yield curve. The first observation that I’ll make is about the volatility of the
yield curve. It’s a whole lot steeper now than it was just a few days ago, and I expect this
volatility to continue. I also think that we are getting somewhat mixed messages from financial
markets. Many take the inverted yield curve to be a sign that the market expects a recession
soon. However, my staff’s analysis of the federal funds and Eurodollar derivative markets
suggests that most market participants expect policy rates to stay at or above 1 percent for the
foreseeable future, which is arguably inconsistent with expecting a recession, as there is broad
consensus that we will go to the effective lower bound if a recession actually occurs.
Finally, as others have mentioned, there are other global dynamics affecting the shape of
the yield curve that aren’t tied to domestic risks at all. The volatility, mixed signals, and other
factors all prompt me to ask, if we were to move, do we think it would materially affect the
shape of the curve and have a real-side effect? Now, taking that question one step further, I have
been thinking about issues related to global finance and wondering whether there’s a limit on
how far our policy can diverge from that of other central banks. Put bluntly, are we now more a
following economy and a following policy body rather than a leading one? That’s a significant
departure from how we’ve approached our policy space and something I’d want to think about
and discuss more before taking strong action on that basis. So, all in all, I’m watching financial
markets closely, but I again believe the best course of action right now is to hold and watch how
events and market assessments evolve.
Now, as an aside, I agree with President Mester. At some point, we will have to have a
reckoning with the expectations of financial markets. At some point, we are going to have to tell
them something that they don’t want to hear and that they don’t like, and when we do, there will
be some disruption and volatility in those markets, and we’re just going to have to be
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comfortable letting that play itself out. I have concerns that the longer we wait, the more
disruptive it will ultimately be.
Finally, with respect to thinking about the evolution of policy over the next 6 to
12 months, I worry a lot about our setting out on a trajectory where we march to zero and
ultimately wind up there, perhaps even in the absence of a recession. At this point, the rationale
for the policy moves does not provide any clear guidance on what conditions need to prevail for
us to stop cutting rates. If we create a trend in our policy actions, given the current economic
environment, as others have said today, I don’t think it’s going to be easy to justify stopping the
trend. I have no reason to think that the current environment—that is, the data and the risks to
the economy—will be appreciably different at the next meeting or even 4 to 6 months from now.
And on this point, I’m finally agreeing with my team. If that’s the case, if we are data
dependent, and if our statement remains largely unchanged, then our actions should roughly stay
the same over this period, which, with a cut at this meeting, would put us, I believe, on the road
to zero.
I don’t think this would place us in a very good policy stance, given the robust
performance of the economy. And from my engagement with the business community and other
leaders in the Sixth District, I think there’s broad consensus about this view. Therefore, with
respect to each of these dimensions—the dual mandate, financial markets, and the longer policy
rate path—I believe the best action right now is to hold on rates. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President George.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The outlook for my SEP submission is
mostly unchanged from June. The incoming data have been in line with a forecast that calls for
growth to decelerate toward trend over the medium term. With that modal outlook, however, a
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number of downside risks and uncertainties have accumulated, posing difficult policy choices for
this Committee.
I view maintaining the current range for the funds rate, as described in alternative C, as
appropriate in the current environment and not unlike the approach taken by the Committee as it
responded to the manufacturing and commodity slump in 2014 and 2015. Rather than adding
stimulus, the Committee lowered its projected path of interest rates. Using the median SEP as a
reference point, I note that the projection for the appropriate setting of policy at the end of 2016
was lowered nearly 1 full percentage point. That adjustment provided appropriate support for
the broader economy at a time when some sectors were experiencing weakness, and the economy
continued to expand.
Similarly, from last September to June 2019, the median SEP projection for the funds rate
at the end of 2019 declined 1 full percentage point. This adjustment occurred as signs emerged
from business contacts—and were later confirmed by data—that the economy would approach
trend growth more rapidly than previously estimated. I see this shallower path as offering
support without using the Committee’s limited policy space to respond to issues that monetary
policy is arguably unable to resolve.
Given that inflation remains somewhat below our 2 percent target, some may view the
cost of a further reduction in rates today as benign, and that may turn out to be the case.
However, I’m also mindful of the fact that easier policy is designed to encourage risk-taking and
leverage, and, at this stage of the business cycle, our ability to offset any unintended effects
related to financial stability seems limited. Although the most recent QS report discussed at our
July meeting was generally sanguine about overall vulnerabilities, its assessment did point to
elevated risk in key sectors, including commercial real estate and leveraged lending.
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Corporate debt also continues to rise to high levels, with the fastest growth among the
riskiest firms. At the same time, systemically important financial institutions are lowering lossabsorbing capital levels. Historically, such a combination has proved costly to employment and
growth, especially at this stage of the expansion.
As I noted yesterday, I remain attentive to the incoming data for signs that downside risks
to the outlook materialize in a way that meaningfully affects broad economic conditions. Under
those circumstances, I would be prepared to adjust monetary policy accordingly. Thank you.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Quarles.
MR. QUARLES. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support alternative B as written. Although
the domestic data alone remain relatively strong, the risks to the outlook are elevated. And while
I think it’s a close call, I am comfortable with a further “insurance” cut. Our economic
momentum is being impeded by increased trade tensions and fragile foreign growth, so cutting
rates at this meeting is an appropriate policy.
While I’m comfortable with today’s rate cut, at this point, I see value in maintaining
optionality going forward, as a number of the members of the Committee have said. My baseline
is that rates remain on hold through the rest of the year. Obviously, we’d reassess that if the data
were to deteriorate or risks were to increase meaningfully further. But if, as I would expect, the
data are essentially the same going forward, we need to make sure that our communications
would allow us not to cut further.
Further out, although I have cut my estimate of the long-run neutral rate down a notch, as
I mentioned yesterday, the reduced business investment that, like President Harker, I attribute
principally to trade policy will nonetheless have consequences. I still believe that we do have,
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over the long term, a strong and growing economy, and soon enough, rates will have to increase
to maintain sustainable growth.
Regarding two other points that have come up in the discussion, like President Bullard, I
would be cautious about communication. I think any indication that we’re sort of ready to start
increasing the balance sheet even theoretically will be overinterpreted in the current
circumstances, and I’m not sure that the Committee has done that. I think that the response to
the events of the past couple of days does require, as Vice Chairman Williams said, more study
and more thinking through—maybe not months and months of examining our navel, but more
than we currently have—and that, ultimately, I think we’re going to be more comfortable with
something like the repo facility, as President Bullard said, as the way to respond to what we’ve
seen over the course of the past couple of days.
Similarly, although it was not something I had given any thought to until this discussion,
I was taken by the comments of President Barkin, supported by President Kaplan, that the phrase
“sustain the expansion” at some point is going to turn around to bite us, because when the
expansion ends, it will suggest that we must not have been doing that, and that if there was some
way to free us of the phrase, that would be a good thing. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Kashkari.
MR. KASHKARI. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I support alternative A. I think we should
be more aggressive than a 25 basis point cut. I see two reasons to increase accommodation.
First and foremost, inflation remains low, and inflation expectations are too low and declining.
Second, the U.S. economy is slowing in the context of weak global growth, and I think there’s a
clear balance-of-risks case for cutting now rather than waiting until we’re actually sure we’re in
a recession.
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Let me expand on these two arguments. Focusing on inflation first, I don’t think it’s hard
to understand why expected inflation is low. We raised rates, in my humble opinion, too soon
and too quickly, and in doing so, we signaled that we view 2 percent as a ceiling rather than a
symmetric target. All of our discussions about the framework review and about a low-r*
environment—I think there’s widespread consensus that the zero lower bound is a real constraint
on our ability to respond to possible downturns, and in those environments, we should be
responding aggressively to signs of economic weakness and move sooner rather than later.
I want to remind the Committee of a proposal I advocated in the past two meetings about
forward guidance. By the way, in Minneapolis, we call this the Feldman rule, because it was
Ron Feldman who first recommended this to me. That was to cut the federal funds rate 50 basis
points and then simultaneously announce that we will not raise the federal funds rate until core
inflation reaches 2 percent on a sustained basis. Such an announcement would help convince
people that we’re serious about our symmetric 2 percent target and also help ourselves from
repeating previous hawkish mistakes.
The Bank of Japan, the ECB, and the Fed have declared victory too soon in the past, and
then they’ve undermined their ability to achieve the 2 percent target. Last week, the ECB
announced a set of new policy measures to try to drag inflation back up toward their target. One
component of their package was literally what I just proposed—which is, they announced that
they’re going to either keep rates at the current level or lower them until they actually achieve
their inflation target as they’ve defined it. So they literally just did what we suggest. Now, why
have they done this? As I said, because in the past, they made the mistake of declaring victory
too soon, raised rates, and undermined their ability to achieve their inflation target.
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It might be too late for the ECB. It might be too late for the Bank of Japan because
they’ve allowed inflation expectations to slip. But I don’t think it’s too late for us. And that’s
why I actually think forward guidance is a more useful tool and a potentially more effective tool
if we do it when we’re closer to achieving our target than if we wait until we’re sure that we’re
missing it.
I’m just really struck by the debate and the discussion, which I thought was very useful,
on the framework review. It seems like there’s broad consensus of the problem with the ELB
and a lot of interest in these makeup strategies or redefining what “symmetry” means, et cetera,
and yet we’re not walking the walk. This is not a time-inconsistency problem. We’re not
walking the walk even while we’re talking the talk. So if you look at the SEP that we’re putting
out this afternoon, in 2021, 12 of 17 of us have some rate increases between now and then, and
only 3 of those 12 actually had core inflation above 2 percent at the time. If you go to 2022,
15 of 17 of us have rate increases, and only 5 of those 15 actually had core inflation reaching
2 percent. So our own bias toward raising ahead of inflation is maintained today even while
we’re having all of these thoughtful deliberations about what to do in the ELB.
It’s very easy for us to say what we’re going to do. When we’re actually walking the
walk, we’re not willing to do it. So that’s why I think a commitment to not raising rates until we
actually achieve our inflation target is useful for the ECB, and it would be useful for us.
Regarding the recession arguments, as others have noted and as I’ve myself noted, weak
investment and slowing job gains suggest that the U.S. economy is losing momentum.
Estimating the exact recession probabilities is difficult, but I’m really taken by the Tealbook’s
estimates. Whether it’s 45 percent, 50 percent, or 60 percent, those are all way too high for me,
and I think we should be getting out aggressively. If we wait until we are sure the economy is
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really slowing, it’s too late. Maybe we can make the recession a little less soft, but I would
rather avoid the recession. And, again, all of the analysis in the framework review says, in a
low-r* environment, you are far better off to get out early and ahead of it.
The last comment I’ll make is, we’ve had a lot of debates about nonlinearities in the
inflation process over the past few years. I call those “ghost stories” because there’s no evidence
that those nonlinearities exist, but I also can’t rule them out—like a ghost. Where do
nonlinearities exist for sure? In the recession process. It’s almost impossible for the Board staff
to generate recessions by shocking their models. You have to do something very nonlinear to
actually get the economy into recessions. Yet recessions, in fact, happen. So we know there are
nonlinearities in the recession process. There are no known nonlinearities in the inflation
process, which says we should raise rates very slowly, only when we see the whites of inflation’s
eyes. But we should be cutting rates aggressively because there are nonlinearities on the
downside that lead to recessions. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. President Daly.
MS. DALY. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I support alternative B as written. Headline
indicators of real activity remain solid, with fairly tight labor markets, strong consumption, and
moderate GDP growth. However, we continue to fall short on our inflation goal. Furthermore, a
number of headwinds are slowing growth, including soft business investment, ongoing trade
uncertainty, and continued global weakening. In the absence of additional policy
accommodation, these headwinds would reduce aggregate demand. Monetary policy can and
should offset these effects with additional accommodation, and here I’m just echoing some of the
things that Governor Clarida said earlier in his remarks.
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There are also longer-run factors that favor additional accommodation. We have now
been below our inflation target for an extended period, and there are risks, as we discussed
yesterday, to this persistent undershooting. If we don’t defend the target in these good times, it
will be harder to convince people we will defend it in the future when the pressures are even
greater, and here I completely agree with President Kashkari that we need to walk the walk
today, because it’s going to be very difficult to convince people that our promises are real if we
haven’t delivered it in these relatively good times.
It is, therefore, appropriate that we move today to provide some of the requisite
accommodation. In view of the lagged effects of monetary policy, we shouldn’t wait until the
economy stalls before we act. Indeed, the good growth projected this year in the face of growing
headwinds partly reflects our adoption of an easier stance of policy since December, which has
mitigated their drag.
As I discussed in July, declines in my estimate of r*, combined with a worrisome,
persistent inflation shortfall, motivated the projection of two rate cuts in 2019. Today’s 25-basispoint reduction would be the second of those two cuts. Since then, I have updated my forecast,
which now calls for one additional cut this year. My downward revision of u*, combined with
continued deterioration in global financial conditions and soft inflation readings, moves me to
pencil in this additional accommodation.
Should we be surprised to the upside, we can easily adjust that policy rate path. But a
surprise to the downside is not as readily fixed. Except for a risk-management situation, in all of
the framework memos that we’ve reviewed, it calls for being a little overaccommodative rather
than underaccommodative.
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Importantly, I want to add that I’m not coming to this decision lightly. I’m not on a
preset course. There are important concerns that have been raised about the desirability of
today’s cut. First, there is the view that a cut would be ineffective in addressing the types of
headwinds we currently face, and, therefore, it would be simply unwise. Though it is true that
monetary policy cannot address all of our headwinds directly, our transmission channel for
stimulating aggregate demand appears to be alive and well. Anecdotal reports given by some of
my directors and data from the Mortgage Bankers Association show that household refinancing
has increased markedly this year with falling mortgage interest rates. And my contacts in the
banking sector tell me that these refis are not just taking equity out of their homes. They’re
really just lowering payments or deleveraging, putting households in a better position to spend in
the future. Our accommodative monetary policy during this period surely helped contribute to
this pickup, and at least some of the robustness of consumption expenditures, such as auto sales,
is likely also attributable to lower interest rates.
The second concern that’s been raised is that our easier policy stance could raise some
concerns for financial stability. But while some asset valuations remain elevated, with the
exception of corporate debt, leverage ratios in most sectors of the financial system are within
normal ranges, at least by their latest assessment in the QS. Moreover, the strong capital
positions of our major financial institutions mitigate some of the risks of a systemic event. More
to the point, we have a macroprudential toolkit that’s specifically designed and better placed to
address financial vulnerabilities. Monetary policy is a blunt tool to stem financial “froth.”
Additional accommodation seems unlikely to contribute to financial instability risks at present
but helps in achieving our dual mandate.
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So, balancing all of these tradeoffs, I favor a 25-basis-point cut at today’s meeting.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Governor Brainard.
MS. BRAINARD. Thank you. Since July, revisions to previous GDP and payroll
employment data suggest that activity in 2018 was relatively weaker than was apparent earlier
and that momentum going into this year was somewhat less. Although the recent domestic data
have remained solid overall, we are seeing a clearer deceleration in the labor market. Since our
July meeting, risks to the downside associated with more persistent trade policy uncertainty and
weakness in global growth have become more prominent, and we’ve also seen some geopolitical
risks. Against the backdrop of muted inflation, risk management supports the case for today’s
25 basis point cut in the federal funds rate.
The labor market remains strong. The unemployment rate and initial claims for
unemployment insurance are hovering near historical lows. But the pace of payroll growth has
slowed, and the pace last year was a continuation from the previous year rather than an
acceleration as we thought at the time of the July meeting.
Against the backdrop of strong employment and higher disposable income, strong
consumer spending has continued to power aggregate demand, and sentiment remains quite
favorable. However, the weakness in business fixed investment and manufacturing production
has extended, and exports have disappointed. The risk is that this weakness might spread more
broadly, leading not only to lower cap-ex, as we’ve already seen, but also, ultimately, to slower
hiring and lower consumer confidence.
The escalation of trade conflict since we last met poses significant downside risks.
Uncertainty surrounding global supply chains and trade rules appears to have increased and
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could further damp business investment and sentiment and exacerbate the challenges related to
weak foreign growth. Several foreign central banks have added accommodation to address their
growth and inflation disappointments, which in turn has implications for financial conditions and
inflationary developments here.
Although the recent data on prices have come in broadly in line with expectations,
inflation continues to fall short of our target. And with a variety of statistical models suggesting
underlying trend inflation is running about 1.8 percent persistently, it is imperative that we
remain visibly committed to moving trend as well as realized inflation back up to 2 percent and
not allow expectations to drift down.
Finally, a variety of market-based recession indicators are flashing warning signs with
growing urgency.
So, from a risk-management perspective, the downside risks to output and employment
from elevated trade uncertainty at a time when inflation is on the soft side would, on their own,
warrant a small downward adjustment to the modal path for policy, especially considering we’re
operating in an environment of a low and uncertain neutral rate and reduced conventional policy
space.
The one reason to be cautious about our projected low-for-long path, with growth running
above or close to its potential pace, is the risk of exacerbating imbalances in financial and credit
markets. I agree with Eric and Esther. Experience suggests that financial market risk appetite
and private-sector leverage are strongly procyclical, and we see clear signs of that in current
elevated risky corporate debt and the associated asset valuations. We should be addressing these
financial imbalances by augmenting bank buffers countercyclically. Instead, we’ve seen
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common equity Tier 1 come down by about 1 percent over the past two years at our largest
banks, and we continue to allow payouts to exceed earnings.
As reflected in my SEP submission, I anticipate a modest downward tilt to the path for
the federal funds rate, and alternative B signals continued openness to additional policy
adjustments if the incoming data warrant. That said, I don’t see the case for moving with greater
force today. While additional accommodation can help with residential investment, consumer
durables, and the exchange rate, access to credit doesn’t appear, as others have said, to be an
issue for businesses, as suggested by the NFIB, the Beige Book, and the SCOOS. Instead,
business sentiment and the behavior of business investment appear to reflect fundamental
uncertainty tied to policy.
One important question is how much monetary policy can address the fundamental
changes that businesses increasingly appear to think they may be facing on the rules of
engagement on trade and the potential for permanent alterations to supply chains. And I think
my thinking here also reflects the conversations that Governor Clarida mentioned earlier. As
Brexit illustrates more starkly, the potential for fundamental changes to trade rules, with the
possibility for some capital to become stranded, has important features of a supply shock that
monetary policy alone cannot address. But, if business pessimism tips and we see a pullback in
hiring, this could quickly spread to consumer sentiment and pose greater downside risks to
aggregate demand. So I’ll be watching very carefully for signs of that kind of tipping in the
incoming data.
Finally, I agree with concerns that were expressed by President Barkin, Governor
Quarles, and others that the phrase “sustain the expansion” doesn’t actually describe our dual
mandate very precisely and does have this risk that, over time, we could own a problem that goes
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well beyond our toolkit. So although it’s not something I would suggest that we consider
altering now—and recognizing that any change to our language will be overinterpreted—I do
think we should be thinking about a path to change our language there.
Lastly, I will say that the turbulence we have seen in repo markets is precisely the kind of
outcome we were seeking to avoid by running an ample-reserves regime. I don’t see the benefit
to continuing to shrink reserves by another $10 billion to $15 billion per month, if it comes at the
cost of more ad hoc responses to turbulence in repo markets and at a time when it could muddy
our message on monetary policy. So I do look forward to having options in front of us regarding
the resumption of organic balance sheet growth, as well as potential other facilities, soon and
preferably signaling that today. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Vice Chair Williams.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I, rather strangely, had exactly the
same dream that President Bullard had. [Laughter] I’m not sure if the word “dream” is the right
one, but I, too, found myself in a world in which I wasn’t able to read the documents because the
letters were strange. But unlike President Bullard’s dream, at the end, after very careful study
and research, I was able to translate the options in front of me—when they all said alternative B
[Laughter] So I support alternative B as written.
As has been the case for most of the year, the economic outlook and associated policy
considerations are complex. I think the discussion today and at our previous meetings reflects
that. I think everyone is weighing all of these issues—the same issues—and coming to slightly
different places, perhaps, but these are all very pertinent, relevant concerns that we’re thinking
through.
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Although the expansion remains intact, cyclical downturns in many major economies,
trade policy tensions, and geopolitical risks are weighing on the economic outlook. On the
inflation front, measures of inflation expectations obtained from financial markets and provided
by surveys remain too low for comfort. The ongoing weakness in inflation represents a
persistent challenge facing us, interacting with and compounding the uncertainties on the real
side of the economy.
Now, the best response to the outlook, an outlook of slowing growth, low inflation, and
elevated uncertainties, is—I’m going to say it—to remain focused on keeping the expansion on
track. I do think that is what we’re trying to do right now. I want to see real GDP growth around
or slightly above the trend rate. And when thinking about the stance of monetary policy, I don’t
think of this as very accommodative.
My own view is that the nominal neutral rate is 2.4 percent. We’re talking about being
roughly 50 basis points below that. Against the background of the low rate of inflation that
we’re seeing and the uncertainties about the economy, that doesn’t seem like excessive insurance
to me. But there is definitely some insurance there.
I am concerned about the signals we’re getting from the yield curve. They have been
persistent—volatile but persistent. And it’s appropriate for policy to act preemptively, given the
dangers of recession, as President Kashkari highlighted.
Today’s action will support accommodative financial conditions and help support growth
and progress toward our 2 percent inflation goal. I think it positions us well for the uncertainties
and risks ahead of us.
I have just one brief comment about how I view the monetary transmission mechanism.
This is echoing comments by President Daly and Governor Brainard, and it actually echoes
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comments given by the Chair in Jackson Hole. Yes, we’re seeing the trade and other
uncertainties hit particular parts of the economy—business fixed investment—and exports hitting
manufacturing. And I don’t see any policy actions that we’re contemplating actually directly
fixing or rectifying the weakness in those particular sectors. I mean, that would never really be
the case.
The question really is, how do we get the aggregate economy to the place consistent with
our dual-mandate goals? So when you think about it, I think more favorable financial
conditions, both in our models and in the real world, are not really about boosting business fixed
investment. Even in the FRB/US model—many, many years ago, we did a Federal Reserve
Bulletin article and looked at the question: Within the FRB/US model, how does a funds rate cut
or hike, whatever, affect the economy? And it’s through the effect on broad financial conditions,
the effect on the dollar, and the effect on residential and consumer spending. So the business
fixed investment channel is a relatively small part of that even in our models. I think what we’re
trying to do here is get to a somewhat accommodative stance of policy, try to offset some of
these negative effects on the real economy, which I think are actually in the data now—they’re
not just in the forecast—keep the overall economy growing at or slightly above its trend rate of
increase, and help facilitate the return of our 2 percent inflation goal.
So, again, I think this is the way monetary policy works in our models. I think this is
what we’re seeing, as President Daly mentioned, and I don’t see this as a race to zero. I think my
own view—and I think you’re seeing this in the dot plot—is that this is more of this adjustment
to just get the stance of monetary policy consistent with continued growth and reaching our goals
as best we can. Thank you.
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CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. And thanks, everybody, for your comments. I do see
and acknowledge the diversity of perspectives around the table. I would say it’s a challenging
time for policy, and I’ll just repeat that I do value, respect, and understand the different
perspectives that people have. I expect I’ll have the opportunity to say that again. I’ve had a lot
of practice saying that. [Laughter] Why should today be any different? Anyway, I do mean it,
and I just would say, it’s a challenging time, and people are in different places.
So, with that, let me now ask Jim Clouse to make clear what the FOMC will vote on and
to read the roll. Following the FOMC vote, the Board will vote on interest rates on reserves and
discount rates. Jim.
MR. CLOUSE. Thank you. The vote will encompass the monetary policy statement as it
appears on page 4 of Thomas’s briefing materials. There are some minor revisions to the
implementation note, and let me just be clear about those. The FOMC vote will encompass the
directive to the Desk as it appears mostly in the implementation note shown on pages 8 and 9 of
Thomas’s briefing materials, but with an amendment to reflect a 30 basis point reduction in the
overnight reverse RP rate to incorporate the technical adjustment, as discussed by the Chair.
And then, as the Chair noted, shortly he’ll be calling for the usual Board vote on interest
rates on reserves. Those rates will also be reduced 30 basis points—again, to incorporate the
technical adjustment.
Finally, in past implementation notes, when there has been a technical adjustment, we’ve
inserted a sentence to emphasize the role of interest rates on reserves in supporting the
Committee’s decision, and we would suggest incorporating that again. That sentence will read
“Setting the interest rate paid on required and excess reserve balances 20 basis points below the
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top of the target range for the federal funds rate is intended to foster trading in the federal funds
market at rates well within the FOMC’s target range.”
And with that, I’ll call the roll.
Chair Powell
Vice Chair Williams
Governor Bowman
Governor Brainard
President Bullard
Governor Clarida
President Evans
President George
President Rosengren
Governor Quarles
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
No
Yes
Yes
No
No
Yes
CHAIR POWELL. Thank you. Now we have two sets of related matters under the
Board’s jurisdiction: corresponding interest rates on reserves and discount rates. May I have a
motion from a Board member to take the proposed action with respect to the interest rates on
reserves as set forth in the first paragraph associated with policy alternative B on the second-tolast page of Thomas’s briefing materials as amended, as Jim just went over?
MR. CLARIDA. So moved.
CHAIR POWELL. May I have a second?
MS. BRAINARD. Second.
CHAIR POWELL. Without objection. Thank you. May I now have a motion from a
Board member to take the proposed actions with respect to the primary credit rate and the rates
for secondary and seasonal credit as set forth in the second paragraph associated with policy
alternative B on the second-to-last page of Thomas’s briefing materials as amended?
MR. CLARIDA. So moved.
CHAIR POWELL. May I have a second?
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MS. BRAINARD. Second.
CHAIR POWELL. Without objection. So ordered. Thank you very much, everyone.
Our next meeting is October 29 and 30. That concludes this meeting, and lunch will be served in
about an hour. Vice Chair Williams.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Chair Powell, I totally agree with you that we’ve had a very
robust discussion, and this has been very healthy. But I will admit, maybe something we could
do to improve this would be, perhaps if we had two flags down [laughter] at the end of the table
to perhaps provide more support for those of us—
MR. CLARIDA. Well, on cue.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Is there a solution for this? [Laughter]
MR. QUARLES. It’s set.
VICE CHAIR WILLIAMS. Aha. Very—there we go. Anyone else? [Laughter] Thank
you, I think we’ve solved that.
CHAIR POWELL. Yes. Thank you so much for that. [Laughter] And with that, we are
adjourned.
END OF MEETING
Cite this document
APA
Federal Reserve (2019, September 17). FOMC Meeting Transcript. Fomc Transcripts, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/fomc_transcript_20190918
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_fomc_transcript_20190918,
author = {Federal Reserve},
title = {FOMC Meeting Transcript},
year = {2019},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Fomc Transcripts, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/fomc_transcript_20190918},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}