fomc transcripts · September 20, 2016
FOMC Meeting Transcript
September 20–21, 2016
1 of 216
Meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee on
September 20–21, 2016
A joint meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee and the Board of Governors was
held in the offices of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System in Washington, D.C.,
on Tuesday, September 20, 2016, at 1:00 p.m. and continued on Wednesday, September 21, 2016,
at 9:00 a.m. Those present were the following:
Janet L. Yellen, Chair
William C. Dudley, Vice Chairman
Lael Brainard
James Bullard
Stanley Fischer
Esther L. George
Loretta J. Mester
Jerome H. Powell
Eric Rosengren
Daniel K. Tarullo
Charles L. Evans, Patrick Harker, Robert S. Kaplan, Neel Kashkari, and Michael Strine,
Alternate Members of the Federal Open Market Committee
Jeffrey M. Lacker, Dennis P. Lockhart, and John C. Williams, Presidents of the Federal
Reserve Banks of Richmond, Atlanta, and San Francisco, respectively
Brian F. Madigan, Secretary
Matthew M. Luecke, Deputy Secretary
David W. Skidmore, Assistant Secretary
Michelle A. Smith, Assistant Secretary
Michael Held, Deputy General Counsel
Richard M. Ashton, Assistant General Counsel
Steven B. Kamin, Economist
Thomas Laubach, Economist
David W. Wilcox, Economist
Thomas A. Connors, Troy Davig, Michael P. Leahy, Stephen A. Meyer, Ellis W.
Tallman, Geoffrey Tootell, and William Wascher, Associate Economists
Simon Potter, Manager, System Open Market Account
Lorie K. Logan, Deputy Manager, System Open Market Account
Robert deV. Frierson, Secretary of the Board, Office of the Secretary, Board of
Governors
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Matthew J. Eichner, 1 Director, Division of Reserve Bank Operations and Payment
Systems, Board of Governors
James A. Clouse, Deputy Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors;
Maryann F. Hunter, Deputy Director, Division of Banking Supervision and Regulation,
Board of Governors
David Bowman, Andrew Figura, Joseph W. Gruber, Ann McKeehan, and David
Reifschneider, Special Advisers to the Board, Office of Board Members, Board of
Governors
Trevor A. Reeve, Special Adviser to the Chair, Office of Board Members, Board of
Governors
Linda Robertson, Assistant to the Board, Office of Board Members, Board of Governors
Eric M. Engen, Joshua Gallin, and Michael G. Palumbo, Senior Associate Directors,
Division of Research and Statistics, Board of Governors
Michael T. Kiley, Senior Associate Director, Division of Financial Stability, and Senior
Adviser, Division of Research and Statistics, Board of Governors
Antulio N. Bomfim, Ellen E. Meade, and Joyce K. Zickler, Senior Advisers, Division of
Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
David López-Salido, Associate Director, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of
Governors
Elizabeth Klee and Jason Wu, Assistant Directors, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board
of Governors; Shane M. Sherlund, Assistant Director, Division of Research and
Statistics, Board of Governors; Paul R. Wood, Assistant Director, Division of
International Finance, Board of Governors
Penelope A. Beattie, 2 Assistant to the Secretary, Office of the Secretary, Board of
Governors
David H. Small, Project Manager, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
Sophia H. Allison,1 Special Counsel, Legal Division, Board of Governors
Jonathan E. Goldberg and Francisco Vazquez-Grande, Senior Economists, Division of
Monetary Affairs, Board of Governors
1
2
Attended through the discussion on financial developments and open market operations.
Attended Tuesday session only.
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Paul Dozier,1 Senior Financial Analyst, Division of International Finance, Board of
Governors
Randall A. Williams, Information Manager, Division of Monetary Affairs, Board of
Governors
Mark A. Gould, First Vice President, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
David Altig, Kartik B. Athreya, and Daniel G. Sullivan, Executive Vice Presidents,
Federal Reserve Banks of Atlanta, Richmond, and Chicago, respectively
Mary Daly, Evan F. Koenig, Susan McLaughlin,1 and Paolo A. Pesenti, Senior Vice
Presidents, Federal Reserve Banks of San Francisco, Dallas, New York, and New York,
respectively
David Andolfatto, Vice President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Thomas D. Tallarini, Jr., Assistant Vice President, Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis
Satyajit Chatterjee, Senior Economic Advisor, Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia
Cindy Hull,1 Markets Officer, Federal Reserve Bank of New York
September 20–21, 2016
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Transcript of the Federal Open Market Committee Meeting on
September 20–21, 2016
September 20 Session
CHAIR YELLEN. Good afternoon, everyone. Let’s get under way. Today’s meeting,
as usual, will be a joint meeting of the FOMC and the Board of Governors, so I need a motion to
close the Board meeting.
MR. FISCHER. So moved.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Without objection. Our first agenda item is the selection
of a Committee officer. As many of you know, Michael Held, who is seated near the anteroom
door, has been appointed general counsel and executive vice president of the Federal Reserve
Bank of New York. I am pleased to recommend that the Committee select Michael as its deputy
general counsel. Consistent with the Committee’s standard practice for appointment of its
officers, this selection would be effective until the Committee’s first regularly scheduled meeting
in 2017. Michael has been with the New York Federal Reserve for the past 18 years and is a
highly experienced central banking attorney. Vice Chairman, would you like to make a
comment?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Yes. First, I’d like to second the notion of him
becoming the deputy general counsel for the FOMC. He has big shoes to fill with Tom Baxter
retiring from the New York Fed, but I’m sure he will do so very ably. I’ve worked with him for
many years, and I very much trust his knowledge and his judgment. It’s nice to have him here at
the FOMC on a more permanent basis, taking a seat next to Scott, who’s not here today, but—
[laughter]—we will be seeing Michael there on a regular basis. I’m very pleased. Thank you.
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CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Any discussion or any objections? Okay. Seeing none,
the selection is approved unanimously by the Committee. And congratulations, Michael, we are
looking forward to working with you in your new role.
That takes us to the second agenda item, which concerns proposed revisions of the
documents governing foreign currency operations. As you know, the staff has been engaged in a
long-term effort to develop proposed revisions to the Authorization for Foreign Currency
Operations, the Foreign Currency Directive, and other related documents. You all received
memos on the proposal from the staff in mid-August, and last week we sent a short additional
memo from the Foreign Currency Subcommittee. This project has required a lot of careful
analysis involving staff from both the New York Federal Reserve and the Board. That work was
carried out under the general oversight of the Subcommittee, and I’d like to thank the staff for
what seems to me to be an excellent proposal. In my view, it meets the important objectives of
the project.
I might note that the proposal provides that the Subcommittee, in consultation with the
Committee, may give additional instructions to the Desk regarding holdings of foreign
currencies. As I mentioned, the Subcommittee recently sent the Committee a short memo, which
included draft instructions that the Subcommittee would plan to issue to the Desk. Unless there
are objections, the Subcommittee would issue these instructions within a few days following this
meeting. The Committee will not be asked to vote on those instructions. Let me now turn to
Simon, who’s going to summarize the proposal.
MR. POTTER. 1 Thank you, Madam Chair. I’d just like to say that some of the
staff involved in the project are in the room today, including Paul Dozier and Mike
Leahy from IF; Cindy Hull from the Desk; and Sophia Allison, who is sitting next to
Lorie, from the Board’s Legal Division.
1
The materials used by Mr. Potter are appended to this transcript (appendix 1).
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I’ll be discussing important changes to the Authorization for Foreign Currency
Operations (the Authorization), the Foreign Currency Directive (the Directive), and
the Procedural Instructions with Respect to Foreign Currency Operations. As
discussed in the memo the Committee received in August titled “Proposed Revisions
to Authorization for Foreign Currency Operations and Related Organizational
Documents,” the revisions are intended to meet three objectives: first, reflect the
current operating environment; second, clarify guidance to the Selected Bank by
updating governance for each operation; and, third, simplify the structure of the
documents.
Proposed changes to the document structure are summarized in the top-left panel
of your exhibit. The proposed documents are organized to consolidate authorizations
and directions into the Authorization and the Directive, respectively, and to clarify
governance and guidance relating to specific operation types. All text authorizing an
operation and any language regarding its purpose is in the Authorization, while
specific direction to the Selected Bank to conduct each operation is in the Directive.
In both documents, text for each operation type is grouped together, in contrast to the
format of the current documents. Also, the existing Procedural Instructions are
eliminated, as language from the document is incorporated into the Authorization and
Directive. This proposed two-document organization structure now aligns with the
one used for domestic operations. The staff also proposes to move both the definition
and governance of the Foreign Currency Subcommittee, currently in the
Authorization, into the Rules of Organization and Rules of Procedure, respectively.
The staff also proposes several substantive changes to foreign currency operation
procedures and governance. These changes are designed to reflect the current
operating environment and to clarify guidance to the Selected Bank. These changes
remove the discretion that the Selected Bank has in the existing governance
framework to determine whether to execute foreign currency operations and how to
set parameters for investing the foreign currency holdings. The proposed framework
now authorizes the Foreign Currency Subcommittee to both determine whether to
execute interventions within specified limits and provide additional instructions
regarding the management of the foreign reserves. The staff proposes assigning these
responsibilities to the Foreign Currency Subcommittee primarily to accommodate the
often time-sensitive nature of decisions that must be made regarding implementation
of intervention operations as well as to facilitate coordination with the U.S. Treasury
or foreign central banks.
The proposed documents are organized into five operation types: interventions,
warehousing, reciprocal currency arrangements, U.S. dollar and foreign liquidity
swaps, and foreign currency holdings. I will now address major changes made to the
documents according to each of these operation types. Additional proposed changes
are listed in the appendix of your exhibit.
The top-right panel of your exhibit lists major changes to foreign exchange
intervention operations. The proposed documents remove the Selected Bank’s
discretion to determine whether to execute as much as $600 million in intervention
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operations per intermeeting period. For some brief background, this discretion was
given to the Selected Bank in 1976, when the documents were first established, a time
when intervention operations were somewhat routine. The Selected Bank has not
used this discretion in more than 20 years. However, because intervention operations
are now rarely conducted, the proposed documents eliminate this almost 40-year-old
provision. The proposed documents provide that all such operations require prior
approval from the Committee or Subcommittee. Other limits in the existing
framework on the Selected Bank’s intervention discretion, including a list of
authorized currencies and a $25 billion cap on the overall size of the foreign currency
holdings, are also eliminated.
The existing documents authorize the Subcommittee to direct the Desk to execute
intervention operations up to $1.5 billion per intermeeting period. The proposed
documents increase the limit to $5 billion; any interventions above this limit could
only be approved by the Committee. As the existing $1.5 billion limit was last
updated in 1993, the proposed change aligns the size of the Subcommittee’s approval
authority with the more than fourfold increase in the FX market size.
The middle-left panel of your exhibit lists major changes to the second operation
type, warehousing. Warehousing is essentially a swap operation with the U.S.
Treasury in which its Exchange Stabilization Fund, the ESF, sells foreign currency to
the Selected Bank for U.S. dollars; at the outset of the transaction, the ESF agrees to
repurchase the foreign currency at a set future date and exchange rate. Under current
practice, the Committee delegates to the Selected Bank the authority to approve
Treasury requests to use the warehousing facility of up to $5 billion via the annual
Desk Authorization process each January. However, the existing Authorization
documents do not explicitly mention warehousing and instead provide only general
authority for the Selected Bank to conduct operations with the ESF. To improve
transparency, the proposed documents include a provision expressly authorizing the
$5 billion warehousing arrangement with the Treasury. The proposed directive now
also instructs the Subcommittee to internally approve warehousing transactions
before the Selected Bank can execute them with the U.S. Treasury.
The middle-right panel of your exhibit summarizes major changes for reciprocal
currency arrangements and standing liquidity swap lines, the third and fourth types of
operations. Reciprocal currency arrangements are swap arrangements with the
central banks of Mexico and Canada that were established in 1994 under the North
American Framework Agreement. The existing documents authorize the
Subcommittee to approve drawings up to certain size limits. However, because these
are expected to be used only rarely, the proposed documents now require the
Committee to approve all drawings under these arrangements.
More familiar to the Committee are the standing liquidity swap lines. These
arrangements are maintained with a network of five foreign central banks for the
provision of U.S. dollars from the Federal Reserve and the acquisition of foreign
currency from the foreign central banks. The swap lines are routinely used to provide
dollars to some foreign central banks in the network. In the existing and proposed
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Authorization documents, the Committee is charged with approving new swap
arrangements and the Chairman is delegated authority to approve changes to the
terms of existing arrangements.
The Chairman is delegated authority to approve individual dollar draws on the
swap lines and can also further delegate approval of such draws to the SOMA
manager. Under current practice, foreign central banks present calendars of proposed
dollar auctions to the Federal Reserve on a monthly basis and seek assurance that the
Federal Reserve intends to approve swap drawing requests associated with these
calendars. The Chairman reviews and typically approves the foreign central banks’
proposed dollar auction calendars. The Chairman also typically delegates to the
SOMA manager the authority to approve requests to draw on the swap lines to fund
these scheduled operations. The exception is for initial draw requests, where “initial”
is understood to refer to the first drawing by a central bank since the swap
arrangements changed from temporary to standing arrangements in January 2014. In
that case, the Chairman retains authority to approve the drawing.
The proposed documents establish a governance process on the basis of whether
the draw is associated with a schedule of potential drawings the Chairman has
approved in advance. The proposed documents authorize the Chairman to approve a
schedule of potential drawings and to delegate to the SOMA manager authority to
approve any draws made in accordance with that schedule. All unscheduled dollar
draws must still be approved by the Chairman.
The existing documents also delegate to the Chairman approval authority for
foreign currency draws by the Federal Reserve. Because such foreign currency draws
are expected to rarely occur in the current operating environment and would occur
because of developments in the United States, the proposed documents now require
prior approval of such draws from the Committee.
The bottom-left panel summarizes proposed governance changes to the final
operation type, management of foreign currency holdings. With respect to
management of the foreign currency holdings, the proposed documents establish a
new governance framework that is intended to complement the updated investment
framework presented to the Committee in April of this year. First, the proposed
documents set forth three investment objectives for the Selected Bank: The Selected
Bank must manage the foreign currency holdings primarily to ensure sufficient
liquidity to enable the conduct of foreign currency operations, secondarily to have a
high degree of safety, and, subject to these two objectives, to achieve the highest rate
of return possible in each currency. Second, the Subcommittee, in consultation with
the Committee, is delegated the authority to provide additional instructions to the
Selected Bank regarding investments of foreign currency holdings. This new
provision removes the Selected Bank’s current autonomy, such as the ability to
determine the riskiness of the portfolio, the degree of portfolio liquidity, and the
specific issuers and asset classes in which to invest. The proposed governance
structure contemplates that risk constraints will no longer appear in the Authorization
documents but instead may appear in the additional instructions that the
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Subcommittee may provide to the Selected Bank. Note that issuance of these
instructions would not prevent the Committee from issuing additional direction to the
Selected Bank regarding the management of the foreign currency holdings. Finally,
the existing average duration limit of 24 months is removed from the Authorization.
If the Committee adopts the proposed governing documents, as the Chair pointed
out, the Subcommittee plans to issue additional instructions to the Selected Bank
shortly after the conclusion of this meeting. The Subcommittee provided a draft of
these instructions to the Committee last week together with the memo titled
“Additional Instructions of Foreign Currency Subcommittee to Desk Regarding
Holdings of Foreign Currencies.”
I would like to highlight two other proposed changes relating to governance,
listed in the bottom-right panel of your exhibit. The first is a provision to delegate
any authority of the Subcommittee to the Chairman if the Subcommittee cannot
convene in the time available. The second provides that in emergency circumstances,
the Chairman may approve actions otherwise reserved for the Committee. These
changes are intended for use only in cases of emergency. Under modern
communication technology, it is expected that these would be used only rarely.
Additional proposed changes are listed in the appendix of your exhibit.
Please note that if you approve the proposed documents, they will first be made
public in the minutes of this meeting, and the changes will thus remain confidential
until the minutes are released.
Before the Chair requests a vote on the foreign authorization documents, the
Rules of Organization, and Rules of Procedure, we would be happy to answer any
questions on the proposed changes.
CHAIR YELLEN. Are there questions for Simon? Discussion? President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Madam Chair. I think it’s a nice proposal. There’s a lot of
references to “Chairman” in this, and it’s a little bit of residual language. Could we perhaps
switch it to “Chair” and not have “Chairman” in it?
MS. ALLISON. Actually, “Chairman” is the term that’s used in the Act. So that’s why
we’ve retained it in these documents.
MR. POTTER. I did feel strange saying that throughout the briefing, but it was to
conform with the Federal Reserve Act. So it’s the “Chairman” writing a particular check.
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VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Maybe we need to update the Federal Reserve Act after
all. [Laughter]
CHAIR YELLEN. Not touching that. Okay. Other questions or comments? President
Lacker.
MR. LACKER. As many of you know, the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond has a
long tradition of raising concerns about foreign exchange intervention on the grounds that, if
they’re sterilized, they’re meaningless. If they’re not sterilized, they imply a change in monetary
policy stance, which would imply some compromise of our monetary policy independence from
the Treasury. I realize we don’t have a vote, but, on principle, historically, the Richmond
Federal Reserve has dissented on anything having to do with foreign exchange authorizations. I
mention this, first, to avoid disappointing those who might have been expecting me to mention
this any time a foreign exchange matter is brought up, but also to say that these new documents
strike me as the right way for one to authorize foreign exchange operations, if one must. And I
commend the staff on a very thorough and excellent review of these things.
More broadly, though, foreign exchange operations increasingly seem to be an
anachronistic tool. Back in the day, in the old operating regime, if we were going to maintain an
interest rate peg, we had to sterilize them, so they were kind of meaningless. If we didn’t
sterilize them, they’d drive the rate down. Nowadays, it’s not obvious that they should be
expected to have any meaningful economic effect. It might be worthwhile in the not-too-distant
future to give that more thought and maybe give some thought to the role played by ourforeign
exchange operations. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Other comments or questions? Okay. If there are no
further questions or discussion, we’ll now vote on the proposal. This vote will be to approve all
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four of the revised documents in the staff proposal—namely, the Authorization for Foreign
Currency Operations, the Foreign Currency Directive, the Committee’s Rules of Organization,
and the Committee’s Rules of Procedure. These documents are included in Simon’s briefing
package. With the proposed changes to these documents, the procedural instructions with
respect to foreign currency operations would no longer be necessary and would be rescinded. Is
there a motion on this proposal?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. So moved.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. And a second?
MR. FISCHER. So moved.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Any objections? Okay. Without objection, the proposal
is approved. Thank you. We are ready to move on to our third agenda item, and Simon is going
to begin with the Desk briefing.
MR. POTTER. 2 Thank you, Madam Chair. For much of the intermeeting period,
most asset prices traded in tight ranges amid low volatility. This calm was broken in
the past couple of weeks by shifts in sentiments about the future policy actions of the
ECB and Bank of Japan, sparking some steepening in global sovereign yield curves.
On net, changes in major asset prices were modest and had mixed implications for
financial conditions, shown in the first column of the top-left panel of your first
exhibit. The dollar depreciated a touch and credit spreads narrowed, while Treasury
yields and dollar funding rates such as LIBOR increased slightly and the S&P 500
index was down a bit. Lorie will touch on the drivers and implications of this
increase in LIBOR later in the briefing.
The survey- and market-implied paths of the target federal funds rate were little
changed, as shown in the top-right panel, as market participants balanced generally
softer-than-expected economic data against Federal Reserve communications that
were somewhat less accommodative than expected. In the Desk’s most recent
surveys, the average probability attached to a rate hike at this meeting was 15 percent
and the average probability attached to a rate hike at the December meeting was about
40 percent, shown on the left side of the middle-left panel. These levels are generally
consistent with the probabilities currently implied by market prices.
2
The materials used by Mr. Potter and Ms. Logan are appended to this transcript (appendix 2).
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The market-implied probability for a September hike had reached as high as
30 percent over the intermeeting period. As market participants have lowered their
assessment of the likelihood of an increase at this meeting, the probability of an
increase this year has remained relatively steady, with the marginal probability of a
December hike increasing. Last year, when the FOMC did not raise rates at its
September meeting, we saw an increase in the survey-implied probability for a rate
hike occurring at the December meeting, from 25 percent to 40 percent immediately
after, as shown in the shift from the dark to light blue bars on the right side of the
middle-left panel.
The market-implied paths of most advanced-economy central bank policy rates
are shown in the middle-right panel. The Bank of England joined the ranks of
advanced foreign economy central banks pursuing further monetary easing, with
details of its comprehensive package shown in the bottom-left panel. And while the
Bank of England decided not to take its Bank Rate into negative territory, the United
States is the only economy among the G-4 with an upward-sloping policy rate curve
over the next three years. And even in the case of the United States, the projected
rate increases are very modest. The low level of rates has produced a number of
innovations in how central banks provide accommodation at the zero bound, and the
intermeeting period witnessed a range of reactions in financial markets to central
banks’ ongoing use of these tools, particularly large-scale asset purchases.
In the initial weeks of its new purchase program, the Bank of England paid
substantial premiums over prevailing market prices in several of its long-dated gilt
purchase operations as a result of the reluctance of long-term investors—namely,
pension funds and insurers—to part with their longer-dated gilt holdings. The
operations have been very effective in bringing down long-dated gilt yields, which
declined by as many as 40 basis points following the program announcement and the
initial rounds of purchases. Investment-grade corporate bond spreads also narrowed
25 basis points in the days following the announcement. Overall, the market reaction
to this package has been encouraging, as it suggests no decline in the efficiency of
central bank asset purchases in lowering sovereign and private yields.
In July, the Bank of Japan introduced a limited set of additional easing measures
and announced that it would undertake a “comprehensive assessment” of the effect of
its current monetary easing programs, sparking speculation among market
participants as to whether the Bank of Japan is nearing operational limits in its current
policies. The results of the comprehensive assessment will be announced overnight.
Market expectations are dispersed, with a lack of conviction on the next policy move
by the Bank of Japan.
The ECB’s actions at its meeting earlier this month were interpreted as less
accommodative than expected. The ECB left its asset purchase programs unchanged
and stated that it did not discuss extending the program beyond the current stated time
frame of “March 2017 or beyond,” versus expectations that an explicit extension
might be forthcoming. There was also speculation that the ECB would adjust the
parameters of the program to address self-imposed constraints in its existing program,
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which it did not do, though President Draghi did say that it was investigating the
issue. Paul will discuss these foreign central developments further in his briefing.
Amid these actions and communications, the yen and euro strengthened by
3 percent and 2 percent, respectively, against the U.S. dollar over the intermeeting
period. Sovereign yield curves also steepened, with 30-year Japanese bond yields
higher by about 30 basis points and the German 30-year bond yields higher by around
20 basis points. As shown in the bottom-right panel, long-dated sovereign yields in
the United States increased roughly 20 basis points as well, with contacts primarily
pointing to effects from foreign developments, especially the ECB meeting.
Partly as a result of this steepening in sovereign yield curves, global bank stock
prices outperformed over the period, as shown in the top-left panel of your second
exhibit. Recall that, at the beginning of the year, bank stocks had declined notably
after advanced foreign economy central banks introduced new easing measures,
including negative rates from the BOJ and further rate cuts into negative territory by
the ECB.
The outperformance of bank stocks over the period came amid perceptions that
some foreign central banks are trying to address the adverse effect their easing
policies may have on financial institutions’ profitability. Market commentary has
recently speculated that the Bank of Japan may aim to steepen the Japanese yield
curve in order to reduce any adverse effect on financial institutions. Meanwhile, the
Bank of England introduced the Term Funding Scheme, which is similar in many
ways to the ECB’s TLTROs in providing cheap term funding to banks to facilitate the
pass-through of rate cuts to borrowers.
Market participants also highlighted the outperformance over the period of certain
fixed-income assets, shown in the top-right panel. The outperformance was
reportedly fueled by ongoing “reach-for-yield” behavior among long-term investors,
driven to a large extent by continued portfolio rebalancing induced by large asset
purchase programs. As emerging markets witnessed increased investor inflows, their
bond spreads to Treasury equivalents tightened, despite some recent volatility.
Meanwhile, high-yield credit spreads fell to their narrowest levels year-to-date, and
MBS option-adjusted spreads narrowed amid reportedly strong demand from foreign
investors.
Contacts have noted that low levels of volatility earlier in the period were
especially supportive of the “reach-for-yield” behavior that led to these assets’
appreciation, on net, over the period despite the recent steepening of advancedeconomy yield curves. Measures of option-implied volatility across equities, rates,
and currencies reached their year-to-date lows in August. As shown in the middleleft panel, implied volatilities for equities, the blue line, and for both short- and longterm rates, the red and gray lines, were roughly one standard deviation below their
long-term averages for much of the period before an increase in market volatility that
followed the ECB’s decision.
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In the Desk’s most recent surveys, respondents were asked to rate the importance
of various factors in explaining the recent low levels of implied volatility through the
first week of September. As shown in the middle-right panel, the most importance,
on average, was placed on advanced foreign economy central bank communication
and action, followed by Federal Reserve communication and action.
While the PBOC’s FX policy was generally viewed as consistent and predictable
over the period, Desk survey respondents did not rate emerging market central bank
actions as an important factor behind the low levels of cross-asset volatility. As
shown in the bottom-left panel, over the intermeeting period, the renminbi was little
changed against the dollar, though on a trade-weighted basis the renminbi did
depreciate roughly 1 percent, and market participants expect further depreciation.
The recent stability of the Chinese currency might reflect the PBOC’s desire for a
smooth introduction of the renminbi into the SDR on October 1.
Survey respondents also did not assign much importance to reduced political
uncertainty globally as contributing to low implied volatility, with a few respondents
suggesting that political developments may, in fact, be adding volatility. One source
of political uncertainty noted by market participants is the upcoming U.S. election,
although so far the only substantive market effect has been on the Mexican peso. As
shown in the bottom-right panel, three-month option-implied volatility on the peso–
U.S. dollar exchange rate increased sharply when the November U.S. election date
rolled into the option window, and more recent increases in implied volatility have
been attributed in part to higher uncertainty over the U.S. election. Specifically,
market participants have noted downside risk to U.S.–Mexico trade and economic
linkages related to the election outcome, including the potential for trade barriers and
restrictions on remittances from the United States to Mexico. Lorie will continue.
MS. LOGAN. In exhibits 3 and 4, I’ll cover money markets and Desk operations.
The major focus in money markets this period continued to be the upcoming
implementation of the SEC money market mutual fund reform measures on
October 14, both in terms of its effect on market conditions and potential implications
for Federal Reserve operations.
As shown in the top-left panel of your third exhibit, more than $800 billion in
assets under management has left prime and tax-exempt money market funds since
October of last year, reflecting conversions and closures of funds undertaken by asset
managers as well as investor redemptions. The vast majority of this outflow has been
reallocated to government funds, leaving overall money fund AUM relatively little
changed.
Prime fund managers remain highly uncertain about additional outflows, which
have picked up recently, averaging about $46 billion per week in September versus
$24 billion per week in July and August. In a Desk survey of money fund managers
conducted earlier this month, the average expectation for total prime fund outflows
from the end of July to mid-October was more than $500 billion, shown in the left-
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hand column of your top-right panel. If fully realized, this would leave prime fund
AUM at approximately one-third the size of a year ago.
Consistent with trends seen to date, market participants anticipate that most of the
outflows will continue to be allocated to government funds. Survey respondents’
expectations for the investments of these inflows are shown in the right-hand column.
While a majority of the inflows are expected to be invested in government securities
and private repo, around $100 billion is anticipated to initially be invested in Federal
Reserve ON RRPs, the light blue area in the chart.
As shown in the middle-left panel, usage of the ON RRP facility increased
modestly over the period, with much of this increase coming from government funds.
However, their usage of the overnight RRP facility as a proportion of their overall
AUM remains little changed. Market participants have suggested that we could see a
particularly notable increase in overnight RRP usage around the September quarterend, and that the increase may persist a bit longer than normal,due to the combination
of money fund reform–related flows and quarter-end balance sheet adjustments.
The middle-right panel shows that prime funds have been reducing the weightedaverage maturity of their holdings in preparation for additional outflows. Industry
WAMs, shown in red, are already at multiyear lows and are widely expected to fall
further. The decline in both WAMs and AUM has led to a sharp decline in prime
funds’ holdings of CP and time deposits, shown in blue.
This reduction in term lending from prime money funds has had a material effect
on the cost of term funding. As shown in the bottom-left panel, the three-month
LIBOR–OIS spread—a common measure of bank funding pressure—has widened
since late last year to around 42 basis points, a level last seen during the 2011
European sovereign debt and banking crisis. Rates on certificates of deposit and
financial CP have risen by similar amounts to LIBOR, and rates on short-dated U.S
interest rate swaps, which settle to three-month LIBOR, have increased. In the
municipal debt market, short-term yields have also increased notably as outflows
from tax-exempt money funds that invest in short-term municipal securities have
accelerated.
With prime money fund AUMs and WAMs expected to decline further, both
survey- and market-implied measures point to a modest further widening in
LIBOR– OIS spreads as the implementation date approaches. By early December,
however, the spread is expected to narrow. The expected narrowing could result from
prime funds extending their WAMs amid reduced uncertainty about further outflows
and from lending in somewhat larger sizes if AUMs rebound modestly. However, the
cost of borrowing from prime funds—as reflected in LIBOR, CP, and CD rates—will
likely remain elevated by historical standards because prime fund investors are
expected to require relatively higher returns to invest in those funds following the
implementation of reform.
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The adjustments in pricing and issuance of financial CP and CDs, while notable,
have been relatively smooth, without disruptions in funding to issuers. However,
market participants note some unease that there could be more abrupt liquidity needs
as the reform implementation date approaches. The bottom-right panel shows
upcoming weekly maturities of financial CP and CDs with tenors from one month to
one year, broken out by the domicile of the issuer. The countries highlighted in the
chart represent the top four in terms of the volume of CP maturing between now and
October 14, and cumulatively they make up over half of the roughly $350 billion
maturing over that period. These maturities will likely necessitate further changes in
issuers’ funding profiles through a combination of paying higher rates to reissue or
shifts to alternative funding sources.
Market participants have been particularly focused on the funding and liquidity
profiles of Japanese banks, shown in red, as their reliance on CP and CD issuance to
U.S. money funds for dollar funding remains large relative to other countries.
Concerns over the effect of U.S. money fund reform on Japanese banks’ U.S.
dollar funding have contributed to the continued upward pressure on the U.S. dollar–
yen swap basis, shown as the dark blue line in the top-left panel of your final exhibit.
Recall that the basis indicates the implied cost of borrowing U.S. dollars offshore
through the foreign exchange market, above what it would cost to borrow dollars
directly at U.S. dollar LIBOR. Contacts expect the basis could widen further around
the September quarter-end and as the money fund reform implementation date
approaches because Japanese banks may need to seek dollar funding through
alternative sources. This is important to note because, as we have observed, if the
implied average cost of U.S. dollar funding materially exceeds the costs on foreign
central banks’ dollar liquidity operations, draws of the swap lines may increase.
Despite these sizable effects across money markets, money fund reform has not
had a notable effect on overnight secured or unsecured interest rates. As shown in the
top-right panel, these rates remained within ranges seen over recent months. The
effective federal funds rate averaged 40 basis points this period, which is unchanged
from last period’s average.
Shifting to the SOMA portfolio, reinvestment operations continue to be executed
smoothly, in line with the Committee’s reinvestment policy. As shown in the middleleft panel, monthly reinvestment purchases of agency MBS have been increasing,
driven primarily by the ongoing low level of interest rates and a resulting pickup in
refinancing activity. The Desk expects to conduct around $46 billion of MBS
reinvestment purchases in September, which would be the largest monthly
reinvestment amount to date.
Finally, in light of the Committee’s approval of the Foreign Authorization
documents and the pending instructions from the Foreign Currency Subcommittee,
we plan to implement the new investment framework we discussed at the April
FOMC meeting. As you may recall from that discussion, the Desk undertook a
strategic review of the foreign reserves management framework, as our overall
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approach had not been formally reviewed for about a decade. The negative interest
rate environment in the euro area and Japan, which has resulted in negative total
income on the foreign portfolio in recent months, also reinforced the need to revisit
our approach. The new framework, summarized in the middle-right panel, involves a
more explicit process for assessing policymakers’ investment preferences and uses a
mean-variance optimization approach to establish a benchmark portfolio for asset
allocation.
With the new benchmark, the Desk would begin a three-month process of
reinvesting maturing proceeds to match the new asset allocation, which will result in
an increase in cash and a more modest increase in longer-term securities in the euro
portfolio. Eligible securities for investment will now include Dutch sovereign
securities in addition to French and German sovereign debt. For the yen portfolio,as
we still receive a zero interest rate on deposits with the Bank of Japan, we will leave
maturing proceeds from securities holdings on deposit with the BOJ for the time
being. However,in view of the dynamic nature of policy in Japan, it’s possible that
changes to our approach for the yen portfolio may be required; we will seek
instruction from the Subcommittee, in consultation with the Committee, if we need to
adjust. We plan to update the Committee at the next meeting on the status of the
implementation and provide quarterly updates on the portfolio thereafter.
As usual, your appendix contains a summary of operational tests performed over
the intermeeting period and those planned during the next period. Susan McLaughlin
will now continue the presentation, focusing on the proposed Desk counterparty
policy.
MS. McLAUGHLIN. 3 Thank you, Lorie. I’ll be referring to the exhibit titled
“Proposed Counterparty Policy.”
The staff is seeking your concurrence with a new counterparty policy that we
propose to publish on the FRBNY’s website in early November. The policy
documents, in draft form, can be found in the appendixes of the memo that we sent to
you last week.
The new policy represents the culmination of a multiyear project conducted by
FRBNY and Board staff to strengthen and improve the FRBNY’s framework for
managing counterparties for market operations. The staff also consulted with the
staff in the Treasury’s Office of Domestic Finance,on account of the role that primary
dealers play in Treasury auctions, as well as the staff in the Treasury’s Office of
International Affairs,on account of their reliance on the FRBNY’s foreign
exchange/reserve management counterparties for Exchange Stabilization Fund, or
ESF, operations. The review identified a number of improvements that could be
made to the FRBNY’s counterparty framework.
3
The materials used by Ms. McLaughlin are appended to this transcript (appendix 3).
September 20–21, 2016
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Last year, the FRBNY implemented the first set of improvements from the review
by establishing a single, consistent set of internal management practices and
processes with regard to all Desk counterparties. We are coming back to you now to
seek your concurrence with the second set of improvements to the FRBNY’s public
documentation on counterparties.
The proposed new policy consolidates the administration and respective
expectations of all counterparty types for SOMA operations and for ESF and
Treasury auctions that the FRBNY conducts for the Treasury as fiscal agent. This
consolidated format clarifies for the public the overarching framework within which
all counterparties for market operations are managed and highlights common themes.
It may also help moderate the perception that primary dealers are special in some way
by showing how they are similar to other types of counterparties and the various
obligations they assume.
As panel 1 in your exhibit shows, the FRBNY is currently more transparent about
its counterparties for open market operations than those for foreign market operations.
We propose to eliminate this inconsistency by expanding the set of information we
provide on foreign operations counterparties in two ways. First, for the first time, we
will publish the lists of our FX and foreign reserves counterparties, just as we do
today for primary dealers and reverse repo counterparties. And, second, we will add
information on expectations and eligibility criteria for foreign reserve management
counterparties to what we already publish for other types of counterparties.
The FRBNY relies on primary dealers not only for the conduct of open market
operations, but also to ensure robust coverage of Treasury auctions of new securities.
We propose three changes to the eligibility criteria for primary dealers that will
modestly expand the pool of regulated banks and broker-dealers eligible to become
primary dealers in an effort to augment operational capacity. These changes are
summarized in panel 2. First, we would reduce the Federal Reserve’s minimum net
regulatory capital, or NRC, threshold for broker-dealers to $50 million from the
current $150 million level. Second, we would increase the minimum Tier 1 capital
threshold to $1 billion to better align and scale it for the new NRC threshold. Third,
we would establish a 0.25 percent Treasury market share threshold to accompany the
new minimum capital thresholds.
I would note that reducing the minimum NRC threshold to $50 million is likely to
have a fairly modest effect on the number of primary dealers in the near term, as
shown in panel 3. Our impact analysis was based on an examination of the
168 broker-dealers that are registered with the SEC, had NRC in excess of
$50 million as of year-end 2014, and are not already primary dealers. Of those 168,
only 25 appeared to act as market makers in Treasury securities. And 13 of these
25 firms already had NRC in excess of the current $150 million threshold, leaving
only 12 additional dealers that would become eligible to apply at the new $50 million
NRC threshold.
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I would also like to clarify why we are proposing to increase the minimum Tier 1
capital threshold for banking organizations with subsidiaries or branches as primary
dealers to $1 billion from the current level of $150 million as we reduce the minimum
NRC threshold. While NRC is a net measure of capital at the broker-dealer
subsidiary level, Tier 1 is a measure of capital supporting all operations of a holding
company; the two measures are not equivalent. In trying to ascertain the level of
Tier 1 capital that is analogous to NRC, we looked at the Tier 1 and NRC levels of
current primary dealers and found that they differ widely with respect to the scale and
scope of businesses their Tier 1 capital supports. In the absence of a clear
relationship between NRC and Tier 1 capital, the staff judged that $1 billion was a
reasonable complement to the new NRC threshold proposed. Like the NRC
threshold, the Tier 1 threshold is a gating mechanism rather than a mitigant of
counterparty credit risk.
Finally, we plan to establish a 0.25 percent Treasury market share threshold for
primary dealers in order to better gauge new applicants’ ability to meet our
transaction needs. As shown in panel 4, Treasury market share has in the past been
used as a gauge of primary dealer capabilities. You may recall that between 2013 and
2015, the Desk conducted two yearlong pilot programs with small firms, first as
participants in our Treasury purchase operations and then as participants in our MBS
purchase operations. Our experiences with these pilots suggest that having an
explicit, quantifiable criterion like market share may become more important as we
consider applications from smaller firms. We selected the 0.25 percent threshold on
the basis of Treasury market share data received from a number of primary dealer
applicants and Treasury pilot applicants over the 2010–14 period; these data are
summarized in panel 5.
Expanding the pool of applicants to some smaller firms will require a few changes
to our processes for monitoring counterparty credit risk. Currently, most primary
dealers are affiliated with or are branches of publicly traded banks or other publicly
traded companies, and FRBNY has access to a range of market-based and supervisory
or regulatory information to use in monitoring them. The others are affiliated with
companies that issue debt in the capital markets and are thus subject to SEC filing
requirements and rating agency analysis that FRBNY uses in its monitoring process.
Because firms with NRC below $150 million are unlikely to have either of these
characteristics, much of the information on which FRBNY currently relies will not be
available in the case of these firms. FRBNY will develop an equivalent monitoring
process that is appropriate for these firms before taking any new applicants on board.
The staff would appreciate any feedback, either now or in the coming weeks, that
you may have on the policy materials. If the Committee is generally supportive of the
approach, we plan to publish the documents on November 9 after incorporating any
comments. Thank you, Madam Chair. That concludes our prepared remarks. We’d
be happy to respond to your questions.
CHAIR YELLEN. Any questions for the presenters? President George.
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MS. GEORGE. I had a question for Lorie on the reinvestment purchases. At one point,
the expectations were that we would cease reinvestments when we’d get to a federal funds rate of
1 to 1¼ percent. Are those expectations of when people expect us to cease reinvestments
moving at all relative to expectations for the funds rate, and how would they compare with our
own?
MS. LOGAN. The reinvestment expectations in the policy survey are adjusting to
changes in expectations for the rate level, so they’ve been consistently moving out as
expectations of the path of policy have moved out. That relationship has stayed fairly stable.
MS. GEORGE. So with our projections coming out, they are likely to change.
MR. POTTER. So 1⅜ is the median estimate of where the federal funds rate will be.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you.
CHAIR YELLEN. Any further questions? We do not need a vote on the new
counterparty policy, but I would like to see whether there is general support for the Desk to go
ahead with the plans as we’ve discussed.
MR. FISCHER. Yes.
MR. DUDLEY. Yes.
CHAIR YELLEN. Okay. You have general support. And I do need a vote to ratify
domestic open market operations.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. So moved.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Without objection. We’re ready to move along to the
economic and financial briefings, and David Wilcox is going to start us off.
MR. WILCOX. 4 Thank you, Madam Chair. I will be referring to the packet
titled “The U.S. Outlook.” The staff economic projection is not much revised since
our assessment in either June, which is the last time you provided forecasts for the
4
The materials used by Mr. Wilcox are appended to this transcript (appendix 4).
September 20–21, 2016
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SEP, or compared with July, so I’ll summarize the current economic situation with
greater brevity than usual and will then make the briefing longer than usual overall by
reviewing in some detail the comparative labor market experience of blacks,
Hispanics, and whites over the past couple of decades.
Real GDP growth during the first half of this year is currently estimated to have
been noticeably weaker than we anticipated in July, but a shortfall in inventory
investment below our expectations more than accounted for the downside surprise.
The growth of private domestic final purchases during the first half of the year was,
according to current estimates, as strong as we had expected. As shown in panel 1,
the available indicators as seen through the lens of the various nowcasting models in
operation around the System suggest that real GDP growth has rebounded in the
current quarter, a view with which we concur. Indeed, as you will see from the path
of the black line, our judgmental assessment is that the rebound has been a little
stronger than we anticipated at the time of the July meeting, even taking on board last
Thursday’s slightly disappointing retail sales release. Our forecast of real GDP
growth over the year as a whole is now unrevised from the July Tealbook.
As you can see from panel 2, our September Tealbook forecast of real GDP
growth over the medium term is just a shade weaker than the one we had in July,
largely because we trimmed our assumption for potential GDP growth and let that
show through to actual GDP. Overall, the picture remains one of steady growth,
modestly faster than the growth of potential GDP and slowing slightly toward the end
of the projection period as the normalization of monetary policy takes firmer hold and
discretionary fiscal policy actions add a little less to the growth of demand.
As shown in panel 3, we estimate that the output gap has essentially closed—an
assessment very much in line with the range of four models that we track and that
produce their own independent estimates of an output gap. Over the medium term,
we expect that output will move above its potential, with the differential reaching
about 1½ percent of potential GDP by the end of 2018. As a result, the
unemployment rate, shown to the right, continues to drift down, reaching a low of
4¼ percent in 2019.
As shown in the bottom two panels, the outlook for inflation is also essentially
unrevised. The most noteworthy development here since the July meeting is that
we’ve received some hard data corroborating our earlier expectation that core
inflation would step down in the second half of the year. We had expected a
combination of residual seasonality and the absence of elevated readings in a few
idiosyncratic categories to bring core quarterly inflation down into the neighborhood
of 1¼ to 1½ percent in the second half of this year, and that reduction seems to be in
train—an assessment that survived the publication late last week of the PPI and CPI
for August.
As shown in panel 7 on the next page, our forecast for top-line PCE inflation this
year is unrevised, on net, since December of last year when you first raised the funds
rate 25 basis points, reflecting a fortuitous counterbalancing of weaker-than-expected
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food prices against stronger-than-expected core inflation. As shown to the right, we
parse the changes in core inflation into the yellow box for “other” price inflation in
2016. Inflation mavens will recall that there were some price spikes early in the year
in categories such as jewelry, apparel, and nonmarket prices—categories that
historically have not had much signal value for future inflation. Thus far, the call not
to carry any of those higher readings forward into the second half appears to have
been the right one. In 2017 and 2018, a variety of very small factors have caused us
to trim a cumulative 0.1 percentage point per year out of our projection. The most
easily identifiable of these factors is that, back in March, we took down our
assumption for the underlying pace of inflation this year 5 basis points.
I will now turn to reviewing the comparative labor market outcomes of blacks or
African Americans, Hispanics or Latinos, and whites over the past couple of decades.
A high-level summary is that overall labor market conditions have continued to
improve over the past several years, and that this improvement has generally been
broadly shared across major racial and ethnic groups. In relative terms, conditions on
at least some dimensions have been improving more rapidly of late for African
Americans and Hispanics than for whites. However, in absolute terms, labor market
conditions remain notably worse for African Americans and Hispanics.
The following three panels illustrate the overall improvement in labor market
conditions. As shown by the black dashed line in panel 9, the national average U-3
unemployment rate has continued to trend down in recent years, and, as shown by the
other lines, this is true for blacks and Hispanics as well as for whites.
As shown in panel 10, the broader U-6 measure has also generally continued to
trend downward, though progress on this measure appears to have been more uneven
in recent months for blacks and Hispanics. Panel 11 shows employment-topopulation ratios for these same groups, focusing here on persons between the ages of
25 and 54 in order to limit the influence of the marked differences in age structure
across racial and ethnic groups. The EPOPs for all groups have trended up over the
past several years, with the EPOP for blacks or African Americans making especially
notable gains after having suffered especially severely during the Great Recession
and having lagged the recovery experienced by other groups.
Thus, the labor market experience of Hispanics and African Americans has
improved considerably during the past few years. That said, it remains notably worse
in many respects than the labor market experience of whites. Starting with the most
obvious fact to illustrate this point, the unemployment rates for blacks and Hispanics
remain much higher than that for whites. For example, 8.7 percent, on average, for
blacks over the 12 months ending in August, 5.9 percent for Hispanics, and
4.4 percent for whites. Moreover, panel 12 on your next page shows that, at every
age, unemployment rates are higher for blacks and Hispanics than they are for whites.
Similarly, panel 13 shows that, with only one exception, unemployment rates for
blacks and Hispanics at every level of educational attainment are higher than they are
for whites of the same educational attainment. An especially sobering take on the
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relative experience of blacks or African Americans compared with whites is revealed
by comparing unemployment rates across levels of educational attainment.
Remaining in panel 13, for example, comparing the blue bar in the rightmost cluster
with the green bar just to the left, we see that during the 12 months ending in August,
blacks with a bachelor’s degree or more experienced unemployment at the same
4.2 percent rate as whites with only some college or an associate’s degree. Moving to
the left, blacks with some college education but not a bachelor’s degree experienced a
higher unemployment rate than did whites with only a high school degree. And
blacks with a high school degree experienced more unemployment than did white
high school dropouts.
Another aspect of the labor market reality of blacks and Hispanics over the past
two decades has been that they have tended to experience a “high beta” version of the
unemployment variation of whites. Panel 14 on the next page provides a scatter plot
of the unemployment rate for blacks, plotted against the y-axis, against the
unemployment rate for whites, plotted against the x-axis. The red dots show
unemployment rates from 1994 through 2007, while the blue dots show rates since
the beginning of 2011. As you can see from the red trend line for the early dots, a
1 percentage point increase in the unemployment rate for whites before the Great
Recession was associated with a 1.8 percentage point increase in the rate for blacks.
The bad news is that nothing has changed more recently: As shown by the trend line
for the blue dots, exactly the same relationship holds in the more recent period. The
good news, to the extent there is any here, is that this high-beta relationship implies
that unemployment rates have been coming down more rapidly for blacks lately than
for whites.
Panel 15 provides a similar comparison of Hispanic unemployment rates to white
unemployment rates. In this case, and viewed through this simple lens without
controlling for other workforce characteristics, there seems to have been some
convergence in unemployment experience from the 1990s compared with more
recently. As denoted by the red dots, the multiplier for the Hispanic rate during the
1990s was more than 2, and the level of rates was consistently higher. Since the turn
of the century, the level of the relationship seems to have rotated downward, but still,
the multiplier for Hispanics during the past decade and a half has run in the
neighborhood of about 1½.
An obvious question is what the underlying cause of this high-beta experience of
blacks and Hispanics might be. One prominent author has suggested that much of the
high-beta experience of blacks and Hispanics can be attributed to the disproportionate
employment of blacks and Hispanics in the highly cyclical manufacturing and
construction industries. Another prominent author has attributed the phenomenon to
discrimination. A third possibility is that it might reflect different age structures or
levels of educational attainment across racial and ethnic groups.
To shed light on the plausibility of differing educational attainments as an
explanation for the high-beta experience of blacks and Hispanics, I stratified the
earlier scatter plots by level of educational attainment. The four panels on your next
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page show the results for blacks. For example, the panel in the upper left compares
the unemployment experience of blacks with less than a high school degree with that
of whites with the same educational attainment. As you can see, the multiplier in this
educational group has averaged 1.7. The remaining panels perform the same exercise
for successively higher levels of attainment. The counterintuitive result here is that
there is no attenuation of the high-beta experience as education goes up: Even for
blacks with a college degree, if the unemployment rate of their white counterparts
goes up 1 percentage point, their own unemployment rate goes up 1.8 percentage
points on average. The data point furthest to the northeast in this panel—that is, the
lower-right panel—is for 2011: In that year, the unemployment rate for whites with a
BA or more peaked at 3.9 percent, while the rate for their black counterparts hit
7.1 percent.
Your next page presents the analogous results for Hispanics, limiting the sample
to 2002 and forward. In this case, the results differ much more across levels of
educational attainment. In particular, there’s no significant difference between the
cyclicality of unemployment of Hispanics and whites who have less than a high
school degree (the top-left panel) and a notably smaller difference in the case of those
who have a high school degree (shown in the top right). On the other hand, the
unemployment beta for Hispanics who have some college education (in the bottom
left) is about 1.3, and the beta for those having a bachelor’s degree or more (in the
bottom right) is actually a little higher than in the aggregate.
This investigation is far from providing a complete answer to the question of why
the black and Hispanic unemployment rates historically have behaved like an
amplified version of the white unemployment rate. But it suggests to me that even if
disproportionate employment in manufacturing and construction is part of the
explanation for the high-beta experience of blacks and Hispanics, more may be going
on. In particular, I am struck by the fact that, at least in the case of African
Americans, the high-beta behavior manifests at all levels of educational attainment,
including among those with a college degree or more. But, for sure, more work needs
to be done here.
Before closing, let me briefly note that blacks and Hispanics have worse labor
market experiences in other dimensions as well, aside from unemployment. To give
two quick illustrations: As shown in panel 18, blacks and Hispanics report
experiencing involuntary part-time employment for economic reasons at considerably
higher rates than do whites. And, as shown in panel 19, blacks experience longer
spells of unemployment than do whites. You can see this latter result by noting that
relatively less of black unemployment relative to white unemployment is accounted
for in short-duration spells, to the left of the graph, whereas relatively more of black
unemployment is taken up in long-duration spells, to the right of the graph. And I
haven’t even touched on the issue of wage equity across racial and ethnic groups.
The bottom line that I take away is this: Much progress has been made in recent
years in overall labor market conditions. Moreover, in relative terms, blacks and
Hispanics have gained disproportionately during the past few years. However, in
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absolute terms, the differences across groups remain large and disturbing. Much
more work remains to be done about why this is so and what can be done about it.
Paul will carry on with our briefing.
MR. WOOD. 5 Thank you. This has been a relatively quiet round for
international developments. Global financial and commodity market settings have
not moved much since your previous meeting, and, similarly, the outlook for foreign
growth and inflation is little changed from what we presented in the July Tealbook.
Moreover, the hubbub over Brexit has died down for now, with financial markets
continuing to recover from the initial declines and economic data showing less nearterm effect on the U.K. and euro-area economies than originally feared. In the July
Tealbook, we had based our estimates of Brexit effects on measures of economic
uncertainty (panel 1) and related financial stress. Although those measures initially
spiked, they have come down considerably. However, we still expect negotiations
between U.K. and EU authorities over their future trade relationship will be a source
of uncertainty that will weigh on both economies during the forecast period. In
addition, we expect some drag on U.K. economic growth from the long-run effects of
reduced trade and integration with the rest of Europe.
For the overall foreign economy, the second-quarter pothole in GDP growth was
even larger than expected, mostly because temporary factors weighed heavily on the
output of our North American trading partners. In Canada, oil production was
disrupted by wildfires in May but started to recover by June. In Mexico, economic
growth suffered in part from weakness in U.S. industrial production. However,
foreign growth excluding Mexico and Canada (the red line in panel 2) held up better
in the second quarter. With those two countries bouncing back, total foreign growth
should recover to around 2½ percent in the second half and stay near that rate through
the forecast period.
As shown in panel 3, in most advanced foreign economies, inflation on a fourquarter basis remains near zero, partly because of past declines in energy prices.
With oil prices stabilizing, we see a rebound in headline inflation over the next year,
but even by the end of 2019 we project inflation at only 1½ percent in the euro area
and 1 percent in Japan. The sharp sterling depreciation following the Brexit vote is
expected to push U.K. inflation above 2 percent next year, but the Bank of England
has said it will “look through” that rise as it counteracts some of the real effects of the
Brexit shock.
As Simon discussed, the Bank of England provided further stimulus in early
August. In contrast, the ECB held off on easing at its recent meeting, and the Bank of
Japan announced only modest further stimulus in late July, even though inflation in
those economies remains well below target and long-term inflation compensation
(panel 4) is low. In the euro area, it has declined in recent years from around 2½
percent to less than 1½ percent. Japanese inflation compensation was boosted by
5
The materials used by Mr. Wood are appended to this transcript (appendix 5).
September 20–21, 2016
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Abenomics in 2013, rising as yen depreciation spurred actual inflation, but it has
fallen back to near zero.
Amid questions on why its stimulus has failed to durably raise inflation, the Bank
of Japan is undertaking a “comprehensive assessment” of its unconventional policies
to be released tonight following its policy meeting. More generally, foreign central
banks are grappling with the effectiveness of further stimulus and what form it should
take. The asset purchases and negative policy rates pursued by the ECB and Bank of
Japan have provided stimulus, including through reduced domestic borrowing rates.
As seen in panel 5, since the ECB took its deposit rate negative in mid-2014 and
began large-scale sovereign bond purchases in early 2015, interest rates on loans to
nonfinancial corporations have declined significantly in the core euro-area economies
and even more sharply in the periphery.
Yield curves in the euro area and Japan (panel 6) also have shifted down and
flattened. However, with both short and longer-term interest rates so low, there are
questions of whether pushing them further down will encourage additional borrowing
and spending or provide further stimulus through other channels. In addition, flatter
yield curves tend to hurt the profitability of banks, which generally borrow short and
lend long, and thus could reduce the transmission of monetary stimulus through the
bank lending channel, which is important in both of those economies.
Concerns about the bank lending channel arise even at low positive interest rates,
prompting the introduction of programs such as the Bank of England’s Term Funding
Scheme. But those concerns intensify as policy rates turn negative, squeezing net
interest margins for banks (panel 1 of your next exhibit) if they reduce lending rates
but are unable to pass on negative rates to retail depositors. These potential side
effects are leading foreign policymakers to worry that the effective lower bound on
the policy rate may not be determined by substitution into cash but by concerns that
further rate cuts could be counterproductive. ECB officials have stressed that lower
interest rates also have some positives for banks, including capital gains on bond
portfolios and lower charge-offs as a result of improvements in credit quality, and
they point to increased bank lending in recent years. Nonetheless, as shown by the
blue line in panel 2, we believe the ECB is inclined to pursue other types of stimulus
and will leave its deposit rate unchanged at negative 0.4 percent for most of the
forecast period. By the same token, Bank of Japan Governor Kuroda recently
acknowledged that negative policy rates can hurt banks’ margins while arguing that
rate cuts still have greater benefits than costs. We expect that, in its comprehensive
assessment, the Bank of Japan will conclude that its negative rate policy is effective,
opening the possibility of further rate cuts. However, assuming the Japanese
economy achieves the tepid growth and meager rise in inflation projected in our
baseline, we currently anticipate the Bank of Japan will not actually reduce the policy
rate further.
Perhaps responding to the criticism that Bank of Japan and ECB policies have
received from the banking community, Bank of England Governor Mark Carney has
made clear recently he is no fan of negative interest rates, indicating that he sees the
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effective lower bound as “a positive number close to zero.” We expect the Bank of
England to keep its policy rate at its current low level as the U.K. economy adjusts to
life outside the EU. But Carney’s view is not universally held in central banking
circles, and some draw a different conclusion from the recent experience with
negative rates. For instance, this past December, the Bank of Canada reviewed its
policy tools and suggested its policy rate could go as low as negative 0.5 percent, if
needed.
In addition to low rates, all of these central banks except the Bank of Canada have
ongoing asset purchase programs, primarily buying sovereign bonds. Recent
discussions of ECB and Bank of Japan policies have often focused on whether and
how to expand these purchases. Regarding “whether,” policymakers in both
institutions have been surprised by the extent to which long yields have fallen and, as
I noted earlier, are concerned about their effects on bank profits. Regarding “how,”
both institutions are facing issues and constraints as their asset holdings grow. The
ECB’s constraints are largely self-imposed, as its sovereign debt holdings are still
only a small share of outstanding euro-area sovereign debt. In particular, the ECB
limits its holdings of any bond and any issuer, its purchases are allocated across
countries by its capital key, and it buys only bonds that yield more than its deposit
rate. These constraints interact with each other and become more binding when bond
yields decline. For instance, German bonds have to make up a large share of its
purchases (about 25 percent), but many German bonds yield less than the deposit rate
and thus are not eligible. We expect the ECB to announce, most likely in December,
an extension of its purchases to the end of 2017 from its current commitment of
March 2017. To do so, it will have to relax some of those constraints, and it has
tasked committees with evaluating the options.
The BOJ faces greater concerns over running out of room to buy more sovereign
bonds. As shown in panel 3, it currently holds more than one-third of outstanding
JGBs. Moreover, Japanese life insurance companies and pension funds have longterm yen-denominated liabilities and thus are reluctant to sell their JGBs even at
elevated prices. Of course, large fiscal deficits are also increasing the supply of
JGBs, and the Abe government has announced renewed fiscal stimulus. We expect
the BOJ to maintain its current pace of JGB purchases for the next several years but
not to increase that pace.
Given the issues associated with further sovereign bond buying, central banks are
moving into purchases of riskier, private-sector assets. In July, the Bank of Japan
increased its rate of ETF purchases, and we think it likely will increase its purchases
of real estate investment trusts and corporate bonds, both of which it currently buys in
relatively small amounts. The ECB began in June a program to buy corporate bonds,
and corporate bond spreads (panel 4) have declined significantly since the
announcement. In August, the Bank of England also announced corporate bond
purchases as part of its stimulus program.
In sum, we believe that AFE central banks still have room to provide further
stimulus, but further action comes with growing complications and side effects that
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need to be managed. Hence, central banks are resorting to a widening array of
instruments, and they face growing challenges of communicating simultaneously
about not only the stance of monetary policy, but also its shifting composition.
Regardless of whether AFE central banks add to their stimulus in the years to
come, their policies are generally expected to remain highly accommodative. As
discussed in Carol Bertaut’s pre-FOMC briefing, this expectation is spurring capital
flows to emerging markets and boosting EME asset prices as well as reducing highyield credit spreads in advanced economies. However, as evidenced by the backup in
long yields in recent weeks, this buoyancy is fragile and could be undermined by
signs that accommodation is being removed more quickly than anticipated. In this
environment, the risks associated with FOMC tightening may be greater than usual,
especially with regard to the dollar. Accordingly, we have chosen to increase the
sensitivity of our dollar forecast to policy rate surprises, a move supported by the
experience of the past couple of years. We now assume the dollar will increase by 3
percent against all floating currencies for each 100 basis points of policy rate surprise,
compared with about 2¼ percent previously.
In addition, we reassessed our assumption about the path of the Chinese renminbi
(panel 5) in light of the Chinese government’s apparent willingness to allow further
gradual declines in its currency. We now assume that the dollar will appreciate
against the renminbi through the end of the forecast period. Previously, we had
assumed the dollar would depreciate starting in the second half of 2017. All told, as
shown in panel 6, we now project a steeper path of dollar appreciation over the
forecast period. And, as illustrated by an alternative scenario in the Tealbook, we
view the risks to our dollar outlook as toward the upside. Beth Klee will continue our
presentation.
MS. KLEE. 6 I’ll be referring to the packet labeled “Material for Briefing on the
Summary of Economic Projections.” To summarize, while your near- and mediumterm economic projections are quite similar to those you submitted in June, more than
half of you reduced your estimates of longer-run real GDP growth. In addition, most
of you revised down your assessments of the appropriate level of the federal funds
rate through 2018 and over the longer run.
Exhibit 1 summarizes your economic projections, which are conditional on your
individual assessments of appropriate monetary policy. As shown in the top panel,
the median of your projections of real GDP growth this year is 1.8 percent. Most of
you project that economic growth will pick up a bit next year and run at or slightly
above your estimates of its longer-run rate in 2017 and 2018, and a majority of you
expect real GDP growth to be at its longer-run trend in 2019. One participant did not
submit longer-run projections of the percentage change in real GDP, the
unemployment rate, or the federal funds rate. That fact will be noted in the SEP
material that will be released to the public.
6
The materials used by Ms. Klee are appended to this transcript (appendix 6).
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As shown in the second panel, the median of your projections of the
unemployment rate by the end of this year is 4.8 percent, equal to the median of its
longer-run normal level. A substantial majority of you see the unemployment rate
falling to or below its longer-run normal level over the next two years. In addition,
many of you see the unemployment rate edging up to or toward its longer-run level in
2019. As can be seen in the third panel, the median of your projections of headline
PCE inflation moves up from 1.3 percent this year to 1.9 percent in 2017 and
2 percent in 2018 and 2019, when all of you project that inflation will be equal to or
within a couple tenths of a percentage point of the Committee’s objective. Turning to
the bottom panel, the medians of your projections of core inflation also increase
gradually over the next three years.
Exhibit 2 compares your current projections with those in the June Summary of
Economic Projections and with the September and June Tealbooks. As indicated in
the top panel, the median of your forecasts of real GDP growth in 2016 has fallen
since June; many of you attributed the downward revision to weaker-than-expected
incoming data for the first half of this year. The median values of your projections of
real GDP growth in 2017 and 2018 are unchanged from June at 2 percent, a pace
slightly above the median projection of its longer-run growth rate, which was revised
down to 1.8 percent. As shown in the second, third, and fourth panels, the medians of
your projections of the unemployment rate and of total and core PCE inflation are
little changed from June. Compared with the latest Tealbook, the median of your
projections of real GDP growth is a bit higher this year, moderately lower in 2017,
and about in line for 2018 and beyond. The median of your projections of the
unemployment rate and for headline and core inflation are generally somewhat higher
than those presented in the Tealbook.
Exhibit 3 provides an overview of your assessments of the appropriate path of the
federal funds rate. The median of your projections, indicated by the red horizontal
lines in the top panel, is consistent with one 25 basis point rate hike by the end of this
year. Thereafter, the medians of your projections are 1.1 percent at the end of 2017,
1.9 percent at the end of 2018, and 2.6 percent at the end of 2019. Compared with the
June projections, which are shown in the bottom panel, 12 of you revised down the
federal funds rate you expect to prevail at the end of this year; the median of your
projections is now 25 basis points lower. All but a couple of you revised down your
funds rate forecast over the next two years, and, since June, many of you also lowered
your assessment of the appropriate pace of rate hikes in 2017. The median federal
funds rate projection moves up 50 basis points from the end of 2016 to the end of
2017, compared with a 75 basis point increase expected in June, and by another
75 basis points in 2018. Many of you expressed a view that increases in the federal
funds rate over the next several years will need to be gradual in light of a short-term
neutral real interest rate that is currently low and will only rise slowly—a
phenomenon that a number of you attributed to persistently low productivity growth
and other factors. In addition, some of you cited risk-management considerations,due
to the proximity of the effective lower bound, as a reason for taking a cautious
approach to normalization.
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With respect to the longer-run federal funds rate, 12 of you moved down your
projections by at least 25 basis points, and the median now stands at 2⅞ percent,
compared with 3 percent in June. In making the downward revisions, participants
noted a number of factors, including the persistence of unfavorable global
demographic dynamics; weak productivity growth; and low longer-term yields
stemming from, for example, a weak outlook for economic growth abroad. As in
June, almost all of you anticipate that the appropriate level of the funds rate at the end
of 2018 will remain below your individual judgments of its longer-run level. Most of
you expect this difference to narrow considerably by the end of 2019.
As shown by the red diamonds in exhibit 3, the median federal funds rate that a
non-inertial Taylor (1999) rule prescribes for the end of this year,conditional on your
individual projections of core inflation, the unemployment rate gap, and the longerrun federal funds rate, has shifted down since June, reflecting downward revisions to
projected inflation and the longer-run federal funds rate as well as upward revisions
to the unemployment rate. The lower Taylor rule prescriptions for 2017 and 2018
primarily reflect the downward revisions to the longer-run federal funds rate. All of
you continue to project levels of the federal funds rate in 2016, 2017, and 2018 that
are well below the prescriptions using your individual economic outlooks as variables
in the policy rule, and only two of you project the federal funds rate in 2019 to be
equal to that suggested by the rule.
Exhibit 4 compares the medians of your current projections with those from
September 2015. As illustrated in the top panel, the median projections of real GDP
growth in 2016 and 2017 are a bit lower than a year ago. As shown in the second
panel, the median projection of the unemployment rate is modestly lower than it was
in September 2015. As depicted in the third panel, the median projection of inflation
in 2016 has been revised down, generally reflecting declines in energy prices and
continued strength in the dollar that were not expected a year ago.
While the median projections of economic activity, employment, and inflation are
little changed from the September 2015 SEP, the path of the federal funds rate that
you anticipate will generate these outcomes is much lower in the current projection.
In September 2015, the median federal funds rate at year-end 2016 was 1.4 percent,
compared with 0.6 percent now. This gap widens through 2018. Moreover, over the
past year, the median of your longer-run federal funds rate declined from 3.5 percent
to 2.9 percent.
Exhibit 5 shows your assessments of the uncertainty and risks surrounding your
economic projections. As shown in the figures to the left, you continue to view the
uncertainty attached to your projections as being broadly similar to the average of the
past 20 years. As in June, the majority of you also see the risks to your projections of
GDP growth and the unemployment rate as being broadly balanced, as illustrated in
the top two figures to the right, and fewer of you see the risks to economic growth as
weighted to the downside or view the risks to unemployment as weighted to the
upside than in June. Moving to the two bottom-right figures, a couple more of you
now see the risks to your inflation projections as broadly balanced rather than as tilted
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to the downside; those who revised their view pointed to an easing of concerns about
global financial developments or inflation expectations remaining anchored at policyconsistent levels. Those who continue to judge that the risks to inflation are weighted
to the downside cited the risks associated with encountering negative economic
shocks at the effective lower bound as well as recent readings on survey-based
measures of inflation expectations and financial market measures of inflation
compensation, among other reasons. Thank you. That concludes our prepared
remarks, and we would be happy to respond to your questions.
CHAIR YELLEN. Questions for any of the presenters are welcome. Governor Brainard.
MS. BRAINARD. Thank you, Madam Chair. This is for David Wilcox. I thought the
discussion and the decomposition on unemployment experiences by different racial groups was
extremely interesting. It seems very important as we try to figure out where we are with regard
to remaining slack and where that remaining slack may be, although it’s a little unclear as to why
there are these very differential experiences.
As I look at it, I thought the decomposition by education was very striking, both in terms
of the variability and in terms of the levels. And, as you were talking, it seems a little harder
superficially to associate that kind of a pattern with sectoral differences as opposed to potentially
alternative explanations like discrimination. But I wondered whether you had any further
thoughts on what this is telling you so far or what additional analysis you might think about
doing to try to get further insights into that.
MR. WILCOX. I think it’s a really important question to be investigated. As I said in
the course of the briefing itself, I don’t regard this work as having laid to rest the question. I’m a
little skeptical that differential exposure to cyclical industries—in particular, manufacturing and
construction—can account for the high-beta experience of blacks and Hispanics. My view on
that is informed importantly by the results, perhaps most especially those in the lower-right panel
in exhibit 16, which show that even for African Americans with a bachelor’s degree or more, this
multiplier of 1.8 pertains relative to whites. I haven’t looked at the industry exposure of African
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Americans and whites with a bachelor’s degree or more, but I’m a little skeptical that the
exposure of African Americans with a bachelor’s or more to construction and to manufacturing
could be significant enough to account for that. Industry exposure itself may account for some
of this behavior. I am skeptical that it provides a complete explanation.
There are marked differences in the age structure of these racial and ethnic groups. For
example, relatively speaking, the Hispanic population has far fewer elderly than the white
population. So another avenue for investigation is something akin to what I’ve done that would
investigate the potential role of differential age structure and account for this sort of situation.
But I think there’s a lot of work to be done not only here inside the Federal Reserve, but by
outside researchers as well.
CHAIR YELLEN. President Williams.
MR. WILLIAMS. I thought that the box in Tealbook A, “Alternative View: A Return to
the Greenspan Conundrum,” was really interesting. I want to reiterate something I think I’ve
said many times over the years—how much I appreciate the alternative view boxes. I know that
you’re not supporting the particular views here, but I think they are really valuable, at least for
us—2,500 miles away we sit and discuss these, and it forces us to think through things in a very
constructive way. So, again, I view this as a very positive exercise.
However, that one exercise did get me looking at the alternative scenario that was related
to that, which was, again, named “A Return to the Greenspan Conundrum.” One intriguing
result of that alternative scenario was that the unemployment rate comes down to 3¼ percent in
late 2019. I know that throughout my lifetime we’ve never had a 3¼ percent unemployment
rate. I actually don’t think we’ve had one, probably, since World War II.
MR. POTTER. You’re not that young. [Laughter]
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MR. WILLIAMS. Okay. Now, I don’t think we’ve had an unemployment rate that low.
CHAIR YELLEN. No, I don’t think so. It got down to about 3.5, I think, in 1999?
MR. WILLIAMS. Yes. 3.9.
CHAIR YELLEN. It has not gone to 3.
MR. WILLIAMS. No.
CHAIR YELLEN. But what about in the ’60s, at the end of the ’60s?
MR. WILLIAMS. It didn’t go to 3¼ percent in the ’60s.
MR. WILCOX. No.
MR. WILLIAMS. Okay. So the unemployment rate has not gone down to 3¼ percent in
my lifetime. I’ll stick with that. [Laughter] The question I have is—I think this simulation was
done in the FRB/US model—if you thought through that scenario of a really strong economy, in
which monetary policy, for whatever reason, is not taming output growth, do you really think the
unemployment rate would go down to close to 3 percent? Or do you think that something else
would give in the model? Are we pushing this model outside of the historical norms far enough
that maybe labor force participation would pick up, maybe wages would pick up, or something?
How do you think about scenarios of an essentially linear model when you’re taking it well
outside a historical norm that was estimated?
MR. WILCOX. Really tough question. I don’t have a ready, fully formed answer for
you. I’ll answer with a partial response, which is that I suspect that a feature of a lot of these
alternative scenarios in which we’re stressing one aspect of the economy would entail other
aspects. So the all-else-being-equal assumption would fail for sure. Now, where the rivets
would pop off, I think, is what you’re asking, and I don’t know the answer to that. If I had
thought 3.2 percent unemployment was absolutely outlandish, I wouldn’t have shown the results
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in the scenario. I do think it begins to push the boundaries of what we’re likely to see, but, by
design, this is a pretty extreme scenario. I thought it was appropriate to show that kind of an
outcome even though it pushes pretty far into the tail of the probability distribution. I don’t have
a ready answer for how things might evolve differently from the way that the model portrays
them.
MR. WILLIAMS. The question I go to is, if we look at episodes in which unemployment
went very low or in which we were pushing the economy hard, did we actually see something
different happening? Do we get off the linear relationships? Do wages accelerate more quickly,
or does something else happen differently in those extreme scenarios? I’m thinking about the
stuff that I remember Mike Kiley doing years ago, looking at how relationships work when
you’re at the ends of the distribution.
MR. WILCOX. As it happens, I think Mike is here.
MR. WILLIAMS. He’s going to deny my referencing his work.
MR. WILCOX. Mike, do you have anything to add to this?
MR. KILEY. I think, David, the only thing that I can add is that if you look at the
picture—although I don’t have it in front of me—that President Williams is referring to, you can
see that the confidence intervals of the unemployment rates are very low. And the folks that
work on the FRB/US model are quite worried about exactly the point that President Williams is
raising, that historical experience doesn’t have these things. What are the relevant
nonlinearities? Are they on participation? Would they be in wages? But I just don’t think we
have historical episodes. The one that is in our lifetime, the one in the late 1990s, was
accompanied by very favorable other developments regarding productivity, et cetera. So wage
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pressures or price pressures or other things weren’t particularly apparent. We might imagine
they might arise, but that experiment didn’t particularly shed light.
MR. WILLIAMS. Thank you.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. One comment on a point that President Williams raised.
A rate of 3.2 percent today would be very different than a rate of 3.2 percent in the late ’60s
because the demographics of the population are quite different. So while I basically take your
point, I think you’d have to adjust for the changes in the demographic structure of the economy.
I want to come back to the issue of the black and Hispanic unemployment. I think there’s
no question that discrimination is a factor because we have a lot of evidence on things like longterm unemployment that hurts people in terms of their ability to be hired. So while we don’t
know the proportion, I think discrimination definitely plays a role.
MR. WILCOX. I’m inclined to agree, and this evidence pushes me further in that
direction. Another body of research that corroborates that view is the matched résumé
submitting, showing that when identical résumés are sent to employers but one of the names has
a stereotypical ethnic association, and callback rates differ dramatically between the two. So
that, in my mind, is another piece of corroborating evidence.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I just wanted to make it clear that it’s not up in the air.
There’s actually evidence.
CHAIR YELLEN. Right. There is evidence. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Well, I agree with President Williams that extrapolations like this do
make you wonder about what could go wrong, and I think there are other things that could
happen, right? In a simulation like this, it could be that the matching technology for employment
is better so that, in fact, labor market outcomes are more efficient and you get lower
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unemployment. To the extent that there’s tension, I agree it would be manifest either in wages or
maybe inflation expectations. And in this scenario inflation expectations are undoubtedly
anchored, but if there was a tension, I would expect that to go wrong. So that’s the element of
the model or the data I’d be looking for, in order to try to weigh in on that.
CHAIR YELLEN. President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. We’re going back and forth between President Williams’s comments
and the earlier comments on further study. I’d also add that gender cuts, I think, could tell us a
great deal. And just yesterday in Atlanta, I attended a meeting that talked about the judicial
system and incarceration rates and the effect of a record of some kind on employment. So this is
a multilayered thing. If we’re going to tackle it, I think we have to tackle it in a very thorough
way, and that’s why I mentioned the gender cuts.
MR. WILCOX. I agree completely, but despairing of being able to come to the
Committee with a complete answer on all dimensions, I thought I’d come to the Committee with
some evidence that I thought was pretty interesting, even if only partial.
The incarceration rates are just astonishing—not only the stock of individuals who are
currently incarcerated, but those who have a previous record of incarceration. And that’s bound
to be a significant influence in what’s going on.
With regard to gender, I absolutely agree that that’s another important dimension to be
explored. But, as I say, I wanted to come before my own retirement [laughter] with some kind of
discussion to the Committee. Thank you.
CHAIR YELLEN. Further comments or questions? President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Madam Chair. My question is on exhibit 2 in “The
International Outlook,” panel 6, “Real Dollar Indexes.” We talked before about the reason we’re
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projecting a stronger dollar is because we think we’re going to surprise markets with our path of
rate increases. So is that surprise the Taylor (1999) rule, or is it the SEP median?
MR. KAMIN. Well, the surprise is the difference between the staff assumption about the
federal funds rate over the next three or four years.
MR. BULLARD. Which is Taylor (1999)?
MR. KAMIN. Which is Taylor (1999).
MR. BULLARD. Yes.
MR. KAMIN. I would just say, because the entire outlook for the U.S. and global
economy is conditioned on that assumption, I wanted to make clear that it’s a staff assumption
about the future path of the federal funds rate, which is indeed based on Taylor (1999). It’s the
comparison of that and one measure of what the market expects, which is the OIS rate path. And
it’s that gap that represents the surprise because the markets, as represented by the OIS rates,
expect a much shallower uplift in the federal funds rate than is embedded in the staff forecast.
MR. BULLARD. Would you say that this is becoming increasingly tenuous, to make
this kind of assumption, because Taylor (1999) is getting further and further away from market
expectations?
MR. KAMIN. Well, that’s a question for my colleagues. [Laughter] The reason that we
use that staff assumption about the path of the federal funds rate is so that our dollar forecast is
exactly consistent with both the economic forecast and the conditioning assumption about
monetary policy. Then that raises the question about what is the right conditioning assumption
regarding the federal funds rate, and we have reviewed that, and I’ll let one of my colleagues
speak more on that.
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MR. LAUBACH. In a tough spot. The one thing that I would simply note is that, as time
progresses, the median expectations from the primary dealer survey, for example, are for a
substantially flatter increase than what the Taylor rule applied to our economic forecast implies.
So, by the end of 2019, I think you are looking at a gap on the order of about 1¼ percentage
points.
MR. BULLARD. The assumption there is informing the whole outlook and sort of
changing the whole context of what you’re presenting to the Committee.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. But aren’t these really small effects? We’re talking
about, what, 3½ or 4 percent on the dollar?
MR. KAMIN. Yes. On the dollar, you can look at the picture on panel 6.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. The uncertainty associated with that has got to be a lot
greater.
MR. KAMIN. Yes, you can see that our real dollar goes up about 5 percent over the next
three and a half years or so. The 5 percent is a non-negligible amount but, stretched over that
long a period, it does not have very strong effects on U.S. economic growth. Now, in the
Tealbook we have an alternative assumption of a 10 percent rise over a much shorter period, and
that is, of course, very material. And, as Vice Chairman Dudley mentions, that uncertainty
dwarfs the arguments you might have about the baseline path of the dollar.
MR. BULLARD. Well, the reason I bring this up is because it’s particularly stark when
you look at exchange rates because you would expect foreign exchange markets to already have
encompassed assumptions about various central bank policies, and therefore you wouldn’t be
able to predict very well—and, in fact, you can’t predict very well—what’s going to happen to
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exchange rates. But here we’re saying we have some kind of information that the markets do not
have, and then that’s feeding into the entire forecast.
MR. KAMIN. That’s exactly right. We do believe that the current configuration of
exchange rates incorporates all information about the future that is expected both by markets and
by us. In almost all areas of global economics that might influence the current exchange rate are
information sets that we probably hold in common with the markets. So there’s really one key
area in which our views differ from the market, and that’s the assumption about the future path
of the federal funds rate. We also incorporate into our dollar forecast some differences in views
about foreign central bank monetary policy, but they’re not that material. It’s mainly differences
of views about U.S. monetary policy, about the federal funds rate, which in turn lead to
expectations on our part that the market will be surprised. That is that one difference between
our information sets and the markets’ that we build into our forecast.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you.
CHAIR YELLEN. President George.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Madam Chair. My question is spawned by President
Williams’s question, only looking at the Tealbook. The Tealbook unemployment rate for 2019
of 4.2 percent, and long-run of 5—would there be historical experience to say what happens
when you go from 4.2 to 5, just even in that range?
MR. WILCOX. There’s not a lot. The excursions of the unemployment rate below the
natural rate and then back up to the natural rate are pretty rare, and as I think Michael Kiley was
referring to, one has to wonder whether at that point, with a rising unemployment rate, some
nonlinear dynamics might take over and we might end up with something other than a smooth
landing.
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I think the record of the postwar period, in my view, is less dispositive on that point than
it might first appear because many of the recessions in the postwar period were actually
deliberatively induced by the Federal Reserve in order to wring inflation out of the system. This
is what gave rise to the designation by Christina Romer and David Romer of the so-called
“Romer dates” when they divined that the mind of the Committee had switched from one mode,
which was promoting economic growth, to another mode, which was fighting inflation. So I
think it’s less evident than it might seem on the surface that it’s impossible to accomplish a
smooth landing of the kind that’s portrayed at the baseline projection, but there isn’t a long
historical record to show that it can be done.
If I may, just ever so briefly, I’d like to come back to President Williams’s original
comment about the alternative view. I’m aware that there’s been quite a lot of turnover on the
Committee since that franchise was introduced, and I thought I might just place it a little bit into
context. It’s the only place in the Tealbook in which I give individual staff members a byline, so
they’re individually invested and identified in the production of that. The goal here is to ask staff
members to make the case for an off-baseline possibility of consequence to you as policymakers.
I’m asking them to act as lawyer advocates of a nonbaseline possibility. And my compact with
them is that I will never ask them if they believe that their scenario is superior to the baseline
scenario, because if I did that, I would be putting them in the position of saying that they think
their judgment is better than mine. Now, I suspect that, frankly, many of them do believe that
[laughter], but I never force them to come out and say that to my face. It’s good enough. And
the way that I assess the quality of their work is, simply, “How well did you marshal the
evidence on behalf of your case? Did you argue it well by appealing to history, foreign central
bank experience, U.S. central bank experience, or other issues like that?” All I’m asking them to
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do is, articulate a plausible possibility off baseline with the goal, I hope, of advancing the ability
of all of you to think through various contingencies that you might confront.
CHAIR YELLEN. President Williams.
MR. WILLIAMS. Yes. I want to clarify something, again, for people who may not be
following exactly what David said earlier. You said something about how you may have
assumed that it’s impossible to get a soft landing when you have the unemployment rate way
below its natural rate. You didn’t actually say what the fact was, and the fact is, it’s never
happened. So I just wanted everyone to be clear. That’s the thing that you were talking about
that you weren’t convinced by, but I think that does get to President George’s question. We have
not seen an example in the postwar history in which the unemployment rate went up more than
½ percentage point that wasn’t associated with a recession. Now, the reasons for that, which you
brought up in the debate about why that is the case, is definitely a live subject. But it is a
striking—not even a “stylized” fact but a fact that this hasn’t occurred in the past. So it is an
area in which I worry that, when you have an unemployment rate that low, it is very hard, and
historically hard—you have to go way back in history, I think—to find an example of that being
successful. I don’t know if that was a legal two-hander [laughter].
MR. EVANS. This is an important issue. I’m going to guess that in models you’ve
written down, President Williams—I don’t tabulate these things myself—if you simulate them,
you probably have a lot of examples in which the unemployment rate has gone up in those
simulations without it being what somebody might call a recession. Andin view of the small
number of recessions that we’ve had and some lack of luck during some of these—as we were
talking about in Chicago just last week, one of my colleagues pointed out that, well, 1990 and
’91 could have been a soft landing, but then Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait came about. And, you
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know, things happen during fragile times. So there’s a small number of observations. There are
some shocks that do that. If it was as much of a slam dunk as your comment kind of suggests
offhand, then your models ought to be reflecting this, and I just don’t think they are. So it’s
worth a lot of discussion because, frankly, I think it is a big deal. If, in fact, undershooting the
natural rate of unemployment is something that is going to lead to a recession, and if we think
that the Phillips curve mechanism is going to be important to get inflation up to our target, well,
then, we’re probably never going to get it up to target, because we’re going to say, “If I do this,
I’ll have a recession, and that would be worse.” And then that’s going to ratify that 2 percent as
a ceiling. So I think this is a really important issue for more discussion.
CHAIR YELLEN. I absolutely agree with you.
MR. WILCOX. I agree, President Evans—and President Williams, too. I think that one
needs to acknowledge that this is an area in which it is going to be difficult to make solid
progress in research. I certainly feel that I can’t speak with great conviction that our nice, tidy
linear models describe well the dynamics that take over in a more fragile economy when demand
is growing more slowly. One is struck, for example, by the profile of unemployment over the
business cycle. You see steep increases in the unemployment rate, and you don’t see
equivalently steep declines in the unemployment rate. And in a simple, tidy linear model like the
FRB/US model, there probably shouldn’t be that discrepancy in behavior.
Now, that said, my impression is that there have been two attempts at a soft landing in the
post–World War II era. And, as President Evans just mentioned, I think there is an easily
identifiable event with regard to one of them—namely, the 1990 invasion of Kuwait by Iraq—
that provided a plausible shock of sharp magnitude that disrupted economic processes. I just
don’t think you can look to the historical record and get a dispositive answer on that question.
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And I don’t have a huge amount of confidence in the ability of our models to discriminate,
because the kind of model you go to in looking for that answer—that will pretty much give you
the answer. If you go to a linear model like the FRB/US model and you rely on that model as the
source for your answer, you will decide that it’s feasible that there’s no particular problem here.
If you go to a model that incorporates nonlinear dynamics, that will be the answer that you get.
CHAIR YELLEN. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. I’ll talk about it in my own session, so I will follow-up then.
CHAIR YELLEN. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. I just want to confirm my recollection of a number that the previous
Chairman told us about in early 2008, and I think it’s that the unemployment rate doesn’t rise
more than 0.3 percentage point without a recession. Is that the right number?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Three-month moving average.
MR. LACKER. Of what?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. A three-month moving average of the unemployment
rate. If it goes up more than 0.3 percentage point, we’ve always had a recession.
MR. LACKER. Thanks.
MR. WILLIAMS. Not causation.
CHAIR YELLEN. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Madam Chair. Just on this Greenspan conundrum
discussion, we may not have observed a 3¼ percent unemployment rate in President Williams’s
lifetime. But we did observe a conundrum in the early 2000s, and we do have some experience
with that. In that episode, we did not see this huge decline in the unemployment rate. That’s just
another way to look at that issue. So it’s not like it’s completely out of historical experience.
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CHAIR YELLEN. Okay. Why don’t we get started then on our economic go-round.
We’ll have a few comments and then take a coffee break. Let’s start with President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. Oh, am I going now?
CHAIR YELLEN. Yes.
MR. ROSENGREN. I’m sorry. I thought we were going for the break. [Laughter] My
apologies.
CHAIR YELLEN. No problem.
MR. TARULLO. He was changing what he was going to say. [Laughter]
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. We can come back to you.
MR. ROSENGREN. My forecast is quite similar to that of the Tealbook. I expect real
GDP growth for the second half of this year to be more than 1 percentage point higher than for
the first half of this year. This pickup will largely reflect continued strength in consumption and
some rebuilding of inventories. Growth in real final sales to private domestic purchasers has
been fairly solid over the past year, and I expect a solid increase in 2017 as well. Thus,
abstracting from transitory fluctuations induced by inventory changes, domestic economic
growth remains quite healthy, with limited spillovers to date from the strong dollar and weak
growth of our trading partners.
My expectation regarding core PCE inflation for the second half of this year is slightly
higher than the Tealbook’s. By the end of 2017, I expect core inflation to be only slightly below
our 2 percent inflation target. One concern with such an inflation forecast has been the decline in
inflation expectations in the Michigan survey. However, as with other measures of inflation
expectations, the lowest quartile has been relatively stable, with most of the decline coming from
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the higher quartiles. Such behavior could be consistent with households finally realizing that the
inflation environment has changed.
Even with a noticeable rise in the funds rate, I expect the unemployment rate to reach
4.5 percent by the end of 2017. This forecast of an overshoot of full employment is not an
outlier, as both the Tealbook and the Blue Chip consensus forecast also expect the
unemployment rate to be 4½ percent by the end of 2017. Using the Tealbook’s estimate of the
natural rate, this implies a ½ percentage point overshoot of full employment. My estimate of the
natural rate is a bit lower, so 4½ percent implies only a 0.2 percentage point overshoot of full
employment. Thus, within 15 months, all three forecasts expect the unemployment rate to fall
below where the consensus of the Committee expects the unemployment rate to be in the long
run.
Like the Tealbook, I expect the unemployment rate to continue drifting down through
2018, reaching 4.2 percent at the end of 2019. Hence, my forecast envisions economic growth in
excess of potential, even with 100 basis points of tightening in 2017. The Tealbook also expects
the unemployment rate to fall to 4.2 percent. While this is my modal forecast, I believe risks are
balanced around that outlook. There is a significant risk that we will exceed this already large
overshoot of full employment. If foreign trade partners grow more quickly or moderate demand
does not draw workers back into the labor force, the unemployment rate could easily decline
even further.
One reason why I see balanced risks associated with the Tealbook forecast of the
unemployment rate is because I believe an assumption of an additional increase in labor force
participation is far from certain. My staff examined state-level participation rates to see if
participation has risen significantly in states whose unemployment rate is quite low. They do not
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find a strong state-level correlation between recent changes in participation rates and low
unemployment rates. Thus, we must consider the possibility of a more significant overshoot of
full employment, which would bring with it significant risks to the sustainability of the
expansion.
If we find ourselves in the position in which we need to increase the unemployment rate
½ percentage point or more in order to return to full employment, we will be attempting a feat
that is yet to be accomplished. Historically, every attempt to raise the unemployment rate
½ percentage point or more from below full employment has resulted in a recession that
produces a much larger rise in unemployment than a few tenths. Overshooting tends to happen
in both directions. This was part of the discussion that we were just having, as mentioned earlier
by President Williams and President Evans. I think this is actually very fundamental to the
discussions that we are having today. While it may be possible to have a soft landing, is it
probable, particularly if we do a significant overshoot?
While there are advantages to using accommodative monetary policy to probe for
additional improvements in labor markets, particularly for low-skilled workers and minorities
who may benefit from a stronger market, we must balance these potential benefits against the
risk of a significant overshoot of full employment that could ultimately do even more harm to the
same populations. Should we once again be unsuccessful in fine-tuning a slowdown, the ensuing
recession will likely fall disproportionately on low-skilled workers and minorities. I will discuss
the policy implications of that concern tomorrow. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Thank you, Madam Chair. Reports received from contacts in the Fifth
District have been more positive than negative since the previous meeting and are consistent with
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the continuation of recent growth trends. The manufacturing picture remains mixed. Our
August survey shows a decline in the overall manufacturing index, as did preliminary figures for
September due out next Tuesday. I continue to receive positive reports from some industries,
particularly those tied to consumer markets and, particularly, autos. The service sector index
also softened in August, but preliminary readings for September show a rebound. In both
surveys, wage indexes remain very high. Contacts indicate continued tightness in labor markets
across regions and industries. Regulatory issues and uncertainty regarding the upcoming
election were cited as potentially weighing on economic activity. The outlook for commercial
real estate remains very strong according to recent data and comments from contacts. The
residential sector is more uneven, however, with reports of very strong markets in some areas but
also a number of weaker markets. Constraints on the supply of lots and skilled workers is said to
be restraining activity in some areas.
In assessing the national outlook at this meeting, I think it’s useful to look back to last
December. At that point, we saw an economy that had expanded steadily, if slowly, in the years
since the recession. For 2015, it looked as if payroll employment had increased about 220,000
jobs per month. The unemployment rate had declined 0.6 percentage point to 5 percent, close to
most estimates of the natural rate. Real GDP had grown at about 2 percent, supported by strong
PCE growth. And 12-month core PCE inflation had stabilized at 1.3 percent despite low
headline inflation and a strengthening dollar.
The median outlook for 2016 of the SEP was for a further decline in the unemployment
rate, supported by more strong growth in payroll employment, real GDP growth of 2.4 percent,
and fourth-quarter core inflation firming to around 1.6 percent. Coming into the final quarter of
this year, the data are lining up fairly well with that December outlook. There have been some
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misses, but they’re relatively minor, I’d argue. Payroll employment has averaged about 180,000
a month, a small slowdown from last year’s pace but still much higher than we would need to
maintain constant unemployment rates across demographic cohorts. And you’d expect payroll
employment growth to slow as the unemployment rate flattens out. The unemployment rate has
declined 0.1 percentage point, just 0.1 less of a decline than the Tealbook expected by now, so
labor market conditions seem very close to our earlier projections.
GDP growth has been below forecast for the first half of the year, but a significant
portion of the slowdown is attributable to the inventory surprise, and that’s unlikely to persist.
The inventory swing, together with an upturn in nonresidential structures and continued strength
in PCE, is likely to give us fourth-quarter GDP growth that’s close to but below 2 percent for this
year. I wrote down 1.9 percent. The median SEP forecast is 1.8 percent. It is about
½ percentage point lower than the median SEP forecast in December, but it’s well within the
usual forecast uncertainty. With employment coming in close to expectations, the implication is
that productivity growth has been lower than anticipated.
Core PCE inflation has been right in line with our December SEP forecasts. The
12-month figure was 1.6 percent in July, equal to the median December projection for 2016 as a
whole and up from 1.3 percent a year earlier. The August CPI report is in line with that firming
trend, causing the staff to increase the third-quarter core inflation forecast, and I expect that the
12-month figure is going to continue its gradual climb toward 2 percent. Against the background
of expectations of stable or somewhat increasing energy prices, this should bring headline PCE
inflation closer to 2 percent as well. So the inflation outlook has not changed and remains in line
with our expectations in December that inflation would gradually rise to our target.
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Employment and core inflation are tracking quite close to what we expected as of
December, but productivity growth is coming in low. In contrast, as illustrated in exhibit 4 of
Elizabeth Klee’s presentation, the policy outlook is significantly different than it was in
December. Then, the median participant expected it to be appropriate to raise rates four times,
so we probably would have been making our third increase of the year at this meeting, bringing
the funds rate target above 1 percent.
This gives rise to a question: What explains the significant shift in our policy stance over
that time frame despite little or no change in the outlook for employment or inflation? Well, I
mentioned that productivity growth has been lower than expected. Monetary policy is unlikely
to have much effect on productivity, though, and besides, our mandate is employment and
inflation, not productivity or output. But, of course, lower steady-state productivity growth does
imply a lower steady-state real interest rate and arguably would imply a lower value for the
intercept term in a Taylor-type policy reaction rule. So, by how much should we revise our
estimate of r* in response to the latest productivity numbers? This is analogous to how much we
should think trend employment has fallen after seeing the May employment report. Obviously,
you wouldn’t think that the trend employment growth is 30,000 after seeing the May
employment report; one uses a moving average of recent data. So the econometric methods of
Lubik-Matthes and Laubach-Williams tell us quantitatively how much to take on board for r*,
and the answer is, essentially, some, but not enough to rationalize where the funds rate is today.
Now, we have seen a series of flare-ups since the beginning of the year that seem to
suggest heightened downside risks to the outlook: global financial disturbances in January and
February, a very weak employment report for May, and concerns about Brexit in June. As it
turned out, the financial market tumult of the first quarter was mostly about Chinese economic
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growth concerns that have dissipated; the May payroll employment number was, as suspected, a
fluke; and the Brexit vote turned out to have much smaller near-term implications for economic
growth than feared for the United Kingdom and negligible implications for the United States.
While holding off on a second rate increase may have been a prudent and reasonable choice in
each case, it seems unlikely to have had much to do with how things turned out. It’s hard to
argue that holding off raising the funds rate stabilized Chinese growth prospects, boosted the
June employment report, or damped the real effects of the Brexit vote.
The data on employment and inflation are in line with what we expected in December,
but there are no risk flare-ups in sight that might rationalize another delay. Holding steady at this
meeting would thus mark a substantial and persistent departure from the policy settings that
would be expected, on the basis of our December projections or policy reaction functions
characterizing our past behavior. This would appear to imply a distinct shift in our policy
reaction function—that is, in how policy settings depend on the data. I plan to discuss this topic
further in the next round.
CHAIR YELLEN. President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. Thank you, Madam Chair. The tone and content of reports of my
District contacts and directors in the most recent cycle were largely unchanged from the reports
given before the July and June meetings. Overall sentiment remains positive, with an outlook of
continued, steady, moderate growth. If there was any difference this time around, comments
were slightly more cautious in tone. We heard some mention of uncertainty related to the
upcoming election.
Reports on consumer spending were positive on balance. Most retailers report solid sales
levels and expect modestly higher sales for the remainder of 2016 compared with earlier this
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year. A minority of reports pointed to softening sales. Auto sales were worthy of note. Earlier
cautionary reports on the sustainability of auto sales of our director who heads the country’s
largest retailer seem to be accurate. He very clearly attributes some of the slowing to added
caution of consumers ahead of the election.
While firms tied to the oil and gas sector continue to report layoffs, many of our contacts
remain in net hiring mode and report widespread wage pressure. And according to a number of
reports, labor market tightening has deepened at various levels of the firm, with some weighting
to low-skill, and broadened across a range of job types. These trends are confirmed by the
elevated reading of the Atlanta Fed’s Wage Growth Tracker.
In this cycle we repeated our practice of asking about pricing power of firms, and pricing
power, to generalize, remains constrained. That said, margins seem to be holding steady for
most contacts. At a more strategic level, we picked up a theme in this cycle of firms reevaluating
business models to avoid expanding capacity. We heard reports of efforts to leverage
underutilized assets at capacity owned by other firms before moving forward with traditional
growth-oriented investments. A major national rental car company is exploring the use of idle
space in parking lots with valet service in lieu of building new rental facilities.
As regards the third quarter, our tracking estimate as of this morning puts the quarter at
just short of 3 percent annualized GDP growth, with real final sales growth around 2.3 percent.
So I’m confident we’re experiencing meaningful acceleration after the weak first half.
My forecast has not changed materially from June. My forecast anticipates continuation
of moderate GDP growth around 2 percent for the forecast period. This marginally exceeds
potential but is sufficient to absorb any remaining resource slack. In my forecast, I have an
assumption of some acceleration of growth of business fixed investment. So far this year, we’ve
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heard little from District contacts that would support this assumption. The reasons for a cautious
approach to capital spending are familiar—most notably, a reference to uncertainty. This cycle
we did a survey of more than 200 CEOs, CFOs, and business owners and asked about
uncertainty tied to the upcoming election. Roughly one-third reported that uncertainty about
election results is influencing their business decisions, and we took that number to be material.
A failure of business investment to pick up after the election and through the forecast period is a
downside risk to my outlook.
Regarding our inflation objective, my forecast foresees a modest acceleration of inflation
achieving the 2 percent target by year-end 2017. We read the August CPI report and its various
cuts as consistent with this view. I see the risks to my outlook as being more balanced today
than at the time of our June meeting, and I’m comfortable with describing the near-term outlook
as “roughly balanced,” as in policy alternative B, or just “balanced,” as in alternative C. Thank
you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Governor Brainard.
MS. BRAINARD. Thank you. The economy has seen welcome progress on some fronts
in recent months, in part because of the prudent approach taken by the Committee and the
corresponding supportive financial conditions. Recent data on the labor market and aggregate
spending suggest we are continuing to move toward full employment, but that progress is
gradual. The labor market has continued to improve, with few indications of overheating and
some signs that continued slack remains. So far this year, monthly job gains have averaged
180,000, below last year’s pace but still sufficient to reduce slack. The slowing pace of job gains
has been associated with a flattening out in the unemployment rate over the past year, along with
a heartening ½ percentage point increase in the prime-age labor force participation rate. These
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developments suggest that an improving job market has made joining or remaining in the labor
force increasingly attractive and may imply the labor market has some room for further
improvement.
Despite this improvement, the prime-age labor force participation rate remains about
1½ percentage points below its pre-crisis level. While it’s possible that this simply reflects
ongoing pre-crisis trends, we cannot rule out the possibility that it reflects a lagged, and still
incomplete, response to a very slow recovery in job opportunities and wages. The latter
possibility is reinforced by the continued muted recovery in wage growth. Although wage
growth has picked up to about a 2½ percent pace in recent quarters, this is only modestly above
that which prevailed over much of the recovery and well below growth rates seen before the
crisis. This reinforces the point that uncertainty remains about how much slack is left. In the
SEP, the projection regarding the longer-run rate of unemployment has come down significantly
from a central tendency of 5.2 to 6.0 percent only four years ago to a median of 4.8 in the most
recent SEP, well below the lower end of that previous range. We can’t rule out the possibility
that estimates of the natural rate may move further lower. In the presence of uncertainty and in
the absence of accelerating inflationary pressures, it would be unwise for policy to foreclose the
possibility of making further gains in the labor market.
With regard to aggregate spending, economic activity over the past three quarters has
been disappointing, with growth in GDP and GDI each averaging less than 1 percent, a
significant step-down from the same period in the previous year. However, recent data suggest a
pickup in third-quarter output growth. Although retail spending stalled in July and August
following several strong months, I would expect continued job growth, buoyant sentiment, and
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rising household wealth to lead to consumption growth near 3 percent over the second half, about
in line with the average pace of gains since the beginning of 2014.
There are also some positive signs for investment. Inventory investment, which edged
lower last quarter, should step up over the second half of the year to a level more in line with
continued moderate increases in final sales. The number of oil drilling rigs in operation has
edged up in recent months after the previous sharp declines, and nonresidential building
investment also appeared strong in the middle of the year, although the data are notoriously
volatile and subject to revisions.
However, other parts of the economy remain weak, likely still reflecting the large
appreciation of the dollar since June 2014. The recent data on equipment investment continue to
be quite tepid, manufacturing output remains flat, and real exports are a little more than 1 percent
below their level a year ago. Corporate profits fell close to 5 percent over the four quarters
ending in the second quarter, and the housing sector, which provided important support to GDP
growth last year, looks to be contracting in the middle of this year. Thus, while I would expect
economic growth to move up from its weak pace over the first half of the year, the persistent
weakness in several key areas suggests that the pace will be moderate.
Progress on inflation has been mixed. While core inflation has increased from a year
ago, we’re still some distance from our target, which is symmetric, and some measures of
inflation expectations remain quite low. The recent data seem consistent with the staff’s
projection that core PCE inflation would slow noticeably over the second half of this year. But
on a 12-month basis, core PCE inflation is estimated to be 1.6 percent in August, which is an
improvement over a year ago.
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Nonetheless, core inflation has not yet convincingly broken out of the 1.4 to 1.6 percent
range it has occupied for most of the past three years. The underperformance of core inflation
relative to our target has been extremely persistent. If the staff projection for September is
correct, core PCE inflation on a 12-month change basis will have been below 2 percent for all
but four months out of the past eight years. I want to highlight this fact because it does seem
important for our discussion of policy. With the stabilization of the dollar and oil prices, there is
reason to expect inflation to rise. However, even putting aside the renewed dollar appreciation
that would likely accompany further tightening, there are ample reasons to worry that the
unwinding of these forces alone will not be sufficient to move core back to our target. First,
recent research suggests the Phillips curve is quite flat. Second, as I noted earlier, we may still
be some distance from full employment. And, lastly, the persistently low level of survey-based
inflation expectations and very weak readings on inflation compensation may indicate that
inflation expectations have moved down in recent quarters. Despite the recent increases in oil
prices and stabilization of the dollar, 10-year inflation compensation is less than 1.5 percent,
close to its historic low. At the same time, as everyone, I think, has noted, median 5-to-10-year
inflation expectations in the Michigan survey matched its historical low of 2.5 percent in both
August and the preliminary September reading. In view of the apparent weak relationship
between levels of resource utilization and inflation and signs of downward pressure on inflation
expectations, reaching our inflation target requires ensuring the U.S. economy maintains
sufficient positive momentum, especiallyin the broader international environment.
Let me close by briefly referring to the risks. We have been able to maintain positive
momentum in the labor market so far this year despite some notable risk events, most recently
Brexit, in part because of our prudent approach to monetary policy. However, important
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medium-term risks remain. In Europe, economic growth is slow and inflation is very low. Low
growth and a flat yield curve are contributing to reduced profitability and a high cost of equity
financing for banks, which in turn could impair a key transmission channel of monetary policy in
the euro area. A low-growth/low-inflation environment also makes progress on fiscal
sustainability difficult and leaves countries with high debt-to-GDP levels very vulnerable.
Against this backdrop, uncertainty about the United Kingdom’s future relationship with the
European Union could damp business sentiment and investment in the period ahead. Japan, as
everyone has noted, remains greatly challenged by weak economic growth and low inflation.
And it’s striking that despite active and creative monetary policies in both the euro area and
Japan, inflation remains far below target. The experiences of these economies highlight the risk
of becoming trapped in a low-growth, low-inflation, low-inflation-expectations environment and
suggest that policy here should be oriented toward minimizing the risk of the United States
slipping into such a situation.
Downside risks are also prominent in emerging markets, most notably China. As China
has experienced very high growth in corporate debt, the downshift in economic growth that
everyone anticipates could pose risks. And while Chinese authorities have made some progress
on clarifying their policy stance and capital outflows have slowed in recent months, considerable
uncertainty remains and further volatility cannot be ruled out, particularly if we were to see a
notable strengthening of the dollar, which could lead to renewed fears of a larger exchange rate
devaluation and capital outflow pressures.
Recent research suggests that changes in expectations regarding developments in other
major economies—and I think Steve was referring to this earlier—relative to the United States
and the associated policy responses lead to exchange rate movements that appear to be bigger
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than they were several years ago. These risks have implications for risk management in a low
neutral rate environment, a subject we will return to tomorrow. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Governor Fischer.
MR. FISCHER. Thank you, Madam Chair. I decided this time to do something slightly
different than pore through the Tealbook to see whether I agreed with it or didn’t and just give a
presentation from a less detailed viewpoint of what appears to be going on in the economy. I’ll
divide this into four unequal parts: the labor market, inflation, economic growth, and
tomorrow’s decision.
First, the labor market. Employment has been continuing to grow at a good pace,
averaging 180,000 per month so far this year. Calculations suggest that depending on the rate of
labor force participation, it will take somewhere between 75,000 and 150,000 net new hires a
month to keep the U-3 unemployment rate from rising. Accordingly, the gloomy tone of the
headlines about the 151,000 estimate of net new hires in August was not appropriate. One hears
the concern that the U-3 unemployment rate has barely fallen over the course of the past
12 months, but over the same period, the participation rate has stopped falling. I believe we
should prefer the current labor market situation, in which people are being attracted back into the
labor force while the unemployment rate remains constant, to a situation such as the one we
faced in May, when the U-3 unemployment rate declined to 4.7 percent while the participation
rate declined significantly. The rise in participation may reflect the effects of the modest pickup
in wage growth we are now seeing, with the rate of increase of the employment cost index
having risen from an annual rate of about 2 percent last year to around 2.5 percent this year.
Attention has also been drawn to the fact that the trend rate of new hires is declining, but that
should not be a surprise as the labor market tightens.
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Over the course of the past year, we have been concerned about the effects of a variety of
negative shocks on the U.S. economy, including the Chinese devaluation, market turbulence in
the first six months of this year, the May pothole, Brexit, and more. But employment has
resumed robust growth after each temporary slowdown. This has been, and continues to be, a
powerful recovery, at least in terms of employment.
Let me turn now to the second part, inflation. We have not heard many complaints about
the low rate of inflation from the general public. The 2 percent inflation target was set originally
as a tradeoff between the many costs of positive inflation and the increased efficiency of
reallocation in the labor market that a moderate rate of inflation makes possible. I do not recall
that the costs associated with a greater probability of being at the zero lower bound or the
effective lower bound with a lower rate of inflation were taken into account at that time, which I
think was the early and mid-’90s. The core rate of PCE inflation has been increasing since the
middle of last year—slowly, to be sure—and is now close to our 2 percent target. In view of the
imprecision of our estimates of the optimal rate of inflation, we should be happy to be as close as
we are to the target we have chosen, particularly when the Phillips curve appears to be so flat.
The CPI rate of core inflation has been above 2 percent and the rate of wage increase has been
increasing, an indication that the Phillips curve lives, if not with the same vigor as in the past.
But, on balance, I believe we are close to meeting our inflation target.
Let me discuss a few other aspects of the inflation target. One is the argument that
because we set 2 percent as our target, that is the number we have to hit if we are to remain
credible. I give this argument some weight, though I do not believe we need to hit precisely
2 percent, but rather that some divergence should be permitted both above and below 2 percent.
Taking into account the confidence interval around the economic cost of diverging from the
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2 percent target, which is wide, I believe it would have been better to define an optimal range for
the inflation rate—for example, 1.5 to 2.5 percent—rather than a precise number.
A final point on inflation. The jury is still out on whether there has been a permanent
downward revision in the level of r*, something that’s extremely difficult to predict, both
because the future is long and “permanent” is a long way off, and the standard deviation of r* is
large, which is more relevant. However, as everyone knows, if r* remains low for a long time,
monetary policy could be constrained by the ELB more frequently than in the past. Should we,
therefore, raise the target inflation rate, as many well-known economists have suggested? Well,
of course, the optimal rate of inflation is an area of active research and debate. But, actually,
changing the target rate is a serious matter not to be entered into lightly. First, there are welfare
costs to higher inflation, which kick in at a relatively low rate of inflation, especially in the form
of indexation. Further, there is the credibility cost of changing the target inflation rate,
something that done once becomes a permanent credibility-reducing part of history. If such a
step were nonetheless taken, it would be essential to include a formal mechanism for dealing
with future changes in the target rate—for instance, the mechanism used by Canada in which the
inflation target can, in principle, be reset every five years.
So, on inflation, all this is to say that core PCE inflation is indeed approaching its target
level, that real wages are rising at a more rapid rate than earlier in the post–Great Recession
period, and that we need to think very hard before deciding to change the monetary framework to
solve a problem that is likely to be solved within a year or two without changing the inflation
target.
I will digress slightly into a discussion of economic growth, which will be short. Each of
us probably asks himself or herself, when wondering why people don’t like us, why our
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outstanding performance in the period since the fall of Lehman Brothers is so underappreciated.
I mean that. I think the performance has been outstanding. The slow growth of the economy is
due mainly to the extremely low rate of productivity growth, to which the low rate of physical
investment contributes despite the near-zero short-term interest rate. But there’s not much we at
the Federal Reserve can do that directly affects productivity growth except to maintain
conditions conducive to investment and productivity growth by giving confidence to investors in
the stability of the economy and the financial system and by continuing to support the excellent
research on productivity growth of several of our economists.
Finally, the decision. Our Committee has been justifiably cautious about raising the
federal funds rate since 2009. Two arguments have carried the day: first, that we should not
raise the rate because we could soon be forced to reduce it and return to the ZLB or ELB, thereby
suffering a loss of credibility; and, second, that there’s very little difference between making the
decision at this FOMC meeting rather than at a subsequent meeting.
With regard to the credibility loss of having to return to the effective lower bound, there
are also credibility costs to the extremely low frequency with which we have raised the interest
rate since 2008. The argument I have just made is liable to be countered by the statement: “But
it’s only because we kept the interest rate so low for so long that the U.S. economy has
performed so well since 2009.” I’m sure that is right for a significant part of the period since
2009, but it remains to be shown that the performance of the economy would have been worse
with an interest rate path 25 or 50 basis points above the path that was actually obtained during
the past few years. I’m aware that I’ve entered dangerous territory here, but it has been
suggested that our superlow interest rates have encouraged financial transactions, particularly
mergers and acquisitions, as much as they have encouraged physical investment. We’ve been
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sending a message to everyone in the economy that says the U.S. economy is still weak and
requires the support of superlow interest rates to grow, even at the moderate 2 percent rate to
which we have all gradually become accustomed. I do not believe that to be the case, and I do
believe that we should very soon take the second step on our gradual path away from the ELB
and toward interest rate normalization.
Now, this is the less technical version. For the technical version, I suggest you read again
the presentation by President Rosengren in his remarks that opened this discussion. Thank you.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you very much. I suggest we take a coffee break—how about
25 minutes. We will return at 5 minutes to 4:00.
[Coffee break]
CHAIR YELLEN. Okay. Why don’t we continue our go-round with President Mester.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Madam Chair. Overall, economic conditions in the Fourth
District softened a bit in August. The Bank’s diffusion index of business contacts reporting
better versus worse conditions declined to minus 4 from plus 18 at the time of our previous
meeting. This is the only negative reading in the index this year. It dipped to become negative
late last year as well, so it’s too soon to read too much into it at this point. By sector,
construction, freight, and banking continue to show positive readings. Energy was stable, and
manufacturing and retail showed negative readings. Some District manufacturers and
commercial construction firms reported that they put some planned investments on temporary
hold. In contrast, consumers in the District appear to be more optimistic. Delinquency rates
across most consumer borrowing categories are down, and home prices and incomes are rising,
all of which are supporting higher levels of consumer lending than we have seen for some time.
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Labor market conditions in the District remain healthy. As of July, the Federal Reserve
Bank of Cleveland staff estimates that year-over-year growth in District payrolls was 1 percent,
and the District’s unemployment rate remained low and stable at 5 percent. Anecdotal reports
suggest District firms continue to add workers. As was true last time, nearly all District sectors
reported some upward pressure on wages, and the diffusion index of those reporting increases
versus decreases has risen over the year.
District firms report that pressure on nonlabor input costs are rising this year as well. The
Cleveland Fed’s diffusion index of nonlabor costs, which was flat to negative last year, has
steadily risen this year to more than 20. Prices received have also been generally moving up
since the beginning of the year. Some manufacturers have told us that they have raised their
finished good prices in recent weeks in response to higher steel prices. Construction companies
have been reporting raising prices for some time either to cover rising import costs or in response
to strong demand.
As far as the national economy is concerned, second-quarter GDP growth came in weaker
than anticipated, with much of the drag reflecting weaker inventory investment. Although GDP
growth was subdued in the first half of the year, incoming economic information summarized in
the nowcasts suggests that growth will strengthen in the second half of the year, as the drag due
to inventories wanes and consumer spending, buoyed by strength in labor markets and personal
income growth, remains solid. Housing continues to improve at a gradual pace. The trouble
spot continues to be weak business investment spending, but financial conditions, including low
corporate bond spreads and stability in oil prices, are supportive of a coming pickup in
investment.
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The July and August employment reports confirm continued solid performance in the
labor market. Monthly payroll job gains have averaged 182,000 this year. Although this is
down from last year’s average monthly pace of 229,000, it is well above current estimates of the
pace of job growth consistent with estimated trends in output growth and the labor force
participation rate. The Board staff estimates that range of job growth at 85,000 to 115,000 per
month. Other estimates put it at 75,000 to 120,000 or even lower. The unemployment rate has
been roughly stable around my estimate of its longer-run rate. It and most of the other labor
market indicators suggest to me that we are basically at full employment from the standpoint of
what monetary policy can effectively address, and that labor market conditions will remain
healthy.
We have seen some acceleration in wages, but productivity growth has been weaker than
in earlier expansions. If weak productivity growth persists, then it seems unlikely that wage
growth will return to the pre-recession pace.
Overall, my outlook for the U.S. economy over the medium run is little changed since our
previous meeting. I made relatively minor changes to my SEP forecasts of GDP growth,
unemployment, and inflation since my SEP submission in June. In response to the weak
first-half data, I marked down my GDP growth forecast a tad for 2016 and less so for 2017. I
continue to see the fundamentals, including accommodative monetary policy and financial
conditions, improved household balance sheets, the strong labor market, and low and stable oil
prices, as supportive of continued growth at the pace at or slightly above trend, which I put at
2 percent over the forecast horizon. This pace is sufficient to put downward pressure on the
unemployment rate, which falls below my longer-run rate over the next two years before
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returning to my longer-run rate of 5 percent by the end of 2019. My undershooting of the
longer-run unemployment rate is less than in the Tealbook.
I continue to anticipate that inflation will rise gradually toward our goal of 2 percent over
the next couple of years. The trajectory of both headline and core inflation over the past year is
consistent with this forecast. Headline PCE inflation has risen as the effects of the earlier
declines in oil prices and appreciation of the dollar have passed through. Measured year-overyear, core PCE inflation and trimmed mean PCE inflation are 1.6 percent, which is near the goal.
Other measures of underlying inflation, like core CPI and median CPI, have picked up to levels
of more than 2 percent. The Cleveland Federal Reserve median CPI measure has been above 2¼
percent all year and at or above 2½ percent for the past four months.
Long-term inflation expectations from the Survey of Professional Forecasters and the
Cleveland Federal Reserve 10-year and 5-year, 5-year-forward measures have been stable. The
New York Fed’s measure of consumer inflation expectations two years ahead has moved up and
down from month to month this year, averaging around 2.6 percent over the year to date. The
University of Michigan survey measure of inflation expectations over the next 5 to 10 years has
been trending down since 2013. Cleveland Federal Reserve staff’s analysis of the microdata
underlying the survey indicates that over that time period, the numbers of respondents reporting
expected inflation rates at 5 percent and at 10 percent have fallen. It’s not clear whether this
change in the distribution accounts for the downward trend in the median, which would be less
susceptible to outliers than the mean would be. So while the downward movement in the
Michigan survey bears watching and further investigation, at this point I view longer-run
inflation expectations as reasonably stable. This, along with output growth at or slightly above
trend and continued strength in the labor market, suggests that inflation is on a path of gradually
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returning to our 2 percent goal over the next couple of years, which is sooner than in the
Tealbook forecast.
I see the risks associated with my forecast as broadly balanced. Economic growth abroad
and U.S. investment spending could be weaker than I have assumed, but accommodative
financial conditions could lead to stronger growth than I am anticipating. Inflation could remain
below our target for longer than I have assumed, but accommodative monetary policy could lead
to stronger price pressures. Risks to financial stability from very low interest rates appear to be
contained, but a failure to implement a gradual rise in interest rates will increase these risks.
I continue to project that a gradual upward path of interest rates over the forecast horizon
will be appropriate. On the basis of the evidence of how economic growth, the unemployment
rate, and inflation have been evolving and the continued low estimates of the equilibrium real
rate, I have revised down my estimate of the longer-run federal funds rate 25 basis points to 3
percent. I want to acknowledge that there is a wide confidence band around this estimate and
that my 25 basis point reduction isn’t statistically significant. But this revised estimate, coupled
with my slightly weaker economic growth forecast, has led me to project a funds rate path that is
25 to 50 basis points more shallow over the forecast horizon than in my June projection. Thank
you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Madam Chair. Anecdotal and aggregate statistical
information received during the intermeeting period remains consistent with the Federal Reserve
Bank of St. Louis’s new regime-based view of near-term macroeconomic outlook and monetary
policy. Our view emphasizes a forecast that places real GDP growth at about 2 percent over the
forecast horizon, with inflation also at about 2 percent. Unlike the Tealbook, we do not regard 2
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percent real GDP growth as being meaningfully above trend. Consequently, we also expect
relatively little change in the unemployment rate over the forecast horizon. We think end-ofyear unemployment rates will remain centered on 4.7 percent.
We see optimal monetary policy as being regime dependent. Under the current regime,
we see the current setting of the policy rate as being just slightly below neutral. We think there
is a case to be made to move the policy rate to the regime-neutral value at some point. However,
unless there is a switch in regime, we think it is unwise to give the impression, as the Tealbook
does and perhaps the dot plot does, that the Committee is on the precipice of a 275 basis point
move in the policy rate over the forecast horizon. Instead, we should acknowledge that, on the
basis of the information we have today, we do not expect much different to happen over the next
several years, and, therefore, we do not need to forecast a major move in the policy rate.
At the heart of the St. Louis Federal Reserve view is that real GDP growth has been slow
and is not expected to meaningfully accelerate. The annualized real GDP growth rates for the
past three quarters are 0.9 percent, 0.8 percent, and 1.1 percent, averaging about 1 percent, well
below even pessimistic estimates of the potential real GDP growth rate. Although growth looks
set to accelerate in the second half of 2016, all this will do if it materializes is bring the real GDP
growth rate for all of 2016 somewhat closer to, but less than, 2 percent. Any acceleration from
there into 2017 is likely to be modest and is, in my mind, a speculative guess.
I think it strains credulity to suggest that eight years after the Committee moved the
policy rate close to zero, there is still any meaningful cyclical dynamic that would push the real
output growth rate above potential in a statistically significant way. A better way to think about
the current situation is to accept that the current real output growth rate is slow and likely not too
different from the potential growth rate. The corollary is that the unemployment rate is likely to
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remain in the 4½ to 5 percent range as long as we remain in the current regime. This is what
happened during 2006 and 2007, a period that was arguably characterized by stronger GDP
growth—due in part to the housing bubble, to be sure—than what we are witnessing today.
Inflation has been running somewhat below 2 percent according to PCE-based measures,
with CPI-based measures somewhat higher. We think an inflation forecast centered on 2 percent
over the forecast horizon is reasonable. I was encouraged, in reaching this forecast, by page 22
of Tealbook A, which gives the staff forecast of headline PCE inflation, core PCE inflation, and
core CPI inflation in graphical format with 70 percent confidence intervals. I think it is
reasonable to interpret these figures as illustrating forecasts essentially centered at 2 percent over
the forecast horizon. I do remain concerned that market-based measures of inflation expectations
remain too low to be consistent with the 2 percent inflation forecast. This is a risk to the outlook
that I have described.
Output growing at its potential rate, unemployment essentially unchanging, and inflation
expected to hit 2 percent sounds like a steady state. However, the regime-switching
conceptualization acknowledges that this situation can and will change at some point in the
future. The most likely candidates for a switch in regime are, one, faster productivity growth
and, two, an abating of the very large liquidity premium on short-term government debt. Both of
these possibilities would suggest upside risk to the St. Louis Federal Reserve’s policy rate
forecast. However, as of today, I see little evidence that a switch is occurring on either of these
dimensions. Accordingly, we continue to assume we are in a low-growth regime, driven in part
by low productivity growth, as well as in a regime characterized by very low real rates of return
on short-term government debt, the so-called r†. This, in turn, leads us to project a very flat
policy rate path over the forecast horizon. Thank you, Madam Chair.
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CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you very much. President Harker.
MR. HARKER. Thank you, Madam Chair. Overall economic activity in the Third
District has been somewhat sluggish over the intermeeting period. Job growth continues to lag
the nation, with employment growing a mere 0.7 percent in July, less than half that of the nation.
And the unemployment rate ticked up another 0.1 percentage point to 5.4 percent. In part, the
increase in unemployment is due to a stronger rebound in labor force participation than one sees
nationally. Additionally, the sharp contraction in mining and drilling in the Marcellus shale
region was responsible for much of the weaker job growth in the region. And to give you some
sense of the sharpness of that contraction, the number of active wells in Pennsylvania has gone
over the past few years from more than 4,600 to around 200 today.
Manufacturing has picked up a bit, with the general activity index in our Business
Outlook Survey now in positive territory. At 12.8, the September index is slightly above its
nonrecessionary average. The new orders index eked into positive territory as well, but
shipments contracted and, although employment improved substantially, that index remained in
negative territory. Survey respondents remain upbeat, with all of the forward-looking indexes
showing substantial optimism.
In a series of special questions, we attempted to gauge the future capital spending plans
of manufacturers in the region. A vast majority indicated that they primarily intended to
modernize existing manufacturing processes, while only one-third indicated they intended to
expand facilities. Very few, roughly 17 percent, indicated that they were looking to grow
through acquisition. Further, modernization has taken on increasing importance in firm
planning, with roughly 60 percent of firms indicating that it was now more important to them
than it had been over the past five years. Some reasons cited for this shift in priorities were
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increases in labor costs due to government mandates such as the ACA and the need or desire to
replace labor with robotics and automation. Thus, there was not much in the responses to
indicate why we have been seeing such very weak investment numbers at the national level. But
this type of investment activity may lead to better productivity numbers down the road.
At my recent board of directors meeting, the board of directors, on the other hand,
expressed unanimous sentiment that policy uncertainty is weighing on capital expenditure plans.
As one director phrased it, “The data are positive. It’s the psychology that’s driving caution.”
The FOMC is also viewed as contributing to that uncertainty. A lack of confidence to raise rates
is causing business leaders to wonder what the FOMC is seeing that they are not. That is not to
say that policy is not being conducted systematically. I think there is a lot of coherence to our
deliberations. But the view around my boardroom seems to indicate the existence of
communications challenges that we as a Committee may not be fully addressing. Another
director characterized the climate as one of “caution, caution, caution.” Thus, the opinions of my
directors appear consistent with what we’re seeing in the investment data.
Regarding the labor market, we are hearing a rising crescendo of complaints regarding
the inability to fill high-skilled positions, which is consistent with the growing gap between the
job openings rate and the hiring rate in the JOLTS data. We are also hearing instances of fairly
aggressive nominal wage growth as well. For example, a local hospital has just raised wages for
its nursing staff 9 percent and is considering additional increases.
A few other areas in the District are doing well. One such area is construction, in which
we are seeing fairly strong growth. Although the value of permits has recently declined, the
value of contracts remains at a high level, and nonresidential construction in the District
continues to outpace that of the nation. The trend in the mix of new housing construction in the
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District has also gravitated toward a greater share of multifamily units. That may be the cause
for an interesting behavioral element that one of my directors, who has an interest in an organic
pet food company, pointed out—namely, that there has been a shift in dog ownership preferences
to smaller dogs. Perhaps baby boomers and millennials find smaller dogs more conducive to an
urban lifestyle. But related to being a dog owner, one of my other directors brought up the
following. There has been an interesting innovation in the fintech community. A company
called Wags Lending has pioneered a financial contract that provides for leasing with an option
of buying a dog. He estimates that we should see a drop in the dog unemployment rate we
commonly refer to as the “U-canine.” Sorry, I had to do that. [Laughter]
Regarding Third District consumers, the pace of activity has diminished somewhat,
which was reflected in the general activity index in our nonmanufacturing survey. It fell to
slightly below its nonrecessionary average. However, in our District, auto sales continue to be
brisk and consumers remain optimistic. Overall, the Third District is seeing and should continue
to see steady if unspectacular growth, and contacts remain upbeat about the future.
For the nation as a whole, I, like many of you, anticipate a solid bounceback in economic
activity this quarter, with a gradual return to trend growth over the forecast horizon. Thus, my
economic projections are not much different from those of the staff, although I see inflation
returning to trend at a bit brisker pace.
Much of the near-term acceleration activity is driven by strong consumption growth and
by a bounceback in inventories. I believe that economic fundamentals are in line with this view,
as income growth has been solid and balance sheets remain healthy. Thus, I see 1.8 percent GDP
growth for this year, 2.3 percent growth in 2017, and a return to trend-like growth over the rest
of the forecast horizon. My main concern is the low productivity growth that we’ve experienced
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of late. The recovery will look increasingly fragile if productivity growth does not strengthened.
Regarding unemployment, I envision job growth will gradually taper to a rate consistent with the
constant rate of unemployment, but my projections of the unemployment rate do somewhat
undershoot that level, falling to 4.4 percent in 2017 before beginning to rise very gradually. And
with respect to inflation, I continue to anticipate a gradual return to target, with the return
achieved perhaps as early as the beginning of 2018.
With that projection in hand, I see a gradual rise in the funds rate as appropriate with the
funds rate slightly exceeding its long-run value of 3 percent in 2019. My somewhat optimistic
outlook will inform my views on policy tomorrow. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Kaplan.
MR. KAPLAN. Thank you, Madam Chair. I’ll start with a discussion of the District,
and I’ll begin with energy.
Our view on energy, despite recent price volatility, is basically the same as it was at the
previous FOMC meeting. We continue to believe that global supply and demand will move into
balance sometime during the first half of 2017, and that global oil inventories will begin to climb
in the third quarter of 2017. Some observers, particularly recently, see this process taking six
months longer, but we continue to expect that daily demand will increase approximately
1.3 million barrels per day in 2016 and 2017 and that this growth in demand, along with a
slowing trajectory of growth in global supply—which includes significant cuts in the United
States—should ultimately lead to balance. We expect continued price volatility, though, during
the intervening period, but we expect the overall trend in prices to be one of firming as we move
toward balance.
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Several factors apprear to have contributed to the recent price volatility. First, refinery
margins are very volatile, and they can influence the level of gasoline inventories. Our view is
that market participants may, in some cases, have overread the implications of excess gasoline
inventories for oil supply. We prefer to focus on global oil supply and demand as more essential.
Second, there’s been talk from Russia and OPEC members about a production freeze. We
continue to believe, on the basis of conversations we have had with our contacts, that a freeze is
unlikely, but the talk about this has probably had some positive effects on prices over the past
couple of months. And, third, there have been outages, which we’ve mentioned before, in
Nigeria, Libya, Canada, Iraq, and other nations, which appear to have caused trading participants
at times to be unduly optimistic about the timing of supply–demand balance. It’s our view that
most of these outages are going to be restored, although Nigeria and Libya will persist for some
time.
So with all of this, the rig count in Texas is starting to build, albeit very gradually, and we
think that expansion will only accelerate if prices rise to between $50 and $60 a barrel, and we’re
not there yet. Even in the Permian, the breakeven is above $50 a barrel. Certainly on many
long-lived projects, the breakeven is much higher, and we are a considerable period of time away
from significant investment in those. We continue to believe there will be more bankruptcies,
mergers, and restructurings in this sector, in view of the existence of several highly leveraged
companies as well as the fact that breakeven levels for shale in the Permian Basin are well in
excess of $50 a barrel. Overall, though, we think the energy sector will only be a modest
headwind for our District for the remainder of 2016 as opposed to being the significant headwind
that it was in the first half of the year. In connection with that point, employment growth in the
state of Texas was flat for the first six months of 2016. We think the second half of 2016 is
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looking considerably brighter, and we’re expecting approximately 2 percent job growth for the
last half of the year. And our forecast now is for 2 percent job growth during 2017. Texas
continues to benefit from significant continued migration of people and firms to the state, and we
expect this trend to continue in 2017.
For the nation, my projections regarding the U.S. economy in the latest SEP round are
strongly influenced by analysis recently conducted at the Dallas Federal Reserve and around the
Federal Reserve System, which suggests that the economy’s real growth potential is only about
1¾ percent or lower,in light of demographic and productivity trends, and that the longer-run
normal federal funds rate is certainly lower than it has been previously. In response, I’ve
lowered my projected path of both GDP growth and the funds rate. We’re participant number
12, by the way, in the dot plot.
I’ve not materially changed my projections regarding unemployment or inflation. We
continue to forecast that, under appropriate policy, the unemployment rate will fall modestly
from its current level, and we continue to believe that this drop in unemployment will be
accompanied by some level of improved nominal wage growth.
The Dallas trimmed mean PCE inflation rate has been running between 1.6 and 1.7
percent for the past year and a half. Imbedded in this rate is a historically muted level of healthcare inflation, and we’ve been talking more recently at our bank about whether this muted level
of health-care inflation is likely to persist. Overall, these numbers give us confidence that we
will gradually move toward our 2 percent objective in the medium term.
A word about the recent ISM surveys, which have been weak. We prefer to look at the
three-month moving averages of both the nonmanufacturing and the manufacturing surveys.
Both have held steady on a three-month moving average basis. In addition, the NFIB small
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business survey for August, initial unemployment insurance claims, and various surveys of
consumer attitudes tell us that we are not seeing a deterioration in the outlook.
Let me just briefly comment on our discussion with contacts in our District about
business investment. We also see, as many of you do, business leaders continuing to be cautious
about hiring plans and capacity expansion. Apart from the obvious effect of lower oil prices on
energy cap-ex, we also see business cap-ex being held back by sluggish global demand, high
rates of industry disruption, challenging levels of regulatory requirements, and one more factor, a
rise in shareholder activism, which has shortened time horizons for CEOs and their boards of
directors. CEO tenures in this country are shorter. Investment time frames are shorter.
Activism is on the rise. Investor patience is as short as at any time in my career, and the threat of
fund redemptions is as high as I’ve ever seen it because investors are searching, and in some
cases desperately searching, for adequate return. All of this makes capital spending, which pays
off with lags of 5 to 10 years or more, much tougher to justify versus share repurchase and
dividend increases. I don’t see this changing materially in the months and years ahead unless
there are changes to business incentives for capital spending.
One other comment outside the United States. A team from the Dallas Federal Reserve
visited Beijing and Shanghai in August. I know a number of others around this table also visited
China in the past two months. This trip confirmed our analysis regarding high levels of
overcapacity, growing levels of debt to GDP—particularly to support an economic growth rate of
6½ percent, which we think is artificially elevated—the challenges of an aging workforce, and
the challenges of a transition to a more consumer-service oriented economy. It is clear, on the
basis of our discussions throughout that country, that currency controls have been dramatically
tightened to reduce outflows and that nonperforming loans are likely closer to $2 trillion than $1
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trillion. These issues, though, are mitigated by the fact that most of these loans have been made
by government-owned entities to government-controlled entities, and China has shown an ability
to keep the need for external capital to a relatively modest level. So the trip reinforced our view
that while non-performing loans are building, China can manage them because of the internal
nature of its debt problem.
There’s a question about how effective the currency controls are going to be and whether
they’re going to be able to bind things the way they have, even with the recent deterioration in
the currency.
As the private sector continues to grow in China, the country hopes to steadily reduce its
reliance on state-owned enterprises, but there’s no question that the challenges faced by China
are unlikely to be resolved in quarters or years—it’s more likely to take decades. And in the
meantime, we believe that the world is certainly going to have to become accustomed to lower
levels of Chinese GDP growth and may suffer periodic bouts of financial instability in the same
manner that we saw in January and February. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Madam Chair. Before I dive into my laboriously prepared
and scripted report, I need to prepare everyone for a euphemism I will use about halfway through
my remarks. The quickest explanation is the following example of a backyard family
conversation:
“Mommy, what did Daddy say just now when he hit his thumb with the hammer?”
“ ‘Shirt,’ dear. Daddy said, ‘Shirt.’ ”
Okay. All right. With this modest preamble, I will try to avoid reading from the
Governor Rick Mishkin playbook. [Laughter]
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Now, the reports from my directors and other business contacts were quite similar to
those in the previous round. On balance, the mixed tone of the commentary continues to feel
consistent with the 1 to 2 percent GDP growth rates we’ve seen over the past year. As we’ve
been hearing for some time, consumer-facing businesses are holding up well. In Chicago, we
also heard some encouraging news about nonresidential construction and the labor market
serving these projects. My labor union director, who heads the Chicago Federation of Labor,
reported that several new large building projects are luring workers out of retirement and
justifying the expansion of sorely needed apprenticeship programs. However, local stories like
these are tempered by other national contacts who are less sanguine about construction for the
United States as a whole. Furthermore, many non-consumer-facing businesses, especially in
manufacturing, face lingering challenges. Our steel contacts note that mills are reducing
capacity in response to falling demand. A director who formerly headed a nationwide trucking
company reported that the freight industry no longer needs to expand capacity. The demand for
new heavy trucks has fallen sharply, and the industry is no longer facing a significant shortage of
drivers.
With regard to the international situation, several contacts reported that their global sales
are improving, but in many countries these gains are just coming off the bottom, and they still
see the level of demand as relatively weak and the outlook as highly uncertain.
On the financial front, regulatory changes have increased some short-term borrowing
costs, but my contacts said that longer-term debt markets continue to be highly receptive to
investment-grade issuers. I heard contrasting stories about risk-taking. My director from
Discover Financial noted some stretch-for-yield activities. Some of his credit card competitors
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are increasing card issuance to households further down the credit spectrum and luring customers
with overly generous rewards programs. He thinks they will be unprofitable.
In contrast, several contacts mentioned increased equity in commercial real estate
markets. One report characterized a type of deal that last year would have been written at
35 percent equity and 65 percent debt. Now, similar deals are being struck at a 50–50 split, so
there’s a noticeable shift to more equity and less debt. In addition, this report cited tougher
recourse provisions in these transactions. We heard that private equity deals were also being
structured with somewhat less leverage. The loans are still often covenant-lite, but the borrowers
now have more skin in the game.
Turning to our economic growth outlook—and, by the way, we are number 11 in the
SEP—we expect increased inventory accumulation and some pickup in business fixed
investment. These factors will lift real GDP growth to around a 2¾ percent annual rate during
the second half of this year. In 2017 and 2018, we see GDP growth averaging just over 2
percent, roughly similar to the Tealbook. We do differ with the Tealbook, however, on the
degree of slack we see in the economy. For 2016, we estimate the natural rate of unemployment
to be 4.7 percent. We also think the labor force participation rate is still a little below trend.
These observations and others from wages indicate that some slack remains in the labor market.
In our forecast, resource gaps are closed by the end of 2017. There is some modest overshooting
thereafter, though less than in the Tealbook. I should note that we expect demographic factors to
lower the natural rate of unemployment gradually, by 5 basis points annually for some time. By
2020, our estimate is down to 4½ percent.
More generally, uncertainty seems high. Corporate expectations for capacity expansion
seem weak, and I continue to see downside risk to our outlook for economic growth. Our main
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concern is that if the U.S. consumer begins to falter, there will be no component of domestic or
foreign demand to pick up the slack for the foreseeable future. Even though things have been
relatively quiet of late, the international situation definitely remains an important risk. On the
domestic front, my biggest concern is that business caution will hold back capital spending more
than we expect and may even impinge on future hiring.
All right, now for the euphemism. Am I the only one who talks to business CEOs who
describe their challenges as selecting from a “shirt” bucket of low-growth opportunities?
[Laughter]
MR. WILLIAMS. Apparently. [Laughter]
MR. EVANS. This remark came from a CEO describing the most recent discussions of
the Business Roundtable, and it is discouraging. Separately, but along this same theme,
Manpower Employment Services’s CEO said most of his customers expect to be in cost-cutting
mode next year. Such plans hardly are consistent with an outbreak of capital spending. Also, the
head of John Deere reported that its internal baseline projection for 2017 is for a slight decline in
equipment sales, but the company is preparing for the possibility of even worse outcomes. As
corporate CEOs prepare to navigate an economy with 1¾ to perhaps 2 percent trend growth, I
realize that I haven’t spoken with anyone who talks about robust expansion plans in the United
States.
Turning to inflation, my numbers are again close to the Tealbook. I see both core and
total inflation moving up gradually but still falling short of our 2 percent target at the end of
2019. While we see less overshooting of potential output than the Tealbook, our forecast is
conditioned on a flat dollar and a somewhat slower pace of policy normalization. Our monetary
policy assumption is a key factor in our forecast narrative, as we see it bolstering inflation
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expectations and their eventual upward pull on actual pricing. That said, I again see downside
risk to this forecast. TIPS-derived inflation compensation in financial markets and many survey
measures of inflation expectations remain low, and my business contacts report few inflationary
pressures and no appreciable pricing power.
We have heard more accounts of wage increases, but it is striking how modest the gains
are. There are very few reports that appear commensurate with the 2 percent PCE inflation
environment. If we were likely to see a quick return to 2 percent inflation, I would expect to see
more bubbling up with these indicators by now, but there just isn’t that much there. Instead, I
see a rather firmly entrenched low-inflation psychology. Indeed, why are businesses holding the
line on wages even when many tell us there’s a shortage of workers? It must be because they
don’t expect to be able to increase prices enough to justify the expense. This psychology is
unlikely to change quickly, not without more dramatic and sustained increases in aggregate
demand or something else supporting expectations of upward movement and underlying
inflation. Until this happens, even modest inflation increases remain more of a hope than a solid
expectation. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Williams.
MR. WILLIAMS. Thank you, Madam Chair. During the past few meetings, the
economy has had several flares fly across the bow. We saw jobs data, financial volatility, and
Brexit worries, but each of these shots passed without effect, and, all told, the expansion remains
solid and on track. As others have said, we’re on course to add nearly 2¼ million jobs this year,
and that’s far more than the million or so that we need to keep pace with labor force growth.
I’d like to comment on something President Evans said, which I agree with. I hear some
similar remarks. We have a trucking company and a couple of metals companies on our boards,
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and I’m definitely hearing the exact same thing. So there’s no question about that. But then,
when you switch over to anyone who’s affected by the energy industry, the strong dollar, some
of these other factors, you definitely hear more negative comments. On the services and
consumer sides, I hear much more positive comments. In the end, the comments I hear from our
directors and our business contacts are consistent with what we’re seeing in the overall
economy—that consumer services are really driving economic growth today. It’s above trend
because it has to make up for weakness in other areas. So I actually agree with that way of
describing it, and I think it reflects what we see in the data when you look at how we’re getting
the real GDP growth that we’re getting.
Also, when I look across my District, one of the things that I find encouraging is that job
growth has been pretty broad based. A lot of people think, “Well, it’s San Francisco, of course
it’s booming.” But, generally, seven of the nine states in the 12th District are among the fastest
growing in the United States. It’s different stories. I was just in Reno, Nevada, where it’s really
just a story of recovery from a very deep recession. In other states, like Utah, it’s just a very
strong economy. But, overall, I’m seeing good growth broadly, not just in the very hot areas like
the Bay Area and Seattle.
Looking ahead, I think that real GDP growth will be about 1¾ percent on a national basis
this year, which is faster than my estimate of potential. My outlook hasn’t changed much over
this year. Economic data, as they relate to our dual mandate, continued to meet or beat
expectations, and the domestic headwinds slowing the economy have eased. In particular,
government spending on all levels is on the upswing, and households have registered solid gains
in disposable income and net wealth and are well positioned for strong consumption.
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With output and unemployment gaps now closed and substantial monetary
accommodation still in place, I expect that the economy will overshoot potential next year, and
that will push the unemployment rate down to nearly 4½ percent. And the resulting upward
pressure on inflation should speed the return to our 2 percent price objective, which I expect to
reach by the end of next year. I view the risks to the outlook as basically balanced and similar to
those of the past 20 years, especially in light of the diminished downside risk emanating from
abroad. Importantly, this projection embeds an assumption of an appropriate policy rate path,
with two increases in the funds rate this year and four in 2017.
Perhaps the most crucial issue regarding the forecast is not so much what the specific
numbers are, but how they relate to the “new normal” for steady-state growth. On this point, I
found the box in Tealbook A about the neutral pace of payroll growth a very useful reminder that
steady-state monthly employment gains are much lower than what we’ve been used to in the
past. As I mentioned in a previous meeting, looking across a lot of estimates, including those
obtained by our colleagues at the Chicago Federal Reserve, my own view is that something like
80,000 jobs is the likely benchmark as we go forward. Of course, we’ve been averaging about
180,000 jobs per month this year, and that’s an extraordinary pace that can’t be sustained
forever.
The special staff memos on the new lower estimates of g* and r*, I thought, were very
useful. They were clear, concise, and astutely aware of the relevant literature. As the memos
describe—yes, I’m only reading what I was given [laughter]—there is growing consensus that a
long period of slow productivity growth is under way. Modest underlying productivity growth,
combined with slower growth in labor quality and less favorable demographics, means that
2.5 percent real GDP growth on a sustainable basis just isn’t possible anymore.
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Now, people’s estimates differ by a tenth or two here and there. My own estimate is that
longer-run potential output growth is 1.6 percent. In fact, looking at most forecasters, they have
taken on board the idea that something around 1½ percent is more likely than something like
2½ percent. In that context, the real GDP growth of about 1 percent in the first half of this year
was really only a bit below trend. As noted in the Board staff memo, the continuation of slow
real growth has implications for r*. Indeed, in the model that Thomas Laubach and I developed
a while ago, the effect is roughly one-for-one with the neutral real rate falling with lower
potential output growth. I have for this reason—but on the basis of a lot of analysis—lowered
my own estimate of r* to ¾ percent, down from 1 percent in June, much like the Tealbook
assumption.
One comment I’d like to make on the r* issue that does come up in thinking about
monetary policy is that from my own perspective, I felt that the short-run r*, if you will, has
been around zero. I think that is consistent with some analysis that Thomas has done, consistent
with—I guess I’m peeking ahead at your memo—with a number of our views here. So in the
short run, I felt that an r* of zero was about right. The real question is whether this a transitory
phenomenon and we’re going to move back to a more normal level, or is this really something
that’s going to be—I don’t know about permanent, but will be with us for 5 or 10 years? And
that’s really the area in which the evolution in my thinking has happened. The short-run r* has
been at zero for quite some time, and I haven’t changed that view. It’s really more the
accumulation of evidence not only in the United States—from different models, different
approaches—but also recent work showing that r* seems to have fallen more broadly across
countries that’s pushed me in the direction of lowering my long-run r*. That’s one way you can
try to figure out how I can have my own views of the short run. It’s not really about changing
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my views on the short-run r*, it’s really about how much of that is likely to be with us for 5 to 10
years.
Another steady-state star variable, if you will, that has come up a few times already today
is u*, the natural rate of unemployment, and, of course, that can move around over time. In
particular, demographics have an effect on the natural rate, and President Evans talked a bit
about that. Younger workers consistently face higher unemployment rates than older workers, so
the fall in the share of younger workers in the labor force is pushing down the natural rate, all
else being equal. Typically, economists use these fixed-weight unemployment rates or
demographically adjusted unemployment rates to try to take that into account. My own staff has
developed a more granular demographic adjustment. They went to the underlying microdata of
the six fundamental labor force transitions on the movements between “employment,”
“unemployment,” and “out of the labor force,” and they used a common factor model to try to
strip out the demographic factors that affect these transitions and then compute a new, arguably
more sophisticated, demographically adjusted aggregate unemployment rate. The analysis based
on this method shows that over the past decade or so, changes in the demographic composition
of the labor force have lowered the natural rate, as President Evans and others have said, but by
only about ¼ percentage point. So taking this onboard, it’s consistent with a view that the
natural rate is somewhere between 4.75 and 5 percent, but I don’t think demographics can push
you—at least where we are today—to a much lower view of the natural rate of unemployment.
Of course, there are other factors besides demographics that can affect the natural rate of
unemployment. It’s useful to look at a lot of other measures: Vacancy rates as well as survey
data on the ease of finding jobs and filling jobs have continued to improve and are at levels
consistent with our maximum employment goal. Furthermore, several measures of wage growth,
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especially for workers who are continuously full-time employed, have picked up notably this
year, and that suggests the labor market is at full employment. Taking all of this into account,
I’ve left my estimate of the long-run rate of unemployment unchanged at this time at 5 percent.
For the record, since we’re on a run right now, I’m SEP respondent lucky number 13. Thank
you.
CHAIR YELLEN. President George.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Madam Chair. The District economy expanded modestly
since the previous meeting, and unemployment rates held steady, although they did tick higher in
a few states. The divergence between energy and non-energy-producing states remains notable,
with states like Oklahoma and Wyoming in what could be viewed as a regional recession. Our
District survey shows the manufacturing sector is also still facing some headwinds, with the
majority of the weakness concentrated in the oil-producing states, although within the energy
sector, the rig count in the District has stabilized and started to modestly increase.
In the agriculture sector, farm income is expected to fall, and lower crop prices continue
to weigh on profit margins. Margins also remain poor in the cattle and dairy sectors, and as a
result, agriculture credit conditions bear close watching, as loan repayment rates have fallen.
Although agriculture and energy certainly remain soft, the spillovers to broader activity in the
District have been limited so far and primarily are centered in those energy- and agricultureconcentrated states. And even in these states, economic activity is more diversified than a few
decades ago, which accounts for sentiment that is relatively more upbeat. In the much larger
services sector throughout the region, services are growing at a pace similar to that of the nation.
My outlook for the national economy is little changed. I expect GDP growth in the
second half of the year to pick up significantly from the disappointing pace in the first half, and
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looking at next year, I continue to see moderate growth, with inflation rising to 2 percent. The
key question for me in framing this outlook is whether consumers can continue to pull the
economy forward over the next few years. Consumption growth was strong in the second
quarter, with another robust gain projected in the current quarter.
Looking ahead, I expect consumption growth to be supported by strong labor market
conditions. The steady growth in average hourly earnings, amid modest productivity gains, also
points to a tightening labor market. Consistently, last week’s Census report on income and
poverty highlighted a welcome gain in real median household incomes last year. Although the
labor market looks likely to continue its improvement, I do think a risk worth monitoring is the
decline in the workweek since the beginning of the year. Analysis by my staff offers a couple of
observations concerning the declining hours in retail trade, leisure and hospitality, and
professional business services. In the categories of leisure and hospitality and professional
business services, which comprise a substantial share of employment, the workweek appears to
be returning to a level comparable with a few years ago, suggesting there may have been some
overshooting in the average workweek in these sectors. On the other hand, the workweek for
retail trade has been on a downward trend since late 2011. This may be related to structural
changes in this sector, such as the emergence of online retailers.
Regarding the outlook for residential investment, analysis by my staff suggests that the
falloff in single-family construction reflects a limited amount of undeveloped land in locations
desired by households, a supply-side factor that is likely to persist for a considerable time.
Additionally, existing home sales appear to be constrained by a shortage of listings. These
supply constraints may lead homeowners to remodel an existing house rather than buying a new
one. With improvements accounting for one-third of residential investment, spending associated
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with home improvements could resume its upward trend of the past three years and offset much
of the drag over the medium term arising from the behavior of new construction.
Like Tealbook, I see few signs of strength in business fixed investment, yet nonfinancial
corporate debt as a share of GDP is approaching its highest level on record going back to 1959.
Debt-to-earnings in the nonfinancial corporate sector is also at multidecade highs for firms able
to issue investment-grade debt. For firms issuing high-yield debt, debt relative to earnings is
also at its highest level since 2003. Clearly, the nonfinancial corporate sector has increased
leverage, which concerns me in an environment in which S&P 500 firms have collectively spent
more on dividends and buybacks than they generated in operating income in the last seven
quarters. An unusually low rate environment has facilitated these trends, and the economy could
be at risk if earnings disappoint and the markets reevaluate exposures to the sector.
Finally, since our July meeting, inflation expectations in the recent Survey of Consumer
Expectations moved up both at the one-year and three-year horizons. Last week’s CPI release
was also encouraging, as core goods inflation was not a drag on the overall CPI for the first time
in three months. This suggests some stabilization in the portion of U.S. inflation that is most
affected by dollar strength. With the stable trend in core CPI above 2 percent, stable surveybased inflation expectations, tight labor markets, and rising wages, I see inflation as fully
consistent with our mandate for price stability and moving toward our long-run goal of 2 percent.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Kashkari.
MR. KASHKARI. Thank you, Madam Chair. The Ninth District economy continues to
perform well, though the pace of economic growth slowed. Wage growth appears moderate.
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Price inflation remains subdued, partly reflecting depressed oil prices in our large region with the
Bakken.
Actually, we welcomed the very good news from the Census last week on the 5.2 percent
rise in median household income between 2014 and 2015, with significantly fewer households in
poverty. It’s great that the recovery is finally extending more broadly across the income
distribution, and it reflects steadily strengthening labor market conditions between 2010 and last
summer. We hope the growth in median income will continue.
On the inflation front, from our perspective, we’ve made little progress toward our
inflation objective. I find it interesting that the staff forecast of core PCE inflation is to remain at
1.6 percent for both 2016 and all of 2017. Market- and survey-based measures of expected
inflation are near record lows. Some attribute this to temporary factors and argue that inflation is
coming. The inflation hawks might be right, but I’m looking for it in the data, not just faith and
hope.
On the labor market front, growth has slowed over the past 12 months. The
unemployment rate and the staff’s labor market conditions index are little changed since last
summer, and as others have noted, recent manufacturing and retail sales data have been
disappointing. Economic growth in Mexico and Canada, our major trading partners, also looks
very weak, so my baseline outlook is more of the same: sluggish growth, subdued inflation.
We have talked about this many times since I’ve been here that there’s asymmetry with
our tools related to the lower bound, so for me, the risks to the outlook are tilted to the downside.
It’s much tougher for us to respond to very low inflation than to high inflation. The risk of
unsustainable growth stoking inflation seems remote,in view of the less than 2 percent GDP
growth and the stable labor market indicators And I think I’ve mentioned it before: If it were to
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surprise us on the upside, that’s a high-class problem compared with surprising us on the
downside. Thank you.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Governor Powell.
MR. POWELL. Thank you, Madam Chair. At the December 2015 meeting at which the
Committee raised the interest rate, I wrote down three rate increases for 2016, and I guess I see
two main unexpected developments since then that have changed my view of the appropriate
path so far this year. First, the period of financial market turmoil in January and February linked
to the possibility of a large devaluation of the RMB was followed by a series of weak incoming
data. Real GDP growth in the first half of the year came in at 1¼ percent, well below
expectations. Payroll growth also declined sharply in the first half. Although this weakness is
now passing, it does leave, for me, a declining residue of uncertainty. Second, and of more
significance for the period ahead, interest rates have declined significantly right across the curve,
and, like many others, I have come to the view that rates need to be lower than I had thought to
support activity. The kinds of rate increases that have been in the SEP for the past few years
seem increasingly unrealistic in the global context that we are now in. For me, that argues for a
more gradual path of increases but not a change in the direction of travel.
To talk about each of those a little bit, even though GDP in the first half disappointed,
about half of that slowdown over the past year, as David Wilcox covered, was about a decline in
inventory accumulation—an inventory correction—which really says little about the underlying
strength of demand. Private domestic final purchases are a better indicator. They have behaved
about as expected, growing at 3 percent last quarter and 2¼ percent over the past four quarters.
The Tealbook and seemingly all private forecasters expect stronger GDP growth in the
second half. And, for what I regard as good reasons: The inventory correction should end. The
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drag on business investment from lower oil prices that should end now that rig counts appear to
have stabilized. The contractionary effects of the big increase in the exchange value of the dollar
should be waning. Financial conditions have eased materially since December. And, finally,
consumer spending should remain strong, with rising real incomes, continued job market
strength, and much improved household balance sheets. Overall, I expect strong growth in the
second half that will lift 2016 GDP close to 2 percent for the year as a whole.
In labor markets, payroll growth this year has averaged 180,000, down 50,000 from last
year’s pace, but the underlying pattern is significant. The average for March, April, and May,
which is what the Committee saw at the time of the June meeting, was only about 120,000,
which was a sharp deceleration since 2015. Fortunately, the average for the past three months
through August is back up to 230,000, which is reassuring. I would add that labor markets are
also a better real-time indicator of the strength of GDP than is reported GDP. With the increase
in labor force participation, both unemployment and participation appear now to be very close to
their longer-term trends, suggesting that the economy is pretty close to full employment. Indeed,
despite modest rates of increases for wages, the very low levels of productivity growth and
inflation over the past few years mean that unit labor costs are now rising faster than prices. In
addition, the Conference Board’s survey on job availability now shows, for the first time since
2008, that more respondents think jobs are plentiful than find them hard to get, and that has
generally only happened when unemployment is at or below the natural rate.
In contrast to recent years, the improvement in labor markets has shown up this year in
the form of an apparent upside surprise in our admittedly volatile measure of labor force
participation. If participation had declined as predicted in the December Tealbook, and holding
all else equal, the unemployment rate would now be 4.3 percent. I suspect that this would have
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been a very different meeting if that had been the case. In any case, above-forecast labor force
participation suggests that the economy has more room to expand, or at least that supply-side
limits are probably more than usually uncertain, and I think we would be wise to take that into
account in thinking about policy. If job growth continues at anything like these rates,
unemployment may fall well below current estimates of the natural rate, or labor force
participation may continue to improve relative to trend, or both. Any of these outcomes would
support a return to 2 percent inflation and would be welcome for me. Another possibility is that
inflation does not pick up and that we continue to revise down our estimate of the natural rate.
Finally, it’s also possible, of course, that wage and price pressures will appear to an unexpected
degree, and that would require a more aggressive response from policy and potentially put the
recovery at risk. There are no risk-free paths, and this latter I find a good argument for which the
time has not yet come, in my thinking.
The third factor I mentioned is much lower interest rates. Since the rate increase of
December, there has been significant loosening in financial conditions. Between that SEP and
the current SEP, we’ve seen median FOMC participant expectations regarding the total number
of rate increases for this year and next year decline from eight to three. By a straight read,
markets are pricing in about a 50 percent chance of one increase this year and one more rate
increase next year. Accounting for term premiums and other factors, I think, actually, for 2017,
market expectations are probably not far from this meeting’s SEP. Other financial conditions
have loosened as well, with lower long-term rates, higher stock prices, a weaker dollar, and
narrower credit spreads. With this loosening of financial conditions, GDP growth and the pace
of job creation have stabilized, and I do see a causal relationship between the first and the
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second. The implication, though, is that the neutral rate of interest remains very low, even lower
than I had thought.
Inflation, on the other hand, has performed very close to expectations. Year-to-date core
inflation is 1.6 percent, up 0.3 percentage point over the year. That said, rising unit labor costs
may put some downward pressure on profits and upward pressure on prices, helping us get back
to 2 percent inflation. I continue to see inflation rising to 2 percent over the medium term,
although I do see the risks as slightly more to the downside. In particular, low measures of
inflation expectations remain a concern, and to address that concern, I do see it as appropriate to
allow unemployment to decline modestly below the natural rate in order to support progress
toward our 2 percent inflation target. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Governor Tarullo.
MR. TARULLO. Thank you, Madam Chair. During the day on Saturday and on Sunday
morning, I composed a set of remarks for the economic go-round that were, I believe, destined to
be remembered as one of the most remarkable interventions in the annals of the FOMC. On
Sunday afternoon, my computer crashed, and those remarks, unfortunately, were lost to
posterity. [Laughter] Having tried to reconstitute them Sunday evening and yesterday,
somehow the brilliance had been fleeting, and for that reason, I’m grateful that Presidents Evans,
Rosengren, and Williams what I actually think is the most important thing to talk about in this
meeting: the relative risks of overshoot against failing to stimulate more. So, in a somewhat
impromptu way, I’m going to try to make some remarks about that.
First, we really are in a fundamentally different position than a year—or certainly two or
three—ago. At that time, I honestly couldn’t understand arguments that were being made for
why we needed to be ready to start tightening, or we should start thinking about tightening, or
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the like. Whatever one’s view, and I think people know where I stand on this relative to others
on the Committee, we are surely in a realm now in which the possibilities and the risks on both
sides have to be taken seriously. And even though I come out differently from, say, where
President Rosengren is, I think he has raised an important set of issues both here and in his
public speeches, which it behooves all of us to engage in and just try to balance to see what the
right path is for the period ahead.
The first thing I’d say on that—and this is the risk of overshooting—and as I think the
discussion among Presidents Evans, Rosengren, and Williams and David Wilcox showed, it’s
actually hard to find historical examples of pretty much anything that we want to demonstrate
here. One of the problems is that, as President Williams pointed out, it’s hard to find an example
when there was a soft landing where unemployment went up several tenths of a percentage point
without a recession. But, on the other side, it is also hard to find one of those circumstances in
which the FOMC did not arguably keep its foot on the brake way too long. One has to recognize
that, in these cases, inflation had actually gotten well above target for some period of time. So I
think while it’s reasonable for all of us to look at history and try to learn from it, I suspect that
history isn’t going to provide an answer here, even though it will, in a sort of Biblical fashion,
provide a little bit of support on both sides.
So, the question of what the risks associated with a modest to moderate overshoot are, I
think, are the ones that Eric lays out, and others have echoed, and are the ones that we should be
worried about. And the questions are, first: How likely is that to happen? Because, obviously,
that’s important. And then, second: What are the risks on the other side? That is, if one takes
the approach of beginning to raise rates in order to avoid those risks, what kinds of risks are you
courting on the other side?
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As you can tell from what I already said about history, while I agree that there is the risk
of an overshoot that requires us to respond in a very robust way and thereby induces a recession,
it seems to me that in an environment in which inflation has been running below target as long as
it has, in which there is a global arguably disinflationary—and certainly not inflationary—
environment, and in which we are talking not about massive overshoots but a few tenths of a
percentage point overshoot, my instinct is that the risks are nontrivial but modest to moderate.
And that’s reinforced for me by looking at the flip side of this, which is: What are the risks of
nonlinearity in the labor market—specifically, with the unemployment rate going down below
what is perceived to be a natural rate?
If this is the concern, I think there aren’t really a lot of historical examples to support that
kind of concern. If you want to see a nonlinear relationship between falling unemployment,
arguably below the natural rate, and a nonlinear increase in wages, you can go back to the 1990s,
but that did not translate into price inflation, presumably, at least in part because of the fact that
the Phillips curve had already flattened by then. So if you want to see price inflation being
associated in a nonlinear fashion with a dip below the natural rate, I think you have to go back to
the 1960s. And if you’re going back to the 1960s—again, I lived through that period, but I do
not recall what was happening with inflation directly at that time—my understanding is that the
estimates of the natural rate may have been off by a substantial amount, like 1 or maybe
2 percentage points, not several tenths of a percentage point. So, again, it was really quite a
different context from the one in which we find ourselves today.
And then, I add to that the uncertainty that Governor Brainard and President Evans have
referred to regarding the exact value of the natural rate of unemployment is. If we’re worrying
about overshooting it by too much and if it’s actually lower than the staff estimate of 5 percent,
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then the kinds of overshooting that we are talking about are obviously smaller still. And I do
continue to think there’s a pretty good chance that the rate of unemployment at which even wage
pressures will be significantly built up is lower than the 5 percent estimated by the staff. What
we have seen over the past year or so has been an encouraging phenomenon that there really is
more slack in the labor market than some believed. That is the significance of the fact that the
unemployment rate has remained stable during this period. It is that we’ve been creating jobs at
a healthy clip—above the number needed to deal with new entrants into the labor force—and yet
unemployment has not been falling during that period.
Now, maybe that could all reverse very quickly, and you would simultaneously have no
people coming into the labor market and unemployment beginning to decline very quickly. But
it seems to me as though it is more likely that we are testing the bounds of how much slack there
is, and this will be something more of a gradual process, because the amounts really have
exceeded, I think, what many people expected even a year or two ago.
Just a couple of mildly relevant comments on this from current activities: EPOP has been
increasing faster this year than last year, again suggesting that it has been drawing slack back
into the labor market. And recently, compensation increases have actually flattened out a bit.
With some exceptions, like construction, for which supply constraints do seem to be present, we
haven’t seen an unusual acceleration of wages at the high end of the distribution of wage growth,
and that is the phenomenon that has been observed during past recoveries when unemployment
dropped below what later proved to be the natural rate.
All in all, to me, the situation we’re in now is a pretty good one of continued job creation
that is taking up slack in the economy, a process that has helped bring the share of the long-term
unemployed back to its pre-crisis level. It is now helping minority and other groups whose
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unemployment rates traditionally run significantly higher than the average for the labor force as a
whole.
So that’s my own assessment, gloss, and obviously, to some degree, disagreement with
the very salient issue that Eric raised as to how much of a risk there is there. And I’d just much
more briefly point out that, on the other side, there are risks, too. There is, it seems to me, a
growing case for some variant on the secular-stagnation hypothesis. Maybe not secular
stagnation itself, but the cognitive transmogrification of headwinds into prevailing winds, which
I think a lot of people have gone through, is something that needs to be taken quite seriously.
That suggests, again, that if we’re in an environment in which there is a risk that inflation is not
going to go up and indeed is susceptible to recessions pushing it down further again, one actually
wants to err on what I’ve characterized as the “show me” side of things, of looking for tangible
evidence that inflation is rising toward and will remain around its target level.
I don’t expect to persuade people who have the other view, but I really do think that
that’s the discussion. The discussion of the set of issues, which Presidents Evans, Rosengren,
and Williams started in their questioning of David Wilcox and which I’m trying to continue now,
is I think probably the right one to have maybe in October as people think, looking ahead, about
where this balance of risks really does lie and forcing each of us to confront the quite legitimate
position that those who have the opposite instincts are taking. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Thank you, Madam Chair. I want to endorse what
Governor Tarullo just said. I think this issue about where the risk lies is really the germane
subject that we’re wrestling with. And I think that one reason why I’m less worried about the
overshooting risk, which I think is legitimate, is because we are growing only very modestly
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above trend, so we’re approaching full employment at a very shallow trajectory. Inflation is
below our target rather than above our target, and inflation expectations are probably a little bit
depressed.
Obviously, nobody wants to repeat the 1960s. But I would emphasize that, to get the
inflation that we got in the 1970s, we had to work really, really hard for a decade of a whole
series of policy mistakes over and over again. Not only was the unemployment rate allowed to
decline below the natural rate, but I think there also was a fundamental error in policymakers’
thinking that if the unemployment rate got too low, the inflation rate would go a little bit higher,
but it wouldn’t be the case that the change in the inflation rate would continue to go up every
year that you kept the unemployment rate below its full-employment rate. So I think there was a
model failure in terms of how the inflation process actually worked, so as inflation expectations
got unanchored, what happened was, as you stayed below that full employment unemployment
rate, inflation got worse year after year. I think coming back in October and maybe actually
reviewing some of this historical evidence is certainly an interesting thing to take a look at. I
would encourage the staff to bring all this back to us and maybe actually talk about some of these
various episodes and whether the current situation is different or similar to those earlier
circumstances.
Now, in terms of the outlook, my views, as I’ve said many times, have not changed much
since the previous FOMC meeting. On the growth side, we expect real GDP growth to average
about 2¾ percent during the second half of the year, and for 2017 and 2018 we’re penciling in
GDP growth around 2 percent but have considerable uncertainty about that. With respect to the
very near-term outlook—in other words, the next couple of quarters—I’m of two minds. On the
one hand, I do take comfort from the fact that financial conditions are accommodative, the fiscal
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impulse is positive, and real GDP is getting a short-term boost as the drag due to the decline in
inventory investment reverses itself. But, on the other hand, we do have to recognize that some
of the recent data have been quite weak. For example, although the last employment report had
151,000 in payrolls and people took a lot of comfort from that, the rest of the report was very
soft—aggregate hours worked declined, and some of the earlier rise that we saw in average
hourly earnings on a year-over-year basis reversed.
In addition, retail sales were quite soft in August, suggesting that maybe some of the
recent momentum in consumer spending has faded, and the past two ISM reports for
manufacturing and services for August registered large drops. As President Kaplan has noted,
this may just be noise, and maybe we want to look at a smooth three-month moving average.
But the size of the declines in both of those were quite large, so I’m not willing to discount it
completely.
With respect to the labor market, my assessment is that there is still some slack. I think
we need to be clear when we talk about the monthly payroll gains needed to keep the
unemployment rate steady in the long run, which is suggested at 85,000 to 115,000 in the
Tealbook. That is a long-run concept and may not be a good metric to use in assessing when is
the appropriate time to remove monetary policy accommodation. As we’ve seen over the past
eight months, payrolls can grow considerably more rapidly than that without necessarily pushing
down the unemployment rate. If an improving labor market pulls discouraged workers back into
the labor force, I think that’s a welcome development, and we don’t necessarily want to forestall
that. I can, in fact, imagine payroll gains persisting at 151,000 a month or more for some time
without that generating much downward movement in the unemployment rate. If that occurred
and other data suggested no evidence of a rise in inflationary pressures, the right conclusion
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might be to conceivably keep monetary policy on hold for some time to come. Obviously, the
decision wouldn’t just depend on what is happening in the labor market. It would depend on
many factors. My point here, though, is that we shouldn’t suggest that our actions are going to
mainly be dictated by the pace of monthly payroll change relative to the long-term pace
consistent with a stable unemployment rate. That is just too simplistic a metric, I think, in terms
of our monetary policy decision rule.
Another issue I am concerned about on the economic growth side is whether low interest
rates are losing their punch in terms of supporting the economy. There are at least two issues
here. First, the attenuation of monetary policy stimulus over time, as the activity that has been
pulled forward by lower interest rates—for example, motor vehicle sales—is no longer there
when the future inevitably arises. We may be starting to see that in the motor vehicle sector, as
sales have flattened out this year and in August actually declined. The second is the prospect
that a persistent period of low interest rates may eventually lead to a rise in the saving rate. If
real rates stay very low, households, pension funds, and endowments will likely have to save
more to achieve their wealth objectives. On the household side, we see some evidence of this in
the fact that the household saving rate is a bit elevated today relative to what one would expect,
just on the basis of the level of household net worth relative to income. Now, one could take this
as a positive sign. If the typical relationship was restored, the household savings rate would
drop, and consumption would grow faster than income as the saving rate declined. Or it could be
that the current situation is just the beginning of a more persistent updrift in the saving rate as
savings behavior responds to the low level of interest rates. As I’ve said at other meetings, we
have never been in this circumstance before, so to think that we understand the dynamics of how
the household sector is going to react to this long period of low interest rates is just an open
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question at this point. If the saving rate were to rise, consumption would grow more slowly than
income, and that, in turn, would exert a restraining effect on economic activity.
With respect to institutions such as pensions and endowments, I’d like to relate a
conversation I had with a person responsible for overseeing the management of a major
university’s endowment fund recently. Currently, this university takes 5 percent of its
endowment each year into its general budget. But 5 percent seems too high to be sustainable in
the current financial market environment, so the endowment managers are faced with some
tough choices: They can take more risks to generate a 5 percent real rate of return, they can
reduce the draw on the endowment to a smaller percentage and reduce university spending to
compensate, or they can let the endowment diminish in size in real terms by maintaining the
5 percent annual drawdown but not actually getting investment returns sufficient to replenish it.
I’m not sure how this is all going to play out in terms of timing, but this does seem to be another
avenue that might eventually translate into less spending. The same dynamic is at play in terms
of corporate defined-benefit plans and state and local pension plans. For both corporate and state
and local plans, the annualized nominal rates of return that they are assuming varies considerably
across different plans—there’s a pretty broad range. But the median is around 7½ percent
nominal rate of return annually; such returns are unlikely to be achieved over the long term.
Now, this has been papered over a bit in recent years because declining longer-term rates have
boosted bond prices, generating capital gains that have supported the terms. But this can’t go on
indefinitely. Eventually, the low level over the current yield will dominate in terms of
determining future returns. Eventually, the contributions in the pension funds will have to rise,
with consequences for corporate profits and for state and local taxes and expenditures
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I think we need to do more work to understand the potential consequences of a “low
interest rate forever” environment on savings and spending behavior not because I necessarily
think that we are going to have a low interest rate environment forever, but because I’d like to
understand the consequences if we stay on the current trajectory. I can imagine an environment
in which persistently low interest rates led to more saving that in turn depressed economic
growth, and the sluggish rate of growth in turn reinforced the downward pressure on interest
rates. So there would be a sort of feedback loop that would lead to low interest rates and
sluggish economic growth. In fact, you could argue that’s what we’ve been experiencing.
On the inflation side, my outlook also hasn’t changed much. Whereas before we had an
expectation that core PCE inflation would moderate during the second half of the year, now it
appears that expectation is being realized. Combined with somewhat less wage pressure in the
most recent reading, the persistence of low energy prices, and subdued inflation expectations,
there doesn’t seem to be much risk that inflation is going to get away from us on the upside any
time soon. The fact that inflation is still low and below our target, the likelihood that there is still
some slack in the labor market, and some concerns I have about the growth outlook all reinforce
my view that there is little urgency to tightening monetary policy right now. I think a patient
approach is warranted for the time being, but more on that tomorrow.
Finally, a few thoughts on the updraft in the short-term LIBOR and in the foreign
exchange swap basis for both the euro and yen. This was the focus of much of the discussion at
the most recent BIS meetings Stan and I were at over the weekend. The general consensus was
that the upward movements were due mainly to regulatory changes that increased the cost of
dealer balance sheets. Money market fund reforms that require prime institutional money market
funds to move to floating net asset value on October 14 was also considered to be a factor. Much
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money has already shifted out of such money market mutual funds, and if you look at the money
market mutual fund’s prime institutional funds, they have already reduced their weightedaverage maturity sharply to only 11 days in the most recent reading. This suggests to me that
most, if not all, of the adjustment in short-term rates due to money market fund reform may
already have taken place. I expect that once we get past the October 14 deadline, these prime
funds will presumably lengthen their average maturities. The consequence of that will push up
the relative yields on these funds compared with Treasury funds, and that will actually cause
some funds to flow back into the prime funds.
The Tealbook looks at the issue of how much the rise in the three-month LIBOR
represents a tightening of financial market conditions through the channel of nonfinancial
corporate borrowing costs. I agree with the analysis that this has a very small effect. The main
channel of monetary policy, in my mind, is how changes in the expected short-term rate path
affect longer-term interest rates. If the three-month LIBOR rises because the term structure of
interest rates otherwise doesn’t change, then I think the effect should be little. So if everything is
the same, and the only thing that has moved is three-month LIBOR, I don’t really think that has
much consequence for financial market conditions, and we should basically not put much weight
on it. So to sum up, while I think there are several good reasons not to tighten monetary policy
at this meeting, I don’t think the rise in the three-month LIBOR or money market fund reform
are among them. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. And my thanks to everyone for an interesting discussion
of the outlook and particularly the risks that we face at this juncture. I’d just like to wrap up the
go-round with brief comments on two issues that I consider relevant to our policy discussion
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tomorrow. First, what does the current pace of labor market improvement imply for resource
utilization? And, second, are there signs of emerging inflation pressures?
On the first issue, I’m echoing what the Vice Chairman and Governor Tarullo and others
have indicated: The data clearly show that labor market conditions have improved appreciably
over the past year. Since August of last year, the economy has added about 2½ million jobs,
enabling the employment-to-population ratio to rise 0.3 percentage point despite demographic
effects that are pulling down the underlying trend. Furthermore, job growth remained solid
through the late spring and summer, with payroll gains averaging about 180,000 per month over
the past four months. In light of the apparent pickup in real GDP growth in the second half of
this year, it seems reasonable to expect, as the Tealbook does, that job gains will remain solid
through the rest of the year and into early next year. Even if payroll gains in coming months
were to moderate somewhat from their recent average pace—say, to the 150,000 increase
recorded in August—employment growth would still be running ahead of what is sustainable in
the longer run. A number of you have emphasized this point.
The staff’s estimates, reported in the Tealbook, suggest that job gains will eventually
have to moderate substantially over time to stabilize the unemployment rate, most likely to
somewhere in the 85,000 to 115,000 per month range,in view of the downward trend in labor
force participation and likely divergence between payroll and household employment gains, but
conceivably as low as 65,000 per month. That long-run growth constraint does not necessarily
imply, though, that continued job gains in the 150,000 to 200,000 range would be problematic in
the near term, because data we have received over the past year suggest that the economy may
have more room to grow than previously thought.
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Consider the labor force participation rate, which rose over the past year, rather than
declining as the staff projected last September. That allowed the unemployment rate to remain
virtually unchanged, despite the strong job gains. One reasonable response to this unexpected
development would be to revise up the path of employment estimated to be consistent with a
given unemployment rate. For anyone who gauges inflationary pressures using the standard
unemployment gap, this sort of revision effectively constitutes a favorable supply shock, and it
implies that the economy can sustainability operate with a higher long-run employment-topopulation ratio.
Other labor indicators also seem to be consistent with the proposition that labor market
slack has been shrinking at only a modest pace recently. Involuntary part-time employment and
the broad U-6 measure of labor utilization are both little changed since last fall. And even in the
case of those indicators that continue to trend up—such as JOLTS readings on openings and
quits and survey assessments of job availability and whether jobs are hard to fill—the pace of
improvement appears to have slowed this year.
In light of these developments, I anticipate that utilization will continue to tighten at a
gradual pace as we move into next year, especially as I see some potential for a healthy labor
market to attract yet more people back into the labor force. Of course, employment growth does
have to moderate at some point if we want to ensure longer-run price stability. Nonetheless, we
should be wary of slowing employment growth too rapidly, especially as some slack still
remains, and a moderately tight labor market would help speed the return to 2 percent inflation.
After all, the unemployment rate is still a couple of tenths above my estimate of its longer-run
value, and involuntary part-time employment is more than 1 percentage point above its average
pre-crisis level.
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Let me now turn to my second question: Are there signs of emerging inflation pressures?
If there were, I would be more concerned that we could be falling “behind the curve,” but,
frankly, I can’t see many signs of that yet. The September Beige Book reported remarkably few
signs of rising cost pressures or planned price increases. From what I heard around the table, this
was also not a significant theme in your conversations with your various business contacts.
As regards hard data, nominal wage gains remain subdued by most measures. Oil prices
and the foreign exchange value of the dollar are little changed from where they stood last fall.
Non-energy commodity prices have moved up some this year, but only to a moderate level.
Market-based measures of inflation compensation and survey-based measures of longer-run
inflation expectations have changed little in recent months and remain at or below their longerrun averages. Most directly, the monthly price data have come in about as I and the staff
expected. Accordingly, I continue to expect that core PCE inflation will come in at just over
1½ percent this year. That’s up ¼ percentage point from 2015 due to the waning effects of past
dollar appreciation. That was my SEP forecast a year ago. And my forecast for 2015 has
remained essentially unchanged since then.
Now, it’s true, and several of you mentioned this, that core CPI inflation and other
CPI-based measures of trend inflation have risen more notably than core PCE inflation over the
past two or three years, primarily because of differences between the CPI and PCE weights on
rents and medical prices and differences in the measurement of health-care inflation in the two
series. Of course, if one looked at movements in the CPI were more closely related to consumer
welfare than movements in the PCE index, then the recent rise in CPI-based measures of
underlying inflation would be cause for concern. But the Committee judged that the opposite
was true when it decided to define our inflation objective using the PCE measure. Alternatively,
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one might be alarmed by the growing wedge between these two inflation measures, if such a gap
signals an increased likelihood of a pickup in future PCE price inflation, all else being equal.
We conducted some regression analysis to look at that issue, and the results suggest exactly the
opposite. When core CPI inflation rises relative to core PCE inflation, it’s core CPI inflation that
tends to fall in the following year. Finally, it is worth stressing that some other price measures,
including GDP prices excluding food and energy and the trimmed mean PCE price index, also
suggest little net change in underlying inflation over the past two or three years. Let me stop
there. I think we still have time before we head to dinner to let Thomas give us his policy
briefing.
MR. LAUBACH. 7 Thank you, Madam Chair. I will be referring to the handout
labeled “Material for Briefing on Monetary Policy Alternatives.”
One issue you have been discussing in recent meetings is the amount of monetary
policy accommodation provided by current and expected settings for the federal funds
rate. Exhibit 1 examines that issue through the lens of your SEP-implied neutral real
rates.
As Beth noted in her briefing on the SEP, your forecasts for 2017 and 2018 for
your two key goal variables have changed very little over the past year, with the
unemployment rate at the end of 2018 at or slightly below its longer-run level and
inflation moving toward the Committee’s objective. However, as shown in the topleft panel, your assessments of the appropriate path of the federal funds rate
associated with those projections has shifted down notably. That shift reflects
revisions to both the longer-run equilibrium level of the federal funds rate and the
pace at which the federal funds rate is projected to rise to achieve the Committee’s
economic objectives. Since the September 2015 SEP, the median estimate of the
longer-run federal funds rate has been marked down, as Beth noted, from 3.5 percent
to 2.9 percent. A year ago, in considering the appropriate path of the funds rate over
the medium run, most of you expected that it would be appropriate to move the policy
rate up at a pace that would put it close to its longer-run level by the end of 2018. In
subsequent SEPs, that path has moved lower. And many of you now anticipate that
the appropriate level of the funds rate consistent with your economic projections will,
at the end of 2019, still be below its longer-run level.
The remaining panels return to an analysis that I presented a couple of times
before. This analysis requires your longer-run projections, so I have results for only
7
The materials used by Mr. Laubach are appended to this transcript (appendix 7).
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16 participants. Because a year has passed since I most recently did this exercise, I
summarize the key steps in the box at the top right: First, I estimate an IS equation
that relates the unemployment gap (u minus u*) to its own lag and the lagged real rate
gap, defined as the deviation of the real federal funds rate (r) from a time-varying
equilibrium level (r*). This equation has the property that, if the actual real rate were
kept at its equilibrium level, the unemployment rate gap would close over time. The
coefficients in this equation are estimated over the 1961–2014 period using data for
the fourth quarter of each year, the staff’s estimates of u*, and estimates of r* taken
from the Laubach-Williams model. With the estimated coefficients in hand, I insert
each participant’s projected values of the unemployment rate and the real federal
funds rate, as well as his or her estimate of the longer-run normal unemployment rate,
and solve the equation for the implied values of the time-varying r* at the end of each
year from 2016 to 2019. Note that, to calculate the implied r* for 2019, the equation
requires assumptions regarding your unemployment rate forecasts for 2020. For this
exercise, I simply set them at their 2019 levels, but therefore the implied r* values for
2019 should be treated with caution.
The implied values of each participant’s r* projections are plotted as the blue dots
in the middle-left panel. As always,reflecting the diversity of your views about the
outlook and appropriate monetary policy, these estimates of r* show some dispersion.
In line with the views that many of you have expressed during recent meetings, the
implied r* for almost all of you is 0.5 percent or lower at the end of 2016. And, by
these calculations, the implied r* remains low over the next several years. The
median implied r* estimates (shown by the red diamonds) remain close to zero
through 2018 before moving up to the longer-run value in 2019.
The analysis I just presented suggests that the relevant measure of policy
accommodation implicit in your individual SEPs is the gap at each point in time
between your individual projections of the real federal funds rate and your implied
time-varying equilibrium real rates. These gaps are plotted in the middle right.
Although I don’t want to oversell the results of this simple analysis, it highlights
three points that would likely hold under different approaches to measuring neutral
rates and implied real rate gaps: First, all of you view the stance of policy that you
see as appropriate at the end of this year to be accommodative; second, the neutral
real rate is expected to remain near zero over the next two years, and then move up by
only a modest amount; and, finally, as illustrated in the bottom-left panel, the median
path of the neutral rate implied by your projections has shifted down substantially
over the past year. The footnote to that panel is correct—as the red line in the legend
should be labeled “September 2016.” Sorry about that. As summarized in the bullets
in the bottom right, the choices offered by the policy alternatives in front of you can
be understood as emphasizing these three points to varying degrees.
The policy strategy in alternative C would be warranted if the Committee was
confident that the economy is now well positioned to achieve the outcomes for the
labor market and inflation summarized in paragraph 2 of the statement, with an
increase in the federal funds rate at today’s meeting followed by further gradual
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adjustments to the stance of policy. The sizable median real rate gap in 2016 shown
in the middle right supports the view expressed by alternative C that policy would
remain accommodative in the near term even after an increase in the funds rate
tomorrow. You might prefer alternative C if you judge that it is important to start
narrowing this gap in order to limit the risk of falling “behind the curve” if the
economy picks up more quickly than currently expected.
The policy strategy in alternative A is grounded in a much less sanguine view of
the economic outlook—that r* is low, perhaps well below zero, and likely to remain
quite low for some time. If that is the situation as you see it, you might deem it
appropriate for the Committee to convey that it is in no rush to remove
accommodation, and that the current level of policy accommodation is needed until
inflation has moved closer to 2 percent on a sustained basis. The Committee could
view the persistence of below-trend inflation even as the labor market has tightened
and some signs of lower longer-term inflation expectations as having increased its
uncertainty about the cyclical position of the economy—the natural rate of
unemployment might be lower and the economy remains short of conditions that
would lead to a step-up in inflation in the near term.
With alternative B, the Committee would acknowledge the mostly favorable
economic and financial developments in recent months, including developments that
might indicate that the labor market has a little more room to tighten than previously
expected. Alternative B would suggest that the Committee does not need much
additional supporting evidence to conclude that another increase in the target range
for the federal funds rate is warranted. However, it would indicate that the
Committee is deferring the next step in removing accommodation “for the time
being.” You might see waiting for some further evidence as appropriate in light of
the successive downward revisions to medium- and longer-run r* in recent years, as
well as the continued proximity to the effective lower bound.
That completes my prepared remarks. The July statement and the draft
alternatives are shown on pages 3 to 11 of the handout. I will be happy to take
questions. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Are there questions for Thomas? Quiet group today.
Very good. Okay. Well, seeing no questions, we’ve got a reception and dinner across the street
that’s ready now, and we will resume our policy go-round tomorrow morning at 9:00 a.m.
[Meeting recessed]
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September 21 Session
CHAIR YELLEN. Good morning, everybody. Let’s get started. I’d like to call on Steve
Kamin to discuss the Bank of Japan actions.
MR. KAMIN. Thank you, Madam Chair. Obviously, my colleagues and I were just as
shocked as you all were when we woke up to the news this morning. Who would have guessed
that, after all of these years, Brad and Angelina would have finally split up? [Laughter]
By comparison, the Bank of Japan’s announcement following its monetary policy
meeting yesterday was more in line with expectations. Just to back up and reiterate what Paul
Wood described yesterday, the Bank of Japan has basically been struggling with two main
monetary control problems of late. One of them is how to get inflation and inflation expectations
back up to its 2 percent target. And the second problem is how to do that without further
flattening the yield curve and putting downward pressure on bank profits and those of pension
funds, insurance companies, and other financial intermediaries.
In response to those concerns, the Bank of Japan launched the so-called comprehensive
assessment project. The outcome of that, which was announced last night, was basically two
main elements of the program. The first of these is a so-called inflation-overshooting
commitment, in which the Bank of Japan commits itself to expand the monetary base until the
observed rate of increase in the CPI exceeds 2 percent in a stable manner. Now, that has at least
two, or maybe two and a half, distinctive elements. The first of those is that the Bank of Japan
basically abandoned a particular date at which it was predicting that it would achieve its
2 percent target. The second aspect of that is that it committed not just to hit its target, but also
to exceed it. And the third was a slight clarification, being very explicit, that the QE program
would continue until it achieved that slight overshoot. It had had a soft commitment before to
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continuing the program until it got to its target. But this made it a little bit more concrete. That
was the first aspect of its announcement.
The second aspect was a so-called yield curve control aspect. Basically, that involved a
commitment to control both the short-term and the long-term aspects of the yield curve in order
to prevent a shallowing of the yield curve that would put excessive pressure on financial industry
profits. In particular, the Bank of Japan committed to keep the 10-year yield at zero. It had
previously been below zero. Then it announced a number of technical measures that might be
used to achieve that, including buying JGBs at a fixed interest rate and even making low fixedrate loans up to 10 years’ maturity.
In the event, that was the basic framework that the Bank of Japan announced. It didn’t
really announce any concrete new actions immediately or for the future, but the framework is
broadly consistent with our earlier forecast that the Bank of Japan would continue to make heavy
QE purchases over the next several years and might, in certain situations—greater weakness—
lower the near-term policy rate further into negative territory. But neither of those actions was
taken today.
The announcement was, broadly speaking, in line with market expectations. In response,
the JGB yield moved a little bit—for the 10-year, a little further up, although it’s still a little bit
negative. The basic index of stock prices in Japan rose about 2 percent. Commercial bank
stocks rose a lot more, around 7 percent. The yen initially weakened, which was presumably
part of the goal of the program, but actually has subsequently strengthened. Right now, it’s
actually slightly stronger than it was before the announcement for reasons that are a little bit
unclear. Global markets have pretty much taken everything in stride. Foreign stock prices are
up a bit. I think U.S. futures are little changed, and U.S. yields are little changed, too.
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So that’s what I have for you. I’d be happy to take any of your questions.
CHAIR YELLEN. President Kaplan.
MR. KAPLAN. In the press release, I saw they talked about keeping their 10-year at
zero, associated with bond buying. But it struck me: Won’t they need to sell the 10-year to keep
the rate at zero?
MR. KAMIN. I think the answer could well be “yes,” but they were not explicit on that
point.
MR. KAPLAN. Okay. So they could do either, and people are anticipating they could
actually sell the 10-year, if necessary.
MR. KAMIN. I don’t know that people are expecting that, but it is a natural question to
ask.
MR. POTTER. There are no details yet. I think, at the end of the month, they’ll release
more details.
MR. KAPLAN. Okay, got it.
CHAIR YELLEN. Are there any other questions? President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. Steve, are you willing to speculate on any spillover onto our yield
curve? A few weeks ago, the Wall Street Journal, I believe, carried an article that talked about
major Japanese institutions essentially buying the long end of our curve, hedged. At that time,
they were concerned that if the hedges expired and they went off hedge, it could have some
effect on the yield curve here in the United States. How should we think about this affecting
financial conditions and the dollar?
MR. KAMIN. I guess what I’d say is that if their actions had involved a much more
substantial change in their target for yields—for example, if their goal was to drive 10-year JGB
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yields up to 25 or 50 basis points—you could imagine that actually having a material effect on
capital flows and leading to some upward pressure on our longer-term yields and perhaps
downward pressure on the dollar. But so far, as they are targeting the 10-year yield at zero,
which is only a little bit higher than it had been, it doesn’t seem like the changes that are in store
are large enough, at least for now, to make a material difference for the dollar or our yields.
Again, this announcement is more like a backup or contingency plan just in case the yield curve
was to get too shallow again.
CHAIR YELLEN. Are there questions? President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. But doesn’t that constrain their ability to actually go more
negative? Presumably, if you’re fixing the 10-year rate at zero, people can go in and out of the
10-year at zero risk as long as that peg is on. So, as they lower the short end of the market,
you’d assume there’d be no trading at the short end. People would just be buying at the 10-year
maturity. Am I missing something?
MR. KAMIN. Well, let’s put it this way. I think the goal is to anchor the long end so
that the yield does not fall too much, giving them the freedom, in some sense, to lower the short
end even further into negative territory. In their announcement, further down in the text, they
talk about their view that Japanese economic performance is more influenced by short- and
medium-term yields than by longer-term yields, with the longer-term yields being the ones that
might, if they fall, negatively affect the financial industry.
MR. ROSENGREN. Who’s the marginal investor that would choose to be at the short
end rather than at the long end, in which they can go in and out at will as long as there is rate
pegging?
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VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. The point is, you’re reducing the risk of moving to a
10-year instrument.
MR. POTTER. They haven’t shown that they can actually do it yet. So that would be
part of it.
MR. KAMIN. I think your point is well made. Suddenly, it makes the 10-year look like
a great risk-free investment.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Although your prospects for capital gains on the 10-year
will go away. It could be argued before that if you thought Japan was going to continue to go
into deflation and 10-year yields could keep falling, they had a capital-gains component—which
they’re taking off the table now. And I think it’s pretty complicated to see how people react to
this, frankly.
MR. POTTER. If it is credible—you’d be taking the capital gains off it.
CHAIR YELLEN. Are there any further questions? [No response] Okay.
If I might, I’d like to start off our policy go-round, and I want to emphasize that today’s
decision is not an easy one. On the basis of the data in hand, one person may reasonably
conclude that the economic outlook and associated risks argue for an increase in the target range
today, while another looking at the same information reasonably decides that holding off is the
better strategy. In contrast to many of our previous meetings, the appropriate policy decision
today is not clear cut. This ambiguity is reflected in alternatives B and C, which present
essentially the same characterization of the incoming data and the economic outlook yet arrive at
different conclusions about what action we should take.
We may not all agree on today’s decision, but I think, in line with the SEP, that most of
us will be inclined to support an increase in the federal funds rate before year-end if the economy
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continues along its current trajectory, with economic growth picking up as expected, continued
solid employment gains, an absence of notable downside inflation surprises, and the emergence
of no significant new risks. If this assessment is correct, we should be careful not to exaggerate
the consequences of raising the federal funds rate now as opposed to in an upcoming meeting.
My recommendation for today is not to move and to adopt alternative B, teeing up a
likely move in December if things move along their current course. But why not move now,as
the economic consequences of tightening today instead of waiting until December are probably
minimal? At our July meeting, after all, I said that raising the target range in September would
likely be appropriate if we saw reasonably strong payroll gains in July and August, which we
have, and the overall outlook remained favorable, which it has. And, at the Jackson Hole
symposium, I said that the case for tightening had strengthened.
Still, despite the generally satisfactory state of current conditions, I recommend that we
hold off raising the funds rate for the moment for two reasons. First, incoming data suggest to
me that we have a bit more running room than I’d anticipated, and I see little danger that
monetary policy is falling “behind the curve.” As I said yesterday, some slack still remains in
the labor market. Utilization appears to be increasing at a relatively slow pace. There are few
signs of emerging inflationary pressures, and inflation continues to run below our objective.
Under these conditions, we can afford to proceed patiently, and doing so will promote additional
labor market improvements and so speed the return to 2 percent inflation. I think we’ll have
ample time to adjust policy in the event the economy shows signs of becoming overheated.
After all, as long as we remain in a low-r* environment, it won’t take very many rate increases to
get back to a neutral policy stance.
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Furthermore, a moderately tight labor market might also pull more people back into the
labor force than we anticipate, and that’s a potential supply-side benefit that we shouldn’t close
off prematurely. Indeed, as I noted yesterday, we have seen solid employment growth over the
past year without significant declines in either U-3 or U-6. Over the past year, the labor market
seems to have had more room to improve without creating inflation pressures than I’d expected.
This is an important reason why I’m inclined, in the words of alternative B, “for the time being,
to wait for further evidence of continued progress toward [our] objectives.”
Second, I consider waiting until we’ve seen somewhat more progress on our objectives
advisable on risk-management grounds. If economic growth in the second half of the year was
to turn out to be stronger than I anticipate or if we were to begin seeing signs of accelerating
wages and prices, we would have ample opportunity to respond appropriately over the course of
2017 and beyond. But if economic conditions were instead to turn out to be weaker than
expected or if downside risks to the outlook were to emerge, then we would probably regret
having decided to move today. After all, the surprising events that we’ve encountered so far this
year—turmoil in global financial markets, wild month-to-month swings in the data, and Brexit—
demonstrate that bumps in the road are common and the concerns related to the effective lower
bound are not to be dismissed. And this is especially true in an environment in which we find
ourselves repeatedly lowering our estimates of r*.
While I strongly believe that economic performance has been well served by our caution
in raising interest rates thus far this year, we clearly can’t delay too long because policy does
need to be forward looking. If labor market conditions improve somewhat further in coming
months, as I expect, then a December rate hike will, in all likelihood, be warranted to reduce the
risk of the unemployment rate markedly undershooting its longer-run level in 2017 and beyond.
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I think an increase will be appropriate even if inflation readings remain near their current levels,
as I expect.
The language in alternative B is meant to convey this expectation for policy. I recognize
that the phrase “for the time being” is essentially a calendar-based reference, but I think, in the
current circumstances, we need to be clear in our intentions. Softening this language by just
saying that policy will be data dependent would, in my view, only increase confusion about our
reaction function and intentions.
So let me stop there, and our next speaker is President Williams.
MR. WILLIAMS. Thank you, Madam Chair. I favor alternative C. We’re at full
employment, the labor market is robust, and inflation is on a path to meet our 2 percent target
over the medium term. Interestingly, as you just said, this is the characterization of the economy
in both alternatives B and C. In arguing for an increase in interest rates, I want to emphasize that
I’m not seeking to derail the economic expansion. It’s exactly the opposite. My aim is to keep it
on a sound footing so that it can be sustained for a long time. And I do worry that further delays
in raising rates increase the risk of unintended consequences down the road.
Now, we had a good start of a discussion yesterday. Governor Tarullo, President
Rosengren, President Evans, President George, and I all commented on this issue, and I always
like it when a conversation breaks out at the meeting. [Laughter] So that’s a good thing. And I
do look to see more work coming from the staff on these issues about these unintended
consequences of waiting too long. I do think we have to be humble about our understanding of
that. Yesterday there was a little bit of going through, recession by recession, and finding, well,
that was because of this, and that was because of that. I think we don’t truly understand the
dynamics surrounding recessions.
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I’m taken back to an event that happened to me that has stuck with me ever since. That
was when I was on the staff of the Council of Economic Advisers sometime in 1999 or 2000—I
can’t remember exactly when. But then-Chairman Greenspan came and gave an impromptu talk
about recessions in the hallway of the Old Executive Office Building. It was interesting because,
of course, at the time we were well along the way of the longest expansion in the history of the
U.S. economy. Everything was looking great. And his talk was basically that we don’t
understand the dynamics of the economy when it’s in recession. He emphasized the nonlinear
aspects of how things happen when the economy, for whatever reason, goes off the cliff. He also
emphasized that our linear models—of course, at the time, that’s what my day job was, working
on the FRB/US model—are good at capturing the dynamics during expansions and normal times,
but, during recessions, they don’t capture the dynamics there.
I think David Wilcox mentioned that one of the facts we don’t understand is, why does
unemployment move very gradually down, but, when it moves up, it moves up very sharply?
Even back then, I remember talking in 2000 about this little factoid—that you never see
unemployment rates move up by any significant amount without there being a recession. So I
think we should be humble in our understanding of the dynamics. It’s not the case that I think
we should just be looking at, well, monetary policy causes recessions. I think imbalances form
when the economy runs too hot for too long. Those can happen in a multitude of different ways,
and the dynamics of that are hard to understand. So, in thinking about risk management, we
have to take seriously the fact that if we do drive the unemployment rate down to 4.2 percent or 4
percent, or even lower, then those risks would grow significantly.
At this point, our policy stance already incorporates a significant amount of delay, and
that’s illustrated in the optimal control simulations in Tealbook B. For instance, if you have a
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minimal weight on rate adjustments—this artificial cost of moving the funds rate around—the
optimal control simulation calls for a 350 basis point increase in the funds rate by the end of next
year. That just shows you how big the gap is between where we would be in optimal control,
given the objective, and where we are today in that simulation. Now, importantly, that
simulation ignores uncertainty. But, again, it just shows you how heavily we already are
weighing risk-management arguments in the current stance of policy.
If you look at another optimal control simulation that does penalize rate adjustments—
you might think of this as a proxy for a cautious approach—it projects a lower path of the funds
rate. But even there, the simulation has two rate increases this year and has us reaching the
long-run neutral rate by the end of next year. So, again, I think these optimal control simulations
provide some context for thinking about, absent risk management and other asymmetries, where
we would be, and then you can adjust from there.
More concretely, the median SEP forecast back in June called for two 25 basis point rate
increases. Since then, strong employment gains have resumed, the Brexit vote has passed
without any near-term consequences, inflation data have been basically right what we thought,
equity markets have risen, and there’s really been very little movement in the dollar. There’s
been a notable decrease in the spread between high- and low-grade corporate debt, and that could
reflect some increased search-for-yield activity. Taken together, financial conditions are easier
than in June, and the risks of getting “behind the curve” loom larger. Accordingly, at this
meeting, I support alternative C as written.
Now, I actually do understand that that’s not the decision the Committee will likely make
today. In that light, I would comment on the language in alternative B. In view of the decision
that’s going to be made, I think the language in alternative B is about the best that can be hoped
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for in explaining the reasoning for today’s decision for further delay. Madam Chair, I think your
description of the reasoning makes sense. It takes an appropriately positive stand on the
economy and its direction, consistent with our policy goals and longer-run strategy statement and
our past FOMC statements. Importantly, it does not introduce new hurdles or conditions for
future action. So, again, I think that the statement is about as good as I could hope for at this
juncture. Thank you.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Rosengren.
MR. ROSENGREN. Thank you, Madam Chair. My views are actually quite consistent
with what President Williams just laid out. I would say that I would also endorse his view that it
would be quite worthwhile to have a discussion of what the likelihood and costs of possibly
overshooting are. I think those comments were made by Governor Tarullo and Vice Chairman
Dudley yesterday, and I think that that would be a very good discussion to have.
For this meeting, I support alternative C. Since our last tightening in December, we have
made significant progress toward achieving our dual mandate. We have added more than
1 million jobs since the beginning of the year. As evidence that labor markets have tightened
relative to earlier in the recovery, wages have risen gradually above the 2 percent level that they
seemed stuck at earlier. Core PCE inflation was running between 1.3 and 1.4 percent and is now
at 1.6 percent. This progress has occurred despite significant headwinds from abroad, including
a slowdown in China, a surprising Brexit vote, and continued European banking problems.
Based solely on the economic progress since our last tightening, a further increase in rates could
easily be justified.
It is in the forecast, however, that the case for raising rates at this meeting becomes even
more compelling. The Tealbook’s and my own forecast expect that by 2019, the unemployment
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rate will have dropped to 4.2 percent despite an assumption that monetary policy accommodation
is more aggressively removed. As I highlighted yesterday, such overshoots in the past have
always been followed by recessions, as the unsustainably low unemployment rate begins to
generate higher inflation rates, rising asset prices, or both. Driving the unemployment rate to
such a low level goes well beyond probing on full employment.
We should aim for a long and durable recovery. A significant overshoot of full
employment places the recovery in jeopardy. We now have the ability to raise rates gradually
and gently probe to find the level of full employment. But our ability to gently probe shrinks the
longer we defer action. Failure to continue the gradual removal of accommodation now could
ultimately require us to raise rates faster and more aggressively, which could shorten rather than
lengthen the duration of this expansion. Thus, I am arguing for tightening now out of a concern
that not doing so today will put the recovery at greater risk. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Lacker.
MR. LACKER. Thank you, Madam Chair. At our July meeting, I argued that our policy
rate should be moving back toward a more normal level because estimated gaps for both
inflation and real activity are currently quite small. Economic conditions have not changed
materially since our July meeting, so I believe an increase in our policy rates is appropriate
today. Accordingly, I support alternative C.
I’d argue the delay represents an increasingly significant departure from our past
behavior. At our July meeting, I made reference to parametric policy rules that support the case
for raising rates. Those benchmark reaction functions—Taylor rules, if you will—do a good job
of describing our behavior during past periods in which monetary policy seems to have been
effective. It’s important to emphasize that these are relevant whether or not you believe that we
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are following a Taylor rule or we make direct reference to a Taylor rule in the formulation of
policy then or now.
We may have thought of ourselves as looking at everything and setting policy optimally
in the past, but whatever we were doing gave rise to the fact—the clear fact—that Taylor rules
do a good job of characterizing the statistical relationship between those gap variables on the
right-hand side and our policy-setting. So, to behave in a way that generates a significant
variance between those relationships that are captured in the data suggests that we are departing
from past policy-setting principles, whatever those principles were and whatever we founded
them on.
Even after adjusting the econometric estimates for the downward trend in the natural real
rate of interest, rates ought to be substantially higher than they are now, according to these
benchmarks. For example, the two non-inertial Taylor rules shown in the Tealbook both show
values above 2¼ percent. Those implementations use the staff’s assumed r* value of ¾ percent.
Using the current estimates of basically zero from Lubik-Matthes or Laubach-Williams, you still
get values around 1½ percent.
These benchmark rules take into account the degree to which a shortfall of inflation from
our goal would, in the past, stay our hand. So even if we account for our core inflation running
around 1.6 percent, past practice indicates that an increase in the funds rate target today is well
warranted. Those benchmark rules capture the extent to which we’ve consistently tightened
policy in the past as labor market slack was eliminated in order to preclude having to raise rates
precipitously later on and risk inducing a recession, as President Rosengren alluded to.
Presidents Rosengren and Williams have spoken convincingly about this risk in public in recent
weeks, as did you, Madam Chair, last December.
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In the SEP submissions for our December 2015 meeting, the median funds rate for the
end of this year was 1.3 percent, which would have represented four further rate increases. That
path would have closed a good part of the gap between actual rates and our benchmark.
Presumably, those rate increases would have occurred at the press conference meetings in
March, June, September, and December. Instead, a series of special factors emerged, which
caused us to delay raising rates. In March it was global market turbulence, and in June it was the
May employment report and looming Brexit risks. These concerns might have been plausible
and reasonable at the time, but the downside risks failed to materialize. Actual economic data
since December have been close to what we expected, and the outlook for employment and
inflation is relatively unchanged as well.
The usefulness of Taylor rules as policy guides is not inconsistent with temporary
departures. After all, the historical fit is seldom perfect, and the residuals presumably reflect
outlook-relevant information to which policymakers responded beyond what was captured by the
usual right-hand-side gap variable. Nonetheless, a more substantial and sizable—a more
persistent—departure from how we behaved in the past would be problematic. Inflation
expectations rest squarely on beliefs about how we are likely to respond to future developments.
While our communications can play a useful role in fostering public understanding of our likely
future responses, actions generally speak louder than words.
Accumulated observations on our past conduct are likely to be the critical determinant of
public beliefs about our behavior. New observations that conflict with expectations will
ultimately result in shifts in beliefs, and those shifts could be sudden and unpredictable. Such
shifts would pose a real risk to the stability of inflation expectations.
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Holding steady yet again at this meeting would represent a substantial and persistent
movement away from how we’ve typically behaved in similar circumstances. It would represent
not only a deviation from the behavior that served us well in the past, but also a deviation from
the behavior that in December we led markets to expect this year. No obvious disturbances at
hand that would justify such a departure, and the clear implication is that a discrete shift in our
policy reaction function is in train.
In particular, we would appear to be moving away from preemption, the defining element
of the strategy that ushered in the current multidecade period of inflation stability that we now
take for granted. Preemption meant raising rates before inflation began rising precipitously. It
meant raising rates before we run out of running room. In attempting to wring out slack, we
seem to be implicitly adopting a reaction function that places heavy reliance on our ability to
tighten policy just in time in response to accelerating inflation. The current quiescence of
inflation and inflation expectations suggests that markets may be sanguine about our shifting
policy strategy, but history suggests that this is cold comfort. Erosion of credibility occurs most
often after the application of too much stimulus rather than before or during.
I recognize the legitimate concern that the asymmetric effectiveness of our policy
instrument in a low-natural-rate environment makes the risks to our objective skewed to the
downside. But I believe that a later-but-faster strategy of moving little unless inflation pressures
actually emerge gives rise to risks that are skewed heavily in the other direction, and, for me, the
latter outweigh the former.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Lockhart.
MR. LOCKHART. Thank you, Madam Chair. I think the decision to raise the policy
rate at this meeting versus later this year is a close call. In the big scheme of things, an increase
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at this meeting, as opposed to the November or December meeting, won’t matter much in its
effect on the real economy. Therefore, exercising my prerogative as a nonvoter, I’m prepared to
support either alternative B or alternative C, and I won’t vehemently oppose waiting until
December.
On the basis of the data in hand and progress toward objectives in my forecast for the
second half of this year and 2017, I believe there’s a good data-dependent case for at least one
increase this year. My criteria are growth of real GDP and of employment at rates consistent
with absorbing remaining resource slack over the forecast horizon. I’ve also been looking for
indications that wage growth is picking up. I see those conditions as being satisfied by the thirdquarter data we now have in hand.
Because the probable decision today is alternative B, I’d like to comment on some
implications as I see the situation for the next two meetings. The case for waiting, as I see it, is
to accumulate more data evidence that the current read on third-quarter activity is not a head fake
and progress toward our objectives will be sustained into the fourth quarter. In light of some
weaker signals in the very recent incoming data, I see the wisdom of this approach. But the
forward lean in paragraph 3 of alternative B naturally raises the question of, at what point over
the next two meetings will we likely have accumulated enough evidence that we remain on track
to pull the trigger on a rate increase?
Looking to the data calendar, by the November meeting, we will have just one more
employment report. By the December meeting, we will have two more employment reports.
Otherwise, we will not have a lot of information on the fourth quarter, particularly about
economic growth or inflation. If December is the date we have in mind, it strikes me that labor
market developments, therefore, will be the determining factor in the decision. In view of the
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forward lean in the alternative B draft statement, it’s desirable to have a common understanding
of what data will be required to make a “go” or “no go” call and when we will have that data in
hand. Without that understanding, I’m concerned that the Committee is inviting communications
challenges on the question of why we passed on this meeting—and might pass on the November
meeting, if that’s what we choose to do.
I have some reservations about delaying a rate increase decision to December. My
reservations relate to risk events that could be timed to be around the December meeting.
Although the date has not yet been set, there’s a possibility the Italian constitutional referendum
could be scheduled around the time of our meeting. The Italian referendum is considered by
some observers to be critical to the future of the EU. Closer to home, there’s a chance that the
continuing resolution expected to be passed by the Congress before the elections will expire on
or about December 9. Depending on election results, there could be another budget showdown
just before we meet.
These are events that could create a lot of volatility in financial markets and an awkward
environment for a rate hike, even if the data play out in a satisfactory way. Let me emphasize
that I’m not projecting that market noise and volatility associated with these transitory events
will materially affect inflation and employment outcomes. Brexit passed with little apparent
effect on the real economy of the United States. But even if the economic fundamentals are
satisfactory for a policy action, the Committee might be hesitant, as we were in June. At some
point, repeatedly backing off, even if justified by developments, will hurt the Committee’s
credibility.
So I am not opposed to waiting until December, but, with these concerns I’ve expressed,
I’m trying to assume an “eyes wide open” mindset. Thank you, Madam Chair.
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CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Harker.
MR. HARKER. Thank you, Madam Chair. Because of my fairly upbeat outlook for the
economy and the slow but persistent march of inflation to target, I could easily support a funds
rate increase at this meeting. However, due to a variety of risks, including heightened political
and subsequent policy uncertainty, I can see this case for being a bit cautious. However, I don’t
view the language in alternative B as sufficiently indicative of a funds rate increase by
December. I actually preferred the original draft language. I felt it more clearly communicated a
predilection for a rate hike in the near future.
My reading of that language was that, absent a significant departure from our
expectations of how the economy will evolve, we would be raising the funds rate this year. The
revised language seems a bit more guarded and hedged, which makes me somewhat
uncomfortable. The current statement acknowledges an improved outlook for the economy and a
balanced assessment of risks but remains vague about what it would take for the Committee to
raise rates. What further evidence do we need for us to move? Do we need to hit our inflation
target or continue to see it evolving in line with the Tealbook forecast—or just be more sure that
we will not see any disinflation between now and the end of the year?
I think we should be clearly signaling that if economic growth appears to be attaining its
projected rate, we would very likely raise rates this year. Now, of course, the signal can be
delivered outside of this statement via the press conference and speeches that we all give. And
we often put too much emphasis on the words in one single statement. But I do think it’s
important that we begin to move the market probability of a rate increase this year. Thus, taking
that into consideration, I can live with the current alternative B language, although, again, I
preferred the original draft language.
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It’s not overly important whether we act today, as several of my colleagues have said, or
in the very near future. What’s important is that the signal we deliver today and in the future
will, in itself, start the process and will achieve some measure of tightening in financial markets
that will start to move those probabilities. So if economic data materialize in line with the staff
forecast, it is very important, in my view—I echo President Lockhart—and I think it’s important
to the credibility of the Committee, that we act this year. I think it’s important that we send a
strong signal today and in the future that we will. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Bullard.
MR. BULLARD. Thank you, Madam Chair. In my opinion, normalization is not going
well. I think our normalization program is, in fact, on the rocks. We began the year expecting
four increases in the policy rate. We’re going to end the year with one or possibly no increases
in the policy rate. Moving once a year is not a normalization program. We should quit
describing it as such. It would take eight years to go 200 basis points. That’s way outside of any
business cycle time with which we’re familiar. This, in my opinion, is very damaging to the
credibility of the Committee, and I worry that now we may not have credibility when we actually
need it in the future.
The real ex post rate on government paper is very low. We should be looking at this rate,
which we’re calling r† in St. Louis, as the key rate because there are other assets in the economy.
It’s not clear that all real rates of return are low. In particular, rates of return on capital right out
of the GDP accounts have not fallen nearly as much as real rates of return on government paper.
The slow growth in the U.S. economy is largely driven by slow productivity growth. So we
should treat this as a regime. It’s almost like thinking of it as a steady state, except that you’re
acknowledging you can pop out of that steady state at some point in the future. The implication
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of viewing things this way is that the market-based expectations of what this Committee will do
are ratified, and you get a view of future rates that is more realistic versus thinking in terms of
the Taylor (1999) policy rule.
The policy rate increase last December packed a punch much larger than anticipated.
Global market turmoil increased substantially, and, in my opinion, this was because the one rate
hike was accompanied by a projection of four additional increases during 2016. This event made
me think that we have the wrong model, and I’m sympathetic with President Williams’s
comments just now about how out of line with reality some of the things we’re looking at in our
optimal control exercises are. We should think in terms of this slow-growth, low real interest
rate regime that corresponds more closely to reality. We should design policy for the regime
we’re in. Policy should be regime dependent.
The mean reversion to the so-called normality of the past gets de-emphasized
appropriately in this type of formulation. Under this interpretation, the current policy rate is only
slightly less than neutral, and cyclical dynamics coming from the 2007–09 period are completely
exhausted. There would be no reason to change the policy rate very much in the foreseeable
future provided no further major shocks occur. Major shocks would be regime switches in this
formulation.
Instead of thinking of the current policy rate as being far out of position, we can think of
the current policy rate as being about rightunder the regime. I think this is much closer to what
markets are thinking and is more appropriate for our situation. I also think that we should
incorporate some thinking along this line in future Tealbook exercises. At a minimum, I suggest
an alternative simulation with the market expectation of the future policy rate instead of the
Taylor (1999) rule, which has become increasingly irrelevant as a benchmark. I presume that the
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Board staff’s model—the FRB/US model—and other models would predict that bad things
would happen in that scenario. I think it’s important for this Committee to understand what
those bad things are so that we can weight them appropriately, and this feeds into some of the
discussion around the table yesterday.
One could go a step further and feed into the staff model a different regime just by
changing the steady state. That isn’t really the appropriate way to do it, but it’s a quick and dirty
way to do it. And the alternative steady state would simply have a very low real rate of return on
government paper persisting into the indefinite future, along with a very low growth rate, which
is already part of the model. That would be a simple way to get at the regime idea. We’ve done
that with our own models at the St. Louis bank, and I’m pretty sure what you’re going to get is
very little cyclical dynamics for the period ahead and something that’s much closer to the market
expectation for the U.S. economy.
For today, I support alternative B as written. I think that the probability on December
will rise substantially in reaction to this statement, possibly close to 1. I think very difficult
questions will be asked about the November meeting. If it was a close call here, why wouldn’t it
also be a close call in November, and possibly the Committee would move in November? I
would see the probability on that meeting moving up as well.
I think we need to be very clear about what would have to happen to cause us not to
move in December. This is going to be viewed as more or less committing to a December rate
increase. If we get to that date and we want to back off that, it’s going to be very difficult to do
so, and I don’t want the Committee to be in a position in which we have to plow ahead even
though the data have not come in to be supportive of that. So that’s a danger about this type of
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decision that we’re making today, but I agree with others that this is probably the best we can do
for today. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Mester.
MS. MESTER. Thank you, Madam Chair. The theory and practice of central banking
provide several lessons for monetary policymakers. First, as the Chair indicated, policymakers
should be forward looking because monetary policy affects the economy with long and variable
lags. So policy actions need to be taken before the goals are met, on the basis of the economic
outlook over the medium run and the risks to that outlook. Second, policymakers should strive
to be consistent in how they respond to economic conditions and to effectively communicate the
rationale for their decisions. This helps the public form expectations about the future path of
policy and raises public confidence in the policy itself. Third, policymakers should remain
humble about what they know about the economy and how monetary policy can affect it.
There’s uncertainty associated with the outlook, with the monetary policy transmission
mechanisms, and with the underlying structural aspects of the economy, such as the natural rate
of unemployment, potential output growth, structural productivity growth, and the equilibrium
real rate of interest. In view of the uncertainties, monetary policy need not respond in the way
suggested by benchmarks that have worked well in the past. But when policy does deviate from
those benchmarks, policymakers need to think carefully about the factors influencing their
decisions to deviate.
In light of these lessons, I support alternative C today. Conditional on the outlook, which
has been corroborated by economic developments, and the risks associated with the outlook, I
believe that a gradual upward path of interest rates is appropriate and that we should take a
further step on that path today. We’ve made progress on both of our monetary policy goals.
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Various forecasts, optimal control exercises, and our own statements indicate that to promote our
longer-run policy goals, it’s appropriate that we gradually increase the federal funds rate. Even
after a 25 basis point move today, policy would remain accommodative, with the real federal
funds rate below the range of estimates of the equilibrium interest rate. This accommodative
policy will continue to lend support to the economic expansion in the period ahead. In my view,
the evidence on labor market conditions in our models indicates that, from the standpoint of what
can be achieved using monetary policy, we have met our maximum-employment goal.
I recently visited Hazard, Kentucky, in the heart of Appalachia. On the trip, I spoke with
several coal miners who were just about to graduate from an electrical fiber-optic lineman
program. Of the 30 coal miners who started the one-year program, 28 were graduating, and all
had jobs or were entertaining several job offers. I was impressed by the program and the people
I met. These types of programs hold promise in addressing the longer-run workplace
development issues our country faces. I don’t believe monetary policy will be an effective tool
with respect to these longer-run issues. But the Federal Reserve, through its community
development function, does have a role to play in helping such regional transitions. Via our own
objective analysis, we can help measure the scope of the problems communities in transition
face, we can study how to make small programs like the one I saw in Kentucky scalable, and we
can evaluate the effectiveness of alternative policies and other programs.
Regarding the other part of our mandate, PCE inflation remains below our 2 percent goal,
but it’s been rising over the past year as anticipated, and it’s projected to return to 2 percent
gradually over the forecast horizon. This forecast is supported by other measures of underlying
inflation, including the core CPI and the median and trimmed mean CPI measures. Longer-run
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inflation expectations have been reasonably stable. And this, coupled with growth that’s
expected to be slightly above trend, also supports the forecast that inflation will return to goal.
The risks that the Committee has been concerned about have diminished. The data have
shown that the weak reading on employment in May was temporary. Concerns about the fallout
from the U.K. referendum have subsided. Financial conditions are accommodative.
In my view,against the background of progress in achieving our two statutory goals, the
economic outlook, and the risks associated with the outlook, today’s decision should not be
framed as, “Is it appropriate to take the next step on the gradual policy rate path we
communicated?” but rather as, “Is it really appropriate not to take the next step?”
I agree with Governor Tarullo’s remarks yesterday that we need to assess the costs and
benefits of our policy options. Since last December, when we increased rates, our discussions
focused on the risks of moving rates up too quickly, and we have emphasized these risks in our
communications. However, there are also risks to delaying. I don’t think we’re “behind the
curve” yet, but if we continue to wait for every piece of data to line up before we act, we will
surely be “behind the curve.” The lesson that policy should be forward looking is based on the
history of poor outcomes when that strategy hasn’t been followed. Sometimes being prudent
means moving the policy rate up. Some may say that the macro effects of waiting for another
meeting or two would be small, but I do see risks in continuing to delay action when incoming
information has been corroborating both our outlook and the gradual upward path that we have
been communicating is appropriate.
If we fail to set policy on the basis of the realized and projected progress on our goals and
our medium-run outlook, we risk further confusing the public about our policy rationale,
reinforcing a growing view that the Committee is acting in a discretionary manner, and
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undermining the credibility we’ve gained with the public over time. Our policy lessons tell us
that we need to set policy in a manner consistent with the communications we continue to make.
This isn’t to say that we’re locked in by past communications. If it was the case that incoming
information had changed our outlook, then we would need to change what we are
communicating to the public about our anticipated policy rate path. But that’s not the situation
we’re in. The outlook is little changed, and the consensus anticipation among participants is that
a gradual upward path of interest rates is appropriate.
Given economic conditions and the outlook, I believe taking the next action sooner rather
than later makes it more likely that the gradual path will indeed turn out to be appropriate. If we
continue to delay even as we make further progress on our goals, perhaps in an attempt to drive
the unemployment rate well below its natural rate in order to generate a cyclical rebound in labor
force participation, stronger nominal wage growth, and a faster increase in inflation, then we risk
having to undertake a considerably steeper policy rate path later on in order to foster our goals.
Such a strategy is inconsistent with what we have been communicating, and I do not believe it’s
a strategy we want to follow.
As we discussed yesterday, in the past, strategies like that have led to recession. As
David Wilcox’s briefing yesterday showed, if we end up in recession, it will disproportionately
harm the very demographic groups—minorities, older workers, and lower-income people—the
strategy was intended to help, because their unemployment rates are more sensitive to
downturns. Moreover, if we end up in a poor outcome, it will also raise questions about our
ability to exit from the nontraditional policies we’ve put into effect in the aftermath of the crisis,
jeopardizing their use in the future should the need arise.
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I’d rather be in a position of being able to move rates up gradually. I think it gives us a
better chance of recalibrating the policy rate path over time as we gain more insights into the
underlying structural aspects of the economy I mentioned earlier. In my view, there’s a strong
case for raising the funds rate target range 25 basis points today, and that’s what I feel compelled
to support.
I deeply respect my colleagues around this table. Some of you hold views that differ
from mine, and my reading of the economy and policy judgment may not be correct. I very
much appreciate the Chair’s commitment to fostering an atmosphere in these meetings of serious
deliberation and the free exchange of ideas. I believe the history of the institution has shown that
better policy decisions are made when a diversity of views is considered, and I appreciate the
opportunity and responsibility to express my nonconsensus view today. Thank you, Madam
Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Evans.
MR. EVANS. Thank you, Madam Chair. I have to say that these are among the most
thoughtful comments I remember on any morning of a policy decision, so I really appreciate the
conversations.
We are facing hard and consequential choices in the period ahead. It’s only 25 basis
points at the moment, but there’s so much more. And I look forward to more conversation about
the important issues—about the risk of overshooting and what the evidence is. At the moment,
I’m reluctant to weigh the evidence that we talked about yesterday on overshooting at face
valueon the basis of the time periods that we’ve experienced. I do recall, as research director,
with my former boss providing commentary and advice very much like I’ve heard this morning,
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about “One way to make sure we can sustain the recovery is by increasing interest rates at this
moment, because that’s how we keep the momentum going without overshooting.”
But I believe all of the overshooting evidence to date was in an environment that’s very
different from what we’re facing today. In the 1970s, in the ’80s, and in the ’90s, inflation was
always well above what the Committee’s objective was—in the 1970s, it was double digits—and
the Committee was hoping just to get it down. In the 1980s, when Chairman Volcker left office,
it was 4 to 5 percent, substantially higher than where we are and what we’ve committed to. The
advice was always “Let’s get it down.” So when we found ourselves overshooting, the risk was
so much worse because we were not going to be moving down in a secular fashion, but we were
going to lose what progress we’d made.
Now, today, we’re in a very different situation, in which inflation is below our inflation
objective. How will policy respond? It is true that, in the past, Taylor rules have captured the
Committee’s intention to raise rates to keep the economy sustainable. Maybe that’s the way the
Committee behaved. But we’re lower than our inflation objective, so the Lucas critique really
bears minding at this point. Do we know that the policy environment that the Taylor rule was
premised on is the environment that we face now? I don’t know that the answer is “yes.” I don’t
know what the right answer is to any of these questions. I look forward to more discussion.
I have to say, I can’t refrain from making the following comment—and I’ve used this
myself. When we use the term “humble” or “humility,” it’s almost always used in the context
that, because I get to say it first, I’m going to talk about what I think is the more humble channel
or thought—that type of thing. It’s a first-mover advantage, I’ve always felt.
MR. WILLIAMS. That’s why you go first. [Laughter]
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MR. EVANS. And I suppose if I had gone first, I could say, “Well, it’s important to be
humble,” I think, about the claim that at 4.9 percent unemployment, “We’re at full employment,
and we can’t do better.” The Federal Reserve Act says we should seek conditions to support
maximum employment. It takes a lot of courage, conviction, and strength of how you analyze
things to say, “I think that the unemployment rate naturally might be 5 percent.” Many have that
view, and I’m not saying it’s wrong. I don’t know what the right answer is. My own assessment
is, it’s lower, and I think that in the current environment, with inflation below our target, we can
continue to see how much more room there is to grow. Madam Chair, I agree with your
comment very much in that regard. Now, having said that, I’ll turn back to my more prepared
remarks, with apologies.
I support alternative B—no change in our policy setting today. Although I worry that the
current expansion may be somewhat fragile and there are many risks to the outlook, I believe
solid fundamentals for the labor market and the consumer should be adequate to support my
baseline projections of moderately above-trend economic growth. If core PCE inflation was
clearly on its way to 2 percent, then I would see a readjustment of monetary policy toward its
long-run neutral setting as an appropriate and easy decision. I say “toward its long-run neutral
setting” because,in view of the headwinds and impediments that remain, the short-run
equilibrium federal funds rate likely is still below our longer-run assessment, and that’s like what
President Williams indicated yesterday.
The lack of building wage and price pressures is strong evidence for this hypothesis,
especially in light of our long period of low interest rates. Furthermore, inflation has been below
2 percent for many years, as Governor Brainard mentioned yesterday. Indeed, the inflation
endpoint attractor used in the Board model has been stuck near 1¾ percent for quite some time.
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This is consistent with what we see in financial markets, in which participants are clearly much
more concerned about ensuring against low-inflation outcomes than they are about above-target
inflation. I’m left thinking that forecasts that have sustainable 2 percent PCE inflation any time
soon aren’t much more than hopes, and so we need to be very careful about adjusting policy and
communication surrounding the appropriate path that normalization should take.
In my public commentary, I routinely state that the FOMC has a symmetric 2 percent
objective. Frankly, this comment is often greeted by blank stares. I can’t recall anyone saying to
me that, yes, the FOMC has clearly demonstrated a commitment to a symmetric objective. Many
see 2 percent as a hard ceiling on where we would allow inflation to go. Again,in light of our
inflation performance and public rhetoric, I understand why they think like that. This worries me
greatly. If we end this economic cycle with inflation still below 2 percent, I can’t imagine why
anyone will believe us or our future colleagues when we say our symmetric target is 2 percent.
This will be a huge problem when policy is next confronted with disinflationary forces, a zerolower-bound challenge, and the need to establish higher inflation expectations in order to lower
real rates enough and help right the economy. Our complacency today and our willingness to try
to thread the needle to get to 2 percent without any overshooting will create substantial
challenges for Committees in the future. I worry that we and our future colleagues will regret
this lack of a strong and full commitment.
At the Jackson Hole symposium, Chris Sims regaled us with an elaborate theory
indicating that only fiscally irresponsible policies could increase inflation and inflation
expectations. Although I’m unpersuaded by Sims’s highly theoretical analysis without adequate
empirical investigation that the role of fiscal policy currently trumps monetary policy for
generating higher inflation, my assessment shares one similar characteristic. In the current
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environment, moving inflation expectations from 1¾ percent up to 2 percent requires strong,
bold, and explicit policy prescriptions. I simply do not have confidence that our current expected
course of policy adjustments and our existing communications regarding that path will be
sufficient.
Alternative B leans very heavily toward a rate increase later this year. Although the
current debate is over when we make the next move, the larger issue is how we’re going to
decide on a path of rates after that. When we move, we need to think carefully about how we
will characterize the conditions for our subsequent rate increases. Again, in the current
environment, I believe achieving our target requires moving the inflation attractor up from
1¾ percent to 2 percent. I keep saying “attractor.” The Board, I understand, uses “underlying
inflation,” but that seems to bury the real concept, it seems to me. To do this, I believe we need
more explicit policy prescriptions than what we have in the current statement. When we raise
rates to the ½ to ¾ percent range, it will be important for the Committee to state explicit
conditions governing further increases. The statement needs to assure the public that this
Committee is seeking economic and financial conditions to support inflation attaining our
2 percent PCE inflation objective sustainably, symmetrically, and sooner rather than later. I
would prefer an explicit marker that core PCE inflation should be very close to 2 percent before
we move rates again. Of course, other indicators could signal this, too. Another useful explicit
marker would be continued reductions in unemployment, which presumably would help foster
tighter labor and resource conditions to boost inflation. And a third condition would be increases
in measures of inflation expectations in line with the Board’s inflation attractor moving up to 2
percent from below where it’s been stuck for quite some time.
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At the time of our next policy move, I would strongly support incorporating some
configuration of these conditions, along with continued good economic fundamentals, as markers
for guiding further continuation of the—I said “normalization process.” I agree with President
Bullard that I’m not sure what the right term is.
By the way, I sincerely hope I soon will be embarrassed by my current inflation
pessimism. It would be fantastic if I am mistaken about the difficulty we face in getting inflation
to target. I hope I’m wrong. I think this language I discussed is robust to this possibility. If I’m
wrong about inflation, then these inflation, unemployment, and expectations markers will be met
sooner rather than later, and we will appropriately be on a speedier path to increasing rates than I
now envision. That would be a very good thing. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Governor Fischer.
MR. FISCHER. Thank you, Madam Chair. Well, once again, I found Tealbook B’s
“The Case for Alternative B” very useful in developing the argument for waiting for more
evidence before deciding to raise the federal funds rate 25 basis points. However, I see the case
for going now as almost as strong as that for waiting. Or, in the words of Tealbook B, page 35, I
“judge that not much additional evidence would be needed to warrant a rate hike,” and I
therefore accept the Tealbook’s request that I so indicate in my statement.
Tealbook B’s outline of the current economic conditions and outlook points to the staff’s
real GDP forecast for the second half of the year of about 2.6 percent growth and to the fact that
they see the near-term risks to the U.S. economic outlook as roughly balanced. They note,
however, that headline inflation is likely to run below the 2 percent target. That is to say, the
staff and the draft statement of alternative B are in close agreement on the state of the economy,
both the present state and expectations of future states.
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The staff’s presentation is valuable, but I’d like to highlight a few points they make with
which I do not fully agree. First, their presentation refers to the solid average gain in payroll
employment over recent months as indicating that there have been increases in labor utilization.
But they then go on to argue that because the unemployment rate has, on net, remained constant
at 4.9 percent since the beginning of the year, there has been little increase in labor utilization. I
do not understand this argument, which does not even mention the increase in the labor force
participation rate that has taken place over the past year. And, accordingly, I judge that labor
utilization should also be regarded as a positive factor in assessing the current state of the labor
market.
In the policy strategy discussion of the case for alternative B, the staff starts by
considering the possibility that policymakers “may judge it prudent to wait for more evidence
that domestic demand will continue to grow at a moderate pace and that the labor market will
strengthen somewhat further” before raising the interest rate. They then give three arguments for
this possibility. First, while job gains have rebounded since May, the unemployment rate and
other indicators have changed little since the beginning of the year. A further wait “could allow
the Committee to better assess underlying trends in employment, productivity, and inflation.”
Second, policymakers may be leaning toward raising the interest rate, but a number of factors—
among them, slow output growth, little change in labor utilization, and low wage and price
inflation since the start of the year—may have reduced FOMC voters’ confidence in the view
that current policy provides considerable accommodation. So a wait-and-see posture might seem
appropriate.
Well, these two arguments have been deployed in the past to explain why we have
elected not to move on occasions in which the economic gestalt was similar to that of today.
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They are valid, and they are likely to remain valid. But they are doubts that, before making a
decision to take action, any serious decisionmaker has to examine and take into account and
decide that they’re not sufficiently important to prevent action.
The third argument the staff makes for being hesitant to move is that the nominal interest
rate is close to the effective lower bound, which limits the ability of monetary policy to respond
to negative shocks. My second doubt about the staff’s view is, this seems to me to be a reason,
when a decision is close, to move—to build up a policy reserve to deal with future negative
shocks. In saying that, I should add that I believe the global level of the nominal interest rate is
set primarily by the United States, and that decisions by us would have affected the interest rates
of other countries. That is to say, I think that relative interest rates would likely not have been
very different had we raised our rate on some previous occasions. This subject, the effect of our
policies on those of other countries, is one to which I believe we should give more attention at
some point in the near future. We have been taking the rest of the world into account as a
Stackelberg follower and not as a leader, and we are the leaders in the global economy.
My third doubt is, the staff then points out that a decision to maintain the current target
range would be in line with the expectations of financial market participants. This is not
convincing as a reason not to move, for it ignores the fact that the market’s expectations of what
we are likely to do is heavily influenced by the speeches of the Chair and other members of the
FOMC and by the wording of the statement. That is to say that the expectations of market
participants are, in most respects, a policy choice of the FOMC—which is to say that our
communications could have prepared the markets and the public for either decision that we were
going to make.
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Let me add a fourth point that is frequently made in favor of waiting—that we know how
to deal with high inflation if it comes. We do, but we also know that dealing with high inflation,
if it comes, requires a “tough love” approach where, unfortunately, the toughness is typically
more needed than the love. And that is what we will face if we don’t move in time.
All in all, I do not think there’s a strong case for waiting, which means that I support
alternative B and expect that if the economy continues on its current course, we should raise the
federal funds rate at our December meeting. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Kaplan.
MR. KAPLAN. Thank you, Madam Chair. In the first half of the year, we’ve seen
weakness outside the United States, particularly in China. Our GDP forecast is lower than at the
start of the year, and we’ve been making frustratingly slow progress in meeting our inflation
target. For all of those reasons and others, I’ve agreed up to now with exercising patience before
removing accommodation. I’ve also been influenced by analysis that showed that the neutral
rate is lower than it had previously been thought. And, I am a believer that the economy is not
yet overheating. I also agree that there are persistent headwinds, particularly demographics and
other global risks.
These issues need to be weighed, however, against the costs of accommodation,
particularly the cost to savers as well as the market and business imbalances that are being
created. I’m particularly and increasingly concerned about a growing trend toward use of what I
will loosely call the carry trade—people going out on the risk curve, people leveraging up lowvolatility assets to produce acceptable returns, and overallocation to risk assets by institutions
and households. As a result, time frames for risk assets are becoming shorter, and I think, as I
mentioned yesterday, that is putting increasing pressure on corporate leaders to leverage up to
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buy back stock. I think all of these financial trends can be managed, but I think we’re at the
point—if not now, then very soon—where they need to be tamped down because they will be
increasingly painful to unwind.
I’ve been in favor, as I said, of “slow and gradual,” but I don’t want “slow and gradual”
to become a stall. And I am concerned that if we don’t act today, there will be very valid reasons
that will emerge for not acting in December. On the basis of all of this—and the fact that, near
the effective lower bound, there is unlikely to be a good time to raise rates—I would prefer that
we raise the federal funds rate 25 basis points today and emphasize, using the SEP that’s coming
out, that the path of rates is likely to be historically shallow, and that the terminal rate is likely to
be lower than has been widely expected. I would emphasize that we intend to continue to be
accommodative, and that future removals of accommodation will be done only in a gradual and
patient manner.
I am concerned about FOMC credibility in that—to my eye, at least—three- and sixmonth rolling job growth numbers are in the strike zone. And the weaker ISM is a concern, but
our own model suggests that the consumer is strong and will continue to be strong for the
remainder of this year.
Given that it appears we are not going to raise rates today, I would love to see us
emphasize, as we’ve discussed, that the normalization process is very challenging, maybe more
challenging than has been widely understood, due to these persistent headwinds, particularly
aging demographics and the effects of globalization. I would emphasize that we do not have a
predetermined timetable, we do not intend to be bound by calendar considerations, we will move
when conditions warrant, and we need to see continual removal of labor slack and some greater
evidence that inflation will return to our 2 percent target in the medium term. And I would
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continue to emphasize that our tools are asymmetrical at or near the lower bound. That is, it is
much easier to tighten than to ease. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President George.
MS. GEORGE. Thank you, Madam Chair. I support alternative C. With unemployment
and inflation at or near their longer-run levels, removing some accommodation is warranted. An
increase in the funds rate is overdue, as I see it, and waiting for further evidence continues to
unwisely discount future costs in order to reap perceived marginal benefits today.
As I reflected on yesterday’s discussion, it may indeed be the case that historical
experience and relationships will not serve us well today, and that this time may be different.
I’m not persuaded that we should ignore the history, but, as others have suggested, I do think it’s
essential that we talk about the risks associated with various policy options to understand the
consequences. Understanding the risk of overshooting full employment seems particularly
important over the next year, especially if we continue a wait-and-see approach along the lines of
alternative B. Instead, if the majority of the Committee is truly convinced that r* is likely to stay
extremely low for an extended time, alternative A may, in fact, be a more honest representation
of the Committee’s intentions. We hurt our credibility by repeatedly projecting multiple rate
increases in the SEP, only to stand pat in the face of tightening labor markets and inflation
moving toward 2 percent.
In addition, alternatives B and C have nearly identical descriptions of current conditions
and the outlook, while one calls for acting at this meeting and the other signals a move is on the
horizon. This feels to me like a classic central bank trap of needing to move but not just yet in
order to see a bit more information.
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The divergence between the current setting of the funds rate and prescriptions from
simple policy rules also suggests that the Committee’s policy choices lean too much in the
direction of discretion, even after accounting for the downward revision in the longer-term
equilibrium real rate. Since June 2014, the Board staff has marked down its assumptions
regarding r* and longer-run growth. The projections in the SEP have followed, and I, too, have
marked down my assessment of r*. But if there is substantial uncertainty about the trend rate of
growth or the value of r*, surely the Committee would be well served to ground its judgments
with some kind of analytical instrumentation. For example, my understanding of first-difference
rules suggests that their use might fit well during such a time of uncertainty. Here, too,
according to the Tealbook, the Board’s version of a first-difference rule has been prescribing a
move since March of this year. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Governor Powell.
MR. POWELL. Thank you, Madam Chair. I will support alternative B. This year,
financial turmoil, weaker incoming data, and a reassessment of the neutral rate of interest have
pointed financial markets and the Committee toward a more gradual path of rate increases. That
path can and will be adjusted, either up or down, as events evolve. I believe that the
Committee’s patience through this period has paid dividends and will continue to do so.
Nonetheless, the labor market has continued to tighten, and the forecast is for output to
strengthen and inflation to continue on its path of gradual increases. If that forecast is broadly
realized, then I believe that it will be appropriate to raise the federal funds rate soon. I’ve written
down one rate increase for this year and two for next year.
It is possible, as several here have pointed out, to wait too long to move. This would put
the Committee “behind the curve” and require more aggressive action, possibly risking a
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recession. That risk increases as the unemployment rate continues to move down and labor
markets show increased signs of tightening.
For me, the time for the overshooting argument is coming but is probably not yet here for
a couple of reasons. The apparent upside surprise in labor force participation suggests that we
have more room to grow. In fact, looking back this morning, labor force participation has now
really been flat, in the high 62s, since late 2013, which represents a pretty significant three-year
gain against our estimate of the underlying downward trend. It does suggest that we may
actually be using up a margin of slack, but it also suggests, yes, grounds for humility that, in fact,
there may be more room to go.
The economy is growing just barely above trend. Inflation is below our 2 percent
objective and has been every single month since the second quarter of 2012. We’re making
progress toward 2 percent inflation, and my baseline case that we can continue to do that. But
let’s face it—it’s happening at a snail’s pace. So, for me, the balance of risks continues to call
for patience and a gradual path of rate increases, assuming the forecast is realized. Thank you,
Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. President Kashkari.
MR. KASHKARI. Thank you, Madam Chair. I am comfortable with alternative B, but I
lean toward alternative A. I prefer alternative A because I would like to see evidence of rising
inflationary pressure before tightening. In particular, I’m looking for either a sustained upward
move in core PCE inflation or evidence of rising inflation expectations or a substantial decline in
the headline unemployment rate. The discussion we had yesterday about workers coming off the
sidelines—it’s not moving the headline unemployment rate. The truth is that we don’t know
how much slack is left. It seems to me that there is still some more slack. I’d like to find out
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how much more there is. Actually, I found President Evans’s comments very consistent with my
own views.
When I saw the Tealbook and its staff forecast of core PCE inflation of 1.6 percent for
the rest of this year and for all of next year, I asked myself, “If that’s right, what would it take to
get me to want to move?” I’d want to see inflation expectations climb, or I’d want to see the
headline unemployment rate fall meaningfully, such that I had confidence that slack had actually
been taken up. Absent that, I’m starting to get persuaded by my neighbors here, President
Bullard and President Evans, that I don’t see a strong case for raising rates. Alternative A lays
down a marker that we want to see meaningful progress toward our inflation target, and I think
that that would be helpful.
Alternative B isn’t terrible, but I’m a little nervous about the language, because I do think
it signals to the market that a rate hike is coming. It may not come, and I think we all agree that
every time we put out a marker that it’s about to come and then we don’t deliver, there’s a cost to
us in terms of our credibility. So I’m nervous about alternative B being too strong in signaling a
December rate increase.
Now, some say that we need to get going to raise rates so that we don’t fall “behind the
curve.” I think each of us reads these optimal control simulations and takes what we want out of
them, because I look at them and, even in the most accommodative scenarios, the overshoot is
2.2 percent inflation. So if these things are valuable at all, I don’t see where the concern is. If
the worst-case scenario is 2.2 percent inflation, that’s less of an overshoot than we’re
undershooting right now.
Then there’s been discussion that, well, it’s better that we gradually raise rates because a
shallow path and then steep at the end is somehow more recessionary. My staff found a Board
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memo of 2014, a background memo on potential implications of alternative approaches to the
timing and pace of tightening. This memo by Board staff suggests that it’s entirely unclear that a
late and steep path of tightening is somehow more recessionary than a gradual path. So I don’t
find those arguments persuasive. I’m not saying one is right and one is wrong, but it doesn’t
appear to be clear that one is better than the other. In view of where economic growth is—it’s
pretty slow—and that inflation is definitely below target, I think we should be patient and allow
the data to come to us before we are anticipating inflation that may not come.
The last thing I’ll say is, I know this makes me sound like I’m an uber-dove or a
perma-dove. I’m not. When the data reveal themselves—when inflation actually materializes or
expectations change—I will be advocating raising rates. I just don’t see it yet. Thank you.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Governor Tarullo.
MR. TARULLO. Thank you, Madam Chair. I favor alternative B-plus or A-minus. I’m
not exactly sure which. And the reason is, I have some measure of uncomfortableness with a
couple of the elements of alternative B as written. First, the characterization of the risks as being
roughly balanced doesn’t accord with my own understanding. I think that shorter-term risks still
are modestly to moderately on the downside. While I don’t take too much signal on the basis of
the retail sales numbers because, basically, that’s stuff from stores, a decreasingly important part
of total consumption, the bouncing-around of housing permits and starts gives at least a little
pause. And, like Vice Chairman Dudley, I do put a little bit more weight on, or at least have a
little bit more concern with, the nonmanufacturing purchasing managers’ survey, particularly
because it’s a forward-looking indicator in the much larger part of the economy that’s relatively
insulated from the effect of the stronger dollar. When coupled with the apparent softness in the
total number of hours worked, as reported by the BLS, which was applicable in the service sector
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as well as the manufacturing sector, it indicates to me at least something to watch, but it’s a risk.
It’s not a reality—it’s just a risk. But I think that the “roughly balanced” is getting a little bit
ahead of ourselves.
Second, I am also a little uncomfortable with the language in paragraph 3 of alternative B
because, as many have commented, it does lean forward—perhaps not as far as some would
like—to a December rate increase. And as Presidents Bullard and Lockhart and others have
noted, in and of itself, that may raise some communication problems, but it may also raise some
issues for us of, what is it that we’re expecting to see? However, it may be the best language that
could garner a consensus,in view of the rather divergent views of people here. But I did want to
indicate that I am a little bit uncomfortable with it.
I think, by the way, the problems that Presidents Bullard and Lockhart and others have
referred to will only be exacerbated if everybody on this Committee runs out trying to influence
market expectations about later increases, because then we’re going to get into another one of
these wars of words, in which everybody goes out and gives their speeches and then sees how
much the 10-year has moved to see whether they’ve given a good speech or not. And I don’t
think that’s been particularly useful for the Committee as a whole. I feel like we’re stuck in a bit
of a collective action problem here, and I don’t know how to get out of it. But maybe the
communications subcommittee—no, I’m only kidding, Stan.
MR. FISCHER. Well, if you joined it, then—[Laughter]
MR. TARULLO. No. I was on it briefly.
For reasons I’ll explain in a moment, though, I’m not actually totally comfortable with
alternative A, either.
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I did want to say a couple of things about the discussion that’s gone back and forth, both
in part of the go-round yesterday and today. This is not exactly on the humility point, but we are
in an environment in which there’s good reason to believe that the structure and dynamics of the
U.S. economy are really quite different from what they have been in the relatively recent past
and through much of the postwar period. And what I think that indicates is the possibility that
tools and even analytic frameworks, such as various correlations among economic variables, that
were quite useful for some period of time in thinking about and setting monetary policy may
have more limited utility in the current circumstances. What, of course, goes along with that is
the idea that historical precedent becomes rather less useful, because the precedent just abstracts
a couple of things and pulls them out of the broader context in which various more important
secular forces are affecting the structure and dynamics of the economy. That first observation
counsels more openness to the idea that things may be different and thus that you don’t take
some things—whether it’s the Taylor rule or the traditional understanding of the Phillips curve or
any number of other analytical frameworks—as your presumptive path. From there—and, as I
said, this is where humility comes in—we, as policymakers, don’t then want to jump to the
conclusion of, “Ah, we now understand the way the dynamics and structure in this different
economy are actually functioning, and thus we’re pretty confident about the way in which we
will set policy.”
So that is why—and I think a number of people, even though they haven’t used the
language, and other people around the table have taken a similar approach—it seemed to me that
we have to develop at least operating presumptions that allow us to make policy decisions from
meeting to meeting. But we need to be more open than usual to the possibility that something
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different is going on than is reflected in that operating presumption. So that’s what’s led me to
what I’ve described as a pragmatic approach.
Just to be clear—and this is where my difference with alternative A comes in—what I’ve
been saying is, I would like to see more evidence that inflation would be moving toward the
2 percent target on a sustainable basis. For me, that doesn’t necessarily translate into the
inflation rate itself moving there, because I can imagine that there would be evidence of an
underlying dynamic in certain parts of the economy that suggested pretty convincingly that,
because of other things going on, inflation was going to rise. So I think, again, one can be a little
bit more open minded about what it is that would be evidence that would give reasonable
certainty, to invoke a past phrase we used, that inflation will move back to target.
And the second thing, obviously, that’s been important to me is what we discussed
yesterday, which is the comparative longer-term risk framework. By the way, let me just say it
explicitly today—boy, talk about a heterodox idea—it would be great to dispense with the
economic go-round, as conventionally done, in November and just come in prepared to have a
conversation about the set of issues that at least half a dozen or eight of us were discussing
yesterday. But I haven’t consulted with anybody beyond Presidents George and Rosengren on
this, and they didn’t even endorse it. They just said, “That’s interesting.” [Laughter]
Let’s see. Finally—notwithstanding my reservations about some of the language in
alternative B—obviously, when it comes to a vote today, I’ll vote for alternative B and do so
with the understanding that either the evidence on inflation or my understanding of that
comparative-risk framework may change between now and the next couple of meetings. So,
while I’m concerned about the degree of forward lean, I by no means foreclose the possibility
that I will be there as well later in the year. Thank you, Madam Chair.
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CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Governor Brainard.
MS. BRAINARD. Thank you, Madam Chair. I, too, want to express my appreciation for
the very thoughtful arguments that are being made on both sides, and I’ll try to provide my take
on some of these arguments.
First of all, I believe that our prudent risk-management approach has served us well this
year, supporting continued gains in employment and progress on inflation while helping to
navigate a number of risks. Several have noted that the economy is not far from the forecasts of
the Committee a year ago. I would simply point out that this has been achieved only with a very
substantial reduction in both the actual and expected policy rate path and the corresponding
adjustment in broader financial conditions.
Even so, actual progress on inflation still remains tentative, and there’s uncertainty about
how close the economy is to full employment. To me, it seems, therefore, appropriate to
continue a fairly cautious approach and wait to see confirmation of further progress on inflation
and tightening of resource constraints before removing further accommodation. Of course, as
many have noted, that policy stance contains risks. In particular, if momentum in the economy is
much stronger than the data now suggest and resource constraints start to bind more quickly than
I currently anticipate, then inflation could rise more quickly than expected. In such a
contingency, we have tried-and-tested tools and ample policy space in which to react.
Moreover, there are several features of today’s economy, today’s new normal, that might
lead us to expect that the effects of such unexpected strength in demand on inflation, and on the
economy more generally, will be somewhat more modest and require a somewhat more tempered
policy response than in the handful of historical episodes that are frequently referenced. First,
due to the experience, in particular, of the past year, it reminds us that it is possible material
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resource slack still remains, and that full employment in the wake of the severe recession might
look a bit different. Second, the recent elevated sensitivity of the exchange rate to policy
surprises suggests that an appreciating currency would play an important role in absorbing any
excess demand and restraining inflation. Third, because the neutral rate has been and likely will
be persistently low, the distance back to a neutral stance is not as great. And, finally, inflation
expectations are well anchored to the upside. Together, these factors suggest that the response of
inflation to unexpected strength in demand will likely be modest and gradual, requiring a
correspondingly moderate policy response and implying relatively slight costs to the economy.
In the face of an adverse shock, however, our conventional policy toolkit is very limited,
and thus the risk of being unable to respond adequately is greater. The experience of the
Japanese and euro-area economies should be sobering and suggests that prolonged weakness in
demand is very difficult to correct, leading to economic costs that can be considerable. In short,
in what I think of as today’s new normal, the costs to the economy of greater-than-expected
strength in demand are likely to be lower than the costs of significant unexpected weakness.
There’s another question that’s been raised that is important in this context that I wanted
to address briefly address. Some are asking whether there really is a cost to signaling that the
Committee is comfortable acquiescing in underlying inflation remaining in the 1.4 to 1.6 percent
range, which it hasn’t meaningfully exceeded over the past several years. In the “new normal,”
in which the long-run neutral rate may well be 1¼ to 1½ percentage points below the canonical
Taylor 2 percent, every ½ point reduction in our perceived inflation target reduces to an
uncomfortably tight margin the conventional policy space we have in which to respond to a
shock. For that reason, I join others in thinking it’s extremely important that we defend the
credibility of the target and make clear through our actions that there really is symmetry around
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2 percent. I agree that we would regret complacency on this front. In short, the costs of
entrenching a low-inflation, low-growth, low-expectations environment are considerable.
The asymmetry in risk management counsels prudence in the removal of policy
accommodation. I believe this approach has served us well and will continue to do so. When we
look at the language, I must say that I, too, have some concerns about locking ourselves in to
moving before the end of the year. That approach hasn’t worked so well for us previously.
Nonetheless, I also recognize there’s a large diversity of views around the table, and I’m very
comfortable supporting the Chair’s preferred formulation in alternative B. Thank you.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you. Vice Chairman.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. Thank you. I support alternative B as written, although I
do have some unease about how forward leaning it is in terms of December, because I think the
market is going to take it as making December highly likely. I’ll talk about that at the end of my
remarks. But I can certainly support it as written.
Although I agree that the case for tightening monetary policy has strengthened in recent
months as financial conditions have eased, near-term Brexit risks have receded, and the pace of
economic growth has picked up, I don’t find the case sufficiently compelling to move today for
three reasons. I think this is very similar to what the Chair said in her earlier remarks. First, the
economy is just not growing that fast. The pressure on labor utilization is increasing very
slowly, and discouraged workers are coming back into the workforce, augmenting the supply of
labor. With the unemployment rate broadly stable this year and wage gains still subdued, I don’t
see a labor market that signals there’s urgency to tighten right now. And I would really be
hesitant to keep a bunch of people out of work on the presumption that somehow we’re already
at the full-employment unemployment rate. I think that would be unconscionable.
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Second, inflation is still below our target and is projected in the Tealbook to be below our
target for some time to come. Earlier in the year, we did see core PCE inflation increase a bit on
a sequential basis, but it’s subsequently come back down. Now, before, that was just a forecast,
but I think the fact that the forecast is now being realized is significant. The core PCE price
index is moving sideways rather than upward on a year-over-year basis. I think that and the fact
that inflation has been consistently below our 2 percent objective, and the potential consequences
of that on inflation expectations, also argue for patience.
Third, monetary policy is not very accommodative. I think this is a pretty widely held
view in this room. The gap between where we are and where we judge the neutral short-term
rate, the so-called r*, to be has narrowed. I would judge that a neutral monetary policy regime
currently is likely no more than 100 to 150 basis points above where we are now. So that gap
could be closed quite quickly if we needed to do so. If the gap was larger, then I think the
economy would presumably be growing faster and there would be more work to do to move
policy back toward neutral. So if that was the case, that would push you on the side of moving
more quickly, but I don’t think that’s where we are right now.
Finally, if we mostly agree that there’s going to be only one move this year and the
debate is really between today versus December, I ask the obvious question: Why not wait to see
whether a more favorable GDP growth trend actually emerges before moving? At the end of
October, we’ll get the GDP data for the third quarter, and I think that’ll be something that you
can hang your hat on in terms of why you’re tightening monetary policy subsequently. With
inflation below our objective, I will feel less bad if it turns out a hike was justified today on the
basis of subsequent data and we move a few months later, compared with a situation in which the
economy disappoints, suggesting that we really shouldn’t have moved at today’s meeting.
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For the SEP, I’ve got one further 25 basis point rate hike for 2016, two for ’17, and three
for ’18, and that takes the federal funds rate up to 1¾ to 2 percent at the end of 2018. I’ve also
reduced my longer-run federal funds rate projection to 2½ percent from 3 percent. I think r* is
depressed relative to its historical norm of 2 percent and will remain sodue to slower productivity
growth, an aging population, and the persistence of a global savings glut. Also, I’ve become
more skeptical of the story we’ve been telling for some time, that the headwinds following the
financial crisis are likely to dissipate relatively soon. So that also feeds into my reassessment of
what the long-term federal funds rate is likely to be.
Now, in terms of language, I think we should have no illusions. The market is going to
react to what we put out today as making December highly likely. I think there are several
aspects of that that are going to push in that direction. First, I view the statement language as
stronger than what the market generally expects. If you look at the surveys of the primary
dealers and the buy side, most of them didn’t really see a lot of changes as likely occurring in the
statement. There are two changes that I think are going to be important. One is the movement of
risks to “roughly balanced.” I think people who thought that might change were more likely to
think “nearly balanced,” but “roughly,” I guess, is closer to neutral than “nearly”—by a little bit.
The second thing is, this language that the case has strengthened—I don’t think that will surprise
people. But the phrase “for the time being,” putting in the time component there, will, I think,
push in the same direction. The SEP, I think, is also going to do the work in the same direction.
All but three of us have one or two rate hikes in 2016, so it’ll be the strong sense of the
Committee that the Committee expects a rate hike this year. And the fact that we’re going to
have three dissents on the side of tightening at this meeting—three dissents is a relatively large
number of dissents. That’ll also push in the same direction.
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So I don’t think we should be surprised if the probability for December goes up. I don’t
think that’s a big problem if the data cooperate. But if the data don’t cooperate, then that’s going
to be a problem, because it’s going to be another case of raising the probability and subsequently
shrinking back from that. So I hope the data will cooperate this time. Thank you, Madam Chair.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you very much. I think we’ve had a really great discussion of
the issues and done an excellent job of identifying the key risks that we face on both sides as we
try to decide the appropriate path of policy. And I will work with the staff—before our next
meeting, I hope—to see if there’s some further work we can do to try to analyze the various risks
that have been identified here.
For today, while I recognize that there’s discomfort of all sorts in both directions with
alternative B, my proposal is to vote on alternative B as written. Brian.
MR. MADIGAN. Thank you, Madam Chair. This vote will be on the policy statement
for alternative B as included on pages 5 and 6 of Thomas Laubach’s briefing materials and on
the directive to the Desk as included in the implementation note on page 9 of those materials.
Chair Yellen
Vice Chairman Dudley
Governor Brainard
President Bullard
Governor Fischer
President George
President Mester
Governor Powell
President Rosengren
Governor Tarullo
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
No
No
Yes
No
Yes
MR. MADIGAN. Thank you.
CHAIR YELLEN. Thank you very much. Let’s see. To wrap up, let me just say our
next meeting is Tuesday and Wednesday, November 1 and 2. There are boxed lunches that
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should be available now in the anteroom, and there will, as usual, be a TV set up in the Special
Library for anybody who wants to stay—
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. For the extra entertainment. [Laughter]
CHAIR YELLEN. Yes, the live murder board. I will do my best to present a balanced
presentation.
MR. FISCHER. Madam Chair, may I raise an issue?
CHAIR YELLEN. Yes.
MR. FISCHER. For those who are going to be here four years from now, is it essential to
set the meeting just before the election?
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. You mean maybe moving it up a week?
MR. MADIGAN. We look at a lot of events and constraints in constructing the calendar.
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. The BIS, I think, is a constraint there, because the BIS
meeting typically is going to be right in front of the election. So I think the BIS is a constraint
there, Stan.
MR. LACKER. It does demonstrate our nonchalance. [Laughter]
VICE CHAIRMAN DUDLEY. I don’t think it’s a big deal, myself.
CHAIR YELLEN. Okay.
END OF MEETING
Cite this document
APA
Federal Reserve (2016, September 20). FOMC Meeting Transcript. Fomc Transcripts, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/fomc_transcript_20160921
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_fomc_transcript_20160921,
author = {Federal Reserve},
title = {FOMC Meeting Transcript},
year = {2016},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Fomc Transcripts, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/fomc_transcript_20160921},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}